Newspaper of Bedford Gazette, May 16, 1856, Page 1

Newspaper of Bedford Gazette dated May 16, 1856 Page 1
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SSV CEO. W. BOWII I\. NEW SERIES. MEMOIR OF J IMS 111 i n mi. OF PENNSYLVANIA. Adopted and published by order of the Demo cratic Stute Central Committee of Penn sylvania. The reputation of our public men constitutes an important element in the history of our country. I' cannot be too far above reproach. The example of an upright statesman during ills lifetime, is a source of pride and power to his country men, and a consoling and purifying remembrance after fie bus been gathered to bis tatbers. In James Buchanan we find a charac ter without suspicion or stain. During forty years of active and almost constant service in high political positions, he has maintained the same tranquil deportment, the same scrupulous regard for the truth, the same dignified avoid ance of corrupt compliances and combinations. The posterity of the friends among whom lie spent his youth, are living around him : and the prophecies of those, who saw the promise of his early wars, are recalled by their descendants, w ho rejoice in the maturity of his intellect, the sagacity of his statesmanship, and the long list of his public and private virtues, as the abun dant fulfilment of the predictions of their lath ers. Personal malignity has never vet inflicted dishonor upon his good name. Slander, ex fiausliess in its resources, and unsleeping in its vengeance, has failed in every attempt against him. Men contemplate Mr. Buchanan, at this day, not as one whom envy and wrong have perse cuted, but as a great public character, w ho has passed fhiotigh the fiery furnace without the smell of smoke upon his garments, and who stands out ready to submit to the test of any scrutiny into his conduct as a citizen and a statesman. The day has come which is to prove that such talents as his, such experience, such in'o-grit v, such fixed habits of wise fore cast, are essential to the great destiny fir which beseems to have been reserved hy his country men, who always demand the highest qualities ol statesmanship in (he highest position in their gill. Where, indeed, is there to be found a liv ing public man, who presents so exemplary and s-j consistent a record, running through so ma ny years ? Even among those who have depar ted the scene ol human action, there were few who could [wint to a more unbroken series of services in defence of great principles. If we Ink down the gallery of the long gone past, and ttke up the portraits of the great actors of other days, how comparatively few there are uha exhibited in their lives and in their works a it.-re conscientious and high-snulfd devotion to the doctrines of the Federal Constitution, and to the rights of the States of the American Bnion. Tl>e c-Miise of Mr. Buchanan has been neither erratic nor itregular : it has harmonized with the purest examples of the |>ast and th posent, and with all those saving doctrines which he has devotedly practised and defend ed: and whether in the House or in tire Senate ot American Congress, whether immersed in foreign relations, whether at the head of the u-.mt important department of the government under the memorable Administration of Folic, •or u In-ther reposing in the calm seclusion of his own home, his well-balanced intellect and Ins patriotic devotion to the Fnion, have always •i n displayed at the right moment, and with the ne st striking eff'.ct. Fr'gressi ve, not in the spirit of lawlessness, hut in harmonv with the steady advance of our instituti ins on this < ntinent, and our example among the nations the earth; conservative, no? in veneration '.ot aniiqnat.-d abuses, hut in sacred regard (or •• igliic which cannot he violated without destroy ing the fundamental law: lie fails in no single emeu! of public usefulness, political ortho doxy, ( ,r-personal character. Such is the im ; insiion mu'ie upon those who study the histo ity, jxihlic and private, of James Buchanan : such the (oncliwve answer which the open and spotless volume of his career makes to all who have conceived it rwcessary to attack his emi nent deserving# and hi* lofty raparit'ns. Mr. Buchanan is in llse sixtv-fifth \ear of his age,and in the vigor of health, intellectually and ■physically. He was barn in the County "f Ft s irk tin, in the Stale of Pennsylvania, of i<in*st and industrious parent*, and may truly i" 1 called the architect <>f his own fortunes. Hiving received a good education, lie studied the profession of the law, in the County of Lancaster, in the same State, which lias ever since tieen his home. In 18 IT and lSlf> he M-as elected to the State Legislature, where he '■ -'inguished himself by those exhibitions of tajellect which gave promise of future emi nri\ce. In lis profession, during many suc ceeding wars, he rose to the highest class of |e .ilt! minrts, and t a ,pe< iod wlieti Pennsylvania .'•nuM ho;id of her "Baldwins. her Gibsons, her !t s'>, her Duncan.®, her Brecken ridges, her I dgtmiarw. her Hopkinse#, iier Jenkinses, her BaHase*,and her Seni-pte*, he .was pre(*ared for she straggles of the future, and soon became .conspicuous among those who had but few equals in (heir own time#, and whose fame M ••till cherished among cur unmt agreeable recol lection*. At this day, after more .than half a century*! -rd> rcourse as man and hoy with the people of hi< innre immediate district, and with the peo t'le of Pennsylvania : after having figured t-'tuminenlly in the conflict with partjes-: alter ■axing shared the confidence of successive H>-;nocratc administrations; after having con "fdiuted his energies to the overthrow of politi cal heresies without iKimti-r, he might leave case to thousands and tens of thousand*, who uaie at various times antagonized his opinions, ""t now, with the annals of his life before them, -^tand r.-adv to pay their trihute to Ids consis tency and integrity as a public man, bv uniting '• "h his political friends in placing him in the P- r vt;jyyiijjl chajr' What nobler m.uiyjjprijt could be raised in commemoration of an}* A merican patriot ? What more significant refu tation of all the accusations of heated part}' combatants? What more conclusive proof could be given to the nation at large of the fit ness atul merits of a statesman w ho, after such a lifetime, finds his indorsers in the hearts of the people among whom he has always lived, and his warmest supporters among men who have for more than forty years stood in opposition to his opinions ? It is said that the grave covers ail, that ma lignity halts at the portal? of the tomb, and that lioni its peaceful bosom spring flowers of rec onciliation and forget fulness of all e\i! passions. Those who now mourn over the humble yet ini inoital grave of Jackson, rarelv think of the calumnies which pursued him like so many un sleeping furies during his lifetime. In the uni versal homage paid to his memory, which rises forever like incense to the skies, how seldom we recall the bitter epithets with which tie was attacked during his illustrious career ! And vet that he lens attai ked, and that he was persecu ted almost beyond parallel, is so. Hut he outli ved detraction, and long be tore he passed to his final account, most of his enemies were trans lated into friends. We inav say of James Bu chanan, that, although still in the strength of public, usefulness, he too has outlived detrac tion. and that the echoes of slander which sound up from the deep oblivion to which the accusa tions upon his character have been consigned, fall faintly upon the ear of the present genera tion. In the long catalogue of his public ser vices and private virtues, we lose sight ot the false charge of the pe mortal fie, in the lumi nous arid splendid aggregate of the patriotic character which he would impugn I In 18*20, James Buchanan w as elected to the House of Representatives, and retained his |>o sition in that body for ten wars, voluntaiily retiring after the first Congre-s under the ad ministration of Andrew Jaekson. He was the w arm and the ardent defender of the Adminis tration of Mr. Monroe, the active opponent of the administration of John Qtiincv Adams, and the consistent and trusted friend of Andrew Jackson. The proceedings show that while he retained a seat in the popular branch of Con gress, he took a prominent part in the debutes on ail public questions. As early as 1813, lie enterfained opinions hostil-* to the constitution ality of the Hank of the United States, and in the fierce struggles which ensue J upon tie- e lection of the hero of New Orleans, he was a d ist inguished c hanipion of the Democratic party. Probably the most interesting part of Mr. Buchanan's history, was his early and effective support of Genera! Jackson foi the Presidency, lie was one of the first advocates of the hereof New Orleans. More than thirtv years ago, as a member of the House of Representatives of tfie I "nited State?, he was recognized as among the most active and devoted friends of Jackson. Distinguished for his eloquence an! judgment, even in that period of his life, he contributed greatly to produce the state of feeling which af terwards put General Jackson forward as the Democratic candidate, Pennsylvania taking the lead. Before the House of Representatives of the i :iited States proceeded to elect a Presi dent (the people hac ing failed, in IX*2L to make a choice) Mr. Buchanan opposed, with indig nant eloquence, the motion to sit with cl sed doors While that duty was being discharged hy the representatives of the American people. He said February 2. IS'J.o : '•He protested against going into a secret con clave, when the House should decide tliis a 11- important question. "W hat are the consequences," said Mr. P., "which will result from closing the doors of the galleries ? We should impart to th-- election an air of mystery. We should give exercise to the imaginations of the multitude, in conjectu ring that scenes are enacted within this hall. Busy rumor, with her hundred tongues, will circulate reportsof wicked combinations and e rnpfions, which have no existence. Let the people sec- what we are doing. Let them know that it is neither more nor less ;han putting our ballots info the boxes, and th•• v will soon be come satisfied of the spectacle and retire." When tlie memorable struggle of 1828 came on, Mr. Buchanan was prominent in the con test. Indeed, he was so conspicuous that the opponents of Jackson bestowed a full share of the bitterness reserved for the old hero upon his efficient and faithful friend. Mr. Buchanan cam-- into the House of Representatives for the last i iine in 1829. It was during this session that he displayed those eminent qualities which proved him to he one of the ablest constitution al lawyers in the country : and in a b >dv ot which such statesmen as MrDutfie, Wickliffe, and others- were members, Mr. Buchanan was selected as Chairman of the Committee of the Judiciary, a duty for which he had been well prepared in the debates which had taken place in former sessi ins, between Mr. Clay, Mr. Cal houn. Mr. Lowndes, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Bu chanan himself, and others equally eminent. When the celebrated case of Judge Peck, of Missouri, came up before the House, Mr. Bu chanan win, the leading spirit in conducting the impeachment of that functionary. The House of Representatives, having heard the ti lde arguments on both sides, decided to present to the Senate art idea of impeachment against Judge Peck, and they elected by ballot. May 30, 18:30, five managers to conduct the im peachment on the part of the Hor.se. They were, James Buchanan, ot' Pennsylvania, Hen ry R. Stores, of New Vurk, C.Vorge MoDnHie, of South Carolina, Ambrose Spencer, of New York, and Charles tVickiiffe, of Kentucky. The display before the Senate << i (hot celebra ted trial, fjrms a most instructive jwe in histo ry. M essrs. William Wirt and Jonathan Mer edith appeared forjudge peck, and on the "part of the managers, Mr. Buchanan closed (he ar gument in a speech of great length and profound ability and research. Jt is still quoted as one of the most masterly expositions of const it ut jojjr al law on fhe public /; cords. FRIDAY MORNING, BEDFORD, PA. MAY 16', 185(j. After retiring from Congress in 1831, he re ceived from General Jackson, unsolicited, the tender ot the mission to Russia. He accepted that mission. How he discharged its grave du ties, the archives of the legation and of the Slate Department will show. Among other acts, he rendered the country important and valuable services, by negotiating the first com mercial treaty between the United States and Russia, which secured to our commerce the fiorts of the Baltic and Black Sea,and insured to us a valuable and continually increasing trade. What reputation he left behind him, those who succeeded liirn are willing to attest. The chaste and manly tribute to his splendid abilities, at St. Peleishutg, paid during the pri c -dings of the Convention, which assembled on the 4-th of March, 1856, by his immediate successor ;n the American legation,at that court, tile Hun. l\ ii liain H ilkins, shows something of the habits and capacities of Mr. Buchanan. Shortly alter Mr. Buchanan's return Irnm the iiw-siati mission, the D-u.ociats in ttie Leg islature ot Pennsylvania made him their candi date tor the I'oiled States Senate, and elected him. He remained in the Senate fiom the Clh <d December. IS3+, tmtil his resignation, March 3d, 184b, having been twice re-elected during that period nl time. It i< trot necessary to re capitulate the distinguished services rendered by our great Statesman, in the highest legislative body on earth, so well and so widely are they remembered. In the debate on the admission of Arkansas and Michigan : in his opposition to the designs of the abolitionists : in hi< resistance and exposure of the schemes of the Bank of the I oiled Stales, afier it had been transferred to Pennsylvania, as a vast political moiued monop oly ; in bis opposition to a profuse expenditure ot ttie public revenue, for the creation oi an tut necessary public debt : a government hank of discount, circulation and deposit, under the British name of Exchequor ; a substitution of paper money for the consitulional currency of silver and gold ; the surrender of M'Leod upon the insulting demand ol England ; the unjust distribution of the public revenue, to the Slates ol this Confederation : in his courageous hostili ty to special legislation, no matter how conceal ed :Ue co-operated with Wlight, Woodbury, Benton, K ing, Linn, and other leading Demo crats ol that day. As Chairman ol the Com mittee on Foreign Relations, during a series ol years, in the Senate of the I nited States, he sustained the honor of the nation, by bis unan swerable demonstration of the rigid of each State to punish a foreign murderer, who, in time of peace, kills an American citizen upon its own soil. His masteilv expositions ol our unquestionable title to ttie .Northeast Itouiulatv line, were upheld by the decisions of Congress, ami he won high honor for his opposition to a treaty which gave a large |>orti'<iiol the Am-iv ican territory to a foreign government. He was the advocate of a liberal and enlightened policy in regard to the public lands'. During ttie memorable extra session of one hundred days, when the opponents of the Democracy, in the Senate of tile United Slates, lla i resolved to push through a series of high federal mea sures, beginning with ttie Bank ot the United States, and ending with the bankiupt law, Mr. Buchanan was constantly in his seat, and was frequently put forward as the leader of his pat ty, in ceitain trying emergencies. An early am! a fervent advocate of (lie annexation m i'eNa-, he signalized his career in that body by giving bis views on that important question to bis countrymen, in a speech ol unsurpassed a bility and power. It is hardly necessary to go over Mr. Bu chanan's record, to show how true lie has Keen on all thr.se great questions involving the rights of ttie States ami the rights' ot the citizens- of the States. On those delicate questions which tried mi manv Northern men, and which lost to ttie Democratic partv ol the country some ot its most prominent leaders, who would not follow the doctrine of State rights to its just and logi cal conclusion, Mr. Buchanan was found un wavering and decided. In the exciting debate during the Congress of 1H36, on the subject of circulating incendiary documents through the mails oi the United States. Mr. Buchanan spoke repeatedly in support of the Message of Mr. Van Buren. demanding the interference of the Na tional Legislature to prevent the dissemination of appeals among the slaves of the South to rise in servile insurrection against the people of that quarter ol the country , and on the question ol the abolition of slavery in the District of Co lumbia, Mr. Buchanan used the following em phatic language ; •'What is now asked bv these memorialists ? That in this district of ten miles square—a Dis trict carved out of two slavehoiding Slates, and surrounded bv them on all sides, slavery shall tie abolished! What would be the etfe<t of granting their request? You would thus erect a cita hi in tile very hearts of these States, up on a territory which they have ceded to you fir a far different purpose, Iron; which Aboli tionists and incettdiaris could securely at tack ihe peace and safety avf their citizens. You establish a K iot within the s'aveholdiiig States which would be a city of refuge for tun away slaves. You neate by law a central point from which trains of gunpowder may he securely laid, extending into the surrounding States, which may at anv moment produce a tearful and destructive explosion. By passing such a law, yon introduce the enemy into tile very bosun ofthese two States, and affoid him every opportunity to produce a servile insur rection'. Is there any reasonable man who can for one moment suppose that A irginia and Ma ryland would have ceded the district of Colum bia to the United States, if they had entertained the slightest idea that Congress would ever use if for any sttch purpose ? They Ceded it tor vour use, for your convenience, and not lor their own d est met ion. When slavery ceases to exist under the laws ot Virginia and Maryland, then, and not till then, ought it to be abolished in the District of Columbia." When, at the same session of Congress the Freedom of Thought and Opinion.

two bills were reported, admitting: the territo ries of Michigan and Arkansas as States into the American Union, Mr. Buchanan was selected as the Northern Senator who should present the hill admitting Arkansas, and advocate it before the Senate, which he did with signal ability, and Mr. Benton was chosen as the Southern Senator who was to piesent and advocate the bill admitting Michigan into the Union. Du ring (lie exciting debates on these issues, Mr. Buchanan spoke repeatedly. He took the broad ground that the people of the territory, having formed a Republican Constitution, after the mo del ol'the other States, could be and should be admitted into the Union irrespective of slavery, and thai Congress should nut interfere to pre vent their admission for any such reason as is now urged against the admission of Kansas. It was dining 'lie debate on the admission of Mi chigan that he used these memorable words, on the tirt of April, IS3G, in his place as a Sena tor for Pennsylvania : "The older I grow, the more lam inclined io be wind, is culled a State rights' man. The peace and security of this Union depend upon giving to the Constitution a literal and fair con struction, such as would be placed upon it by a plain, intelligent man, and not by ingenious constructions, to increase the powers of this government, and thereby diminish those of the States. Th- lights of the States, r*served to them by that instrument, ought ever to be held sacred. ]), then, the Constitution leaves to them to decide according to their own discre tion, unrestricted and unlimited, who shall be electors, it follows a- a necessary consequence that they may, if they think proper, confer up on resident aliens the right of voting," \.c.. &c., And at the same time, in the verv sairte speech from which the above is copied, he made the follow utg eloquent allusion to the a dopted citizens : "The territory ceded by Virginia to the Uni ted States, was sufficiently extensive for an im mense empire. The parties to this compact of cession contemplated that it would form five sovereign States of this Uni n. At that early period, we had just emerged from our revolu tionary struggle, and none of the jealousy was then felt against foreigners, and particularly a gninst Irish foreigners, which now appears to haunt some gentlemen. There had then been no attempts made to get up a native American partv in this country. The blood of the gal lant Irish had flown freely upon every battle field i;i defence of th" liberties which we now enjoy. Besides, the Senate will well recollect that the ordinance was passed before the adop tion otOur present Constitution, and whilst the power of naturalization remained with the sev eral States. In s me, anil perhaps in all of then., it required so short a residence, and so little trouble to 'oe changed from an alien to a citizen, that the process could be performed with >nt the least difficulty. I repeat that no jealousy whatever then existed against foreign ers." After the splendid campaign of 1844, which resulted in the election of Mr. Polk, to which result Pennsylvania, led by Janes Bkchanan, contributed her electoral vote, the President elect, casting his eye over the long rollof Dem eratic Statesmen then living, weighing the claims and'qualifications of each and all, pro finudlv sensible ol the exciting questions which must come up for adjustment during his admin istration, and alter consulting the venerable sage then in the sunset of life in the shades of the Hermitage, invited Mr. Buchanan to accept the portfolio ol the State department, the head of Ins cabinet : and in I*4 >, Mr. Buchanan re signed his sent in the Senate (to which he had only lately been r< -elected,) and became Secre tary of State, under President Polk. Nor is it necessary that we should recapitulate his servi ces in that department. They are fresh and fa miliar in all minds. His argument in favor of the clear ami unquestionable title ol the Ameri can people, to all Oregon, won lor him the ap plause ol the whole liberal world, nod was pub lished in several languages in Europe. The State papers on other great questions, proceed ing fioui his pen during the four years lie ie mained in the department ol State, were so many contributions to the column which cele brates his eminent fitness, and his unsullied in legiiiy . When the Wilmot Proviso vvas intro duced into Congress, it was James Buchanan who at once denounced, and exposed and railied tlm Democracy against it. It was (hiring the administration of Mr. Polk, that Mr. Buchanan, in his letter to the Democ racy ot Berks count v, I'a., first recommended to the North and South, that the Missouri lire should he extended to the Pacific, and that this should be made the basis ol the linal settlement of the slavery question in the territories. The war with Mexico, consequent on the annexa tion of Texas, gave us a vast empire iu addition to theareu wtiich constitutes our beloved Union, and in the argument growing out ol the ac quisition of California, Mr. Buchanan la bor- d <arnestlv and effectively on the side ol piogr- ss. Mr. Buchanan's letter on this subject is of record, and speaks for itself. It is easy to recall the v irtuperation which bis proposition to extend the Missouri line called l oth from the fanatics ol tlm North, from those who now clamor tor its restoration, and who in insane forge (fid n ess oftheir hostility to it a few years ago, set themselves up a> its peculiar cham pions. Mr. Buchanan's recommendation of an exten sion of the Missouri line was far in advance of public sentiment. It w a.> hailed in the South by ail patties as an exhibition ol firmness only too rare among Northern men, and it was ap preciated by 11 e truly national men of the fn-e States. Would it not be strangely unjust, if this pro|Kjsal ot Mr. Buchanan should now he tiled to prove him unsound upon exi-tmg issues ' Th- spirit which actuated Mr. Buchanan in 1547, when he wrote his letter.recommending tlieextension of the Missouri line, was to pro mote haimony tpiiong the Stales of this Union, by recognizing the principle of equality among the Slates, in regard to the common territories of the people [ and now, when the Missouri line has been superseded by another plan of set tlement, the Nebraska-Kansas Act, based upon the same sentiment of State equality, ail patriot ic men will cheerfully abide by and vigilantly maintain it against the inioads of that abolition fusion which once more threatens to assail the constitutional rights of the South. The country will find, among its public men, no truer or firmer advocate and defender of that great prin ciple of popular sovereignty, as embodied in the Nebraska bill, than James Buchanan. Mr. Buchanan remained hi connexion with Mr. Polk's administration until March 4th, 1849, when tie once more returned to Pennsyl vania, and from that period up to the election of the present enlightened Chief Magistrate, he engaged liiinseit in pursuits congenial to a states man of large and extended expei ience. The conflict between the enemies of the Constitution and the Democracy, did not find him an iiie spectator. He was in the fore fmnl of tiie De mocratic party, demanding tor the S -uth no hollow and hypocritical platform, but a broad, radical, distinct recognition of those rights, which cannot be equal, unless they are shared honest I v and fairly between the people of all sections of the Union. Every w lieu , the De mocracy of his State felt arid followed his wise and patriotic counsels. When he emerged tro-n his quiet home, it was to demand the re cognition of ail the guarantees ol the Constitu tion to all the States. His letters and speeches in favor of the enforcement or the fugitive.slave law—in favor of the repeal of the laws of Penn sylvania, enacted lor the purpose of depriving the Southern citiz-n ol the use < four jails for the safe-keeping ol i.is iugitives, and his appeals to the Democracy of the State never to yield to sectionalism, conclusively show that he had not forgotten his duty to great principles, and that his attention was constantly fixed upon the im portance of discharging that obligation. He was as vigilant in his duties as a private in the ranks of the people, as he was prominent as a counsellor in tbe( abinel and as a Representa tive and a Senator in Congress. During the Presidential contest io lSr>2, Mr. Buchanan stood in the van of the Democratic tanks. The following remarkable passages from his speech delivered to a muss meeting of the Democracy of Western Pennsylvania, on the 7th of October, 1552, at Greensburg, West morland county, are so characteristic of the man and his opinions, that we do nut hesitate to copy them. Remember that, at no time, did lie ever yield a jot or tittle to sectionalism.— He was against it instinctively, and from the start. He said : "From my soul, I abhor the practice of ming ling ii]> n-ligion with |>olitics. The doctrineoi all (Hir Constitutions, both Federal ant! State, is, that every man has an indefeasible right to wor ship his Co.! according to the dictates of his own conscience, lie is both a bigot and a ty rant, who would interfere with that sac ted right. When a candidate is before the people lot of fice, the inquiry ought never to he made, what form of religious faith lie possesses: hut only, i:i the ionguage of Mr. Jefferson, Is lie honest, is he capable?* " 'Democratic Americans! What a name for a Native American party! When all the records of our past history prove that Ameri ca:! Democrats have ever opened wide their arms to receive foreigners fly ing from oppres sion in their native lane!, arid have always Ire stowed upon them the rights of American citi zens, after a brief peiiod of residence in this country. The Democratic paitv have always gloried in this policy, and its fruits have been to increase our population and our power, v* ith unexampled rapidity, and to turnish our count ry with vast numbers- of industrious, patriotic and useful citizens. Sure! v The name of 'Dem ocratic Americans' was an unfortunate designa tion for the Native American party. "The Native American party, an 'American excellence,' and the glory of its foundership, belongs to George Washington ! No, fellow cit izens, the American people will rise up with one accord to vindicate the memory of that il lustrious man from such an imputation. As long as the recent memory of our revolutionary struggle remained- vividlv impressed on the hearts of our countrymen, no such party could have ever existed. The recollection of Mont gomery, La Fayette, I)e Kalb, K<>cinsco, and a long list of foreigners, both officers ami sold iers, who freely shed their blood to t>-cure our liberties, would have rendered such ingratitude impossible. Our revolutionary army was filled with the brave ami patriotic natives of their lands ;. and George Washington was their com mander-in-chief. Would lie have ever closed (lie door against the admission of ibreignyrs to the rights of American citizens ! Let his acts speak for themselves. So early as the 20th of March, 1790, General Washington as President ot the Fnited States, approved the first law which ever passed Congress on the subject of naturalization : and this only required a resi dence ot two years, previous to fh - adoption of a foreigner as an American citizen. On the 29th of January, 1795. the term of residence was extended hv Congress to five years, and thus it remained throughout General Washing ton's Administration, and until the acc-ssion of John Adams to the Presidency In his admin istration, which will ever be known in history as the reign <>l terror, as the era of alien and s ilition laws, an Act was passed on the ]Sth of June, 1795, which prohibited any foreigner from becoming a citiz~n until after a residence of fourteen years, and this is the law, or else, perpetual exclusion, which General Scott pre ferred, and which the Native American party HOW desire to lestflre. "The Presidential election of 1800 secured the ascendency of the Democratic part v, and un der the Administration of Thomas Jetii rson, its ereat apostle, on the 1-Jth of April. 180-, the term ot residence previous to naturalization, was restored to five years, what it had heett utv TEUMB, S3 PER YEAR. VOL XXIY, NO. 37. j der General Washington, and where It has ever since remained. N o, fieliow-citixens, the Fatti er of his Country was never a Native American. This' American excellence'.never belonged la him. ) "The Fugitive Slave Taw is all the South has obtained in this compromise of 1850. ft is a hnv founded bath upon the letter anu the spir it of the Constitution, and a similar law has exisUjd on our statute books ever since the Ad ministration of Gen. Washington. History teaches us that but j',r tlw provision in favor of fugitive slaves, onr present Constitution never would have existed. Think ye that the South will ever tau.ejv surrender the fugitive slave law to N irtbern fanatics arid Abolitionists. "And now, fellow citizens. what a glorious j party the Democratic fairly has ever been Man is but the being of a summer's day, whilst principles are eternal. The gem-rations of mor tals, on- after the other, rise and sink, and ate (org-ill en, but the principles of Democt acy, which we have inherited from our revolutiona ry fathers, u ill endure to bless mankind through out all generations. Is there any Democrat within the sound of my voice, is there any Democrat throughout the broad limits of good ami great old Democratic Penttsvlvania, who will abandon tinsacred principles for the sake of f -Bowing in the train of a military coc eti.-roi, anrl shouting fir the hero of Lundy'a Lane, C rro Gordo, and Chapoltepec.'' And wfmn (lie campaign resulted in triumph, President Pierce tendered to Mr. Buchanan lie fading foreign mission, which was accepted. Circumstance.- hate transpired, within the last few years, to make the American mission toth" Court oi St. Jane s singularlv important, and it lias happi tied that duiing Mr. Buchanan s stay in London, several great quest in-, of a vexa tions and complicated character have disturbed the intercourse b< tween the two countries. — However important to both the cultivation of (otilinued peace and good will, the fact that Great Britain sees our growing progress with jealoiislv and alarm, and the fact that we behold her priifrmnticnl interference upon this Conti nent wherever an opportunity is presented to her. with indignation, render our relations with Great Britain of the most delicat" character. — The verv intimacv of our business connexions, constituting, as it does, the c rd which binds us tog- tber, is apt, moreover, to come in conflict with political considerations, and the commer cial attraction, so to speak, thr ws into danget ous neighborhood English ambition on the un hand and American progress on the other. It lias become proverbial that the selection of a wise, able and experienced man to represent the United States at the British Court, is one of the first duties of an executive, hardly secondary to the selection of its own chiel cabinet minis ters, because the English mission is always, ir tensively important to the immediate interests of our people. During the li ving lime_of Mr. Buchanan's mission, ti-e whole nation seem to have become impressed with the importance ami justice of these observations, 'i iiey felt that in the American n hosier tiiey had a man upon w hose saf - charade! and wise counsels thev could confidently lean. Their t-ves w ere constantly fixed upon him. Every steamer brought news occasioning the -greatest anxiety to tbe commercial and other classes. On more than on- occasion collision seemed to be inevi table, but every panic j a-s-c; of;'. The corre spondence of Mr. Buchanan, such of it as has been published, exhibits on his part a vigilance, a discretion, an industry, and at the same time a dignity o: character, that have made his name a favorite name in every section of our beloved f 'nion. ]n the later troubles which have giV en rise to so much excitement and discussion in Congress anil the country, Air. Buchanan box towered in all the dignity of his high character and intellectual superiority. He w ill leave bis |>o.xt to give vvav to his successor, having estab lished ienevved kind relations between the two countries, and having fixed upon the ImaMs rd the English people the impress of a republican character, which has never, for a single mo ment, yielded its simplicity ami its truth to ar istocratic blandishments. ConiteJand flattered during his stay, h- studiously abstained fiom paving ti ibute tu English vanity. In all circh s, and on all occasions, liedLplayed his American dignity and his American patriotism. Never giatiiit.oiis!v obtruding his country ot hT advan tages, l>e never hesitated tu speak of her as one speaking of his parent; nor was he ever actua ted hv any spirit of offensive partisanship. As he came so be go^s, thesjine plain, untitled, un pieteiidiiig American citizen. The highest clas ses vi. ;1 with each other to do him honor: and oil a recent occasion, when the news of a tineat ened collision between the two countries alarm ed tin* people of both, his presence among the [lopulice of London was greeted with cheers, an evidence that, however paries may intrigue, one honest, straightforward patriot is sure to hold a high place in the affections ot the mas ses. One great reason why Mr. Buchanan's name is at this moment so acceptable to his country men is. because be stands before them, not mere ly as an unim ntiy capable, but as an eminently safe man. In the growing greatness of our re public, its increasing irr.pm lance, commercially and ]x>liticjllv, its extended and extending re lations with other powers, not to speak ot the efibrts of reckles j agitators against tlie Constitu tion, and ail the security and guarantees of our domestic safety and tranquility, we see the evi dences thai such a man would be able to confer signal bene tils upon the American people in the Presidential Chair. For the first time in many years we behold in the person of James Buch anan, a statesman who combines the rare quali ty of having been among the very first, in every emergency, to take the must progressive view of every great question, and yet ot being able to preserve, in the midst of such emergencies, the bearing, and to exercise the influence of a saga cious and well-poised democratic statesman. — It is tliis combination of"elements which has a wakened in hub iia'f the lavorajle sentiments