Newspaper of Bedford Gazette, August 1, 1856, Page 1

Newspaper of Bedford Gazette dated August 1, 1856 Page 1
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BY GEO. W. BOU MA V. NEW SERIES. Gcl cc t }Jo ct r ij. V, * - '•.. J For the Daily Pennsylvanian. Di*iinioia. A Paraphrase of" Byron's Dream—"Darkness." 1 hail a dream, which vva< not all a dream : The I'nioti was dissolved ; and all our stars ]);,) wander darkling o'er a bloody field, Havless and pathless; and our hapless land swuim blind and maddened in the roar of factions. Morn came arid went, and came—and brought no hope, \nd men forgot their passions, in the dread Ol' this, their desolation ; and ail hearts Were chilled into a selfish prayer for life. The brows of men in the mute despair, Wore an unearthly aspect, as by fits The fia-bes fell upon them ; some lay down And be!d their eyes and wept: and some did rest Their chins upon their clenched hands, and smiled; And others hurried to arid fro, and fed Their funeral fires with fuel, and looked up With mad disquietude to the dull sky I '.he pall of t!il past world ; and then again With curses cast them down upon the dust Ami gnashed their teeth and howled. .hoi vor, which for a moment vast no more, J > in' i-l nt himself again; a meal was bought With blood, and each sate silently apart fiorgiig himself in gloom; no lore vox left Anil theie wa* hut one fear, and that wa* death, i.mnrjiate and inglorious : and the pang Of famine fed upon all entrails; men Died, and their bones were totnldes" as their flesh; The nmagre by The meagre were devoured ; V.veu dox assailed their masters! The crowd was famished by degrees, hut tiro Of an enormous rity did survive; These were twin monsters, GRKEI.EY and BENNETT; T had been foes; they met beside '!' ,• dying embers of an ulfar-place ti ere bad been heaped a mass of holy things or an unholy usage; they raked up. Hid sh vering scraped with their cold skeleton hands, . The fee hi e a-hes, and'their feeble breath blew for a little life; and made a flame Which was a mockery; then thpy lilted up i'iieir eyes as it grew lighter, and beheld Varb other's aspects—saw, and shrieked, and died ! I I'.r-n of their mutual hideonsnesx they died ~n/. miring who he was upon whose hrow had written fiend. The land was void— fhe populous and the powerful was a grave— The grave of hope—the tomb of liberty. I 'rivers, lakes, and ocean, were deserted ; '■ p= sailorless lav rotting at the wharves, > I their ma-ts jV-H down peace-meal; as they drop'd, They sl. pt on the abyss without a snrgp. < cnmprre was dead ; patriots in their tombs; freedom'' their idol, had expired before. Ojr flag was withered in ibe poisonou- air, I" m p-s eias-ert, its glorious stars were quenched, i / <ll uum had no need of aid from them ' SUE aws THE UNIVERSE! hr. Bnin.vw ami the b aii or isi>. Some of the opposition papers are republish- i itigan oration alleged to have been delivered ' y .Mr. Buchanan on the -I th of July, IN I ft, mi he is false!v accused of having opposed the mi if IS 12. In lSf7. after he was appoint -1 1 Secrelarv of Slate by Mr. Folk, a similar charge was made against liiin in Tennessee, of which lie was informed by Hon. George W. "•<. a leading member of the present Con- ■ gn-ss from that Stale. Mr. Buchanan repli d v the follow ing letter, which so clearly covers . the whole ground, that ail necessity lor further j fannment is precluded : U A-II!\<.TON, April '23, l y l7. MVF. AR Sttt :—I have this moment receiv- • • v >ur biter of the lfith inst., and hasten to Mum an answer. ia one respect I have been fortunate as a ; I • r man. My political enemies are obliged | ' ack fr more than thirty veat* to find i • 1 i J • w |O : M I" charges against ME. hi 181-1, when a very young man, (being j ' ■-1! iv :i(i years of age,) 1 made my first pub- j :ii ■-'• .'fh before a meeting of my fellow-citi- j l ""s 'if Lancaster. 'I lie object of this speech ' 'ia,' ) urge upon them the duty of volunteer-| ing tiu-ir services in def.-nce of their invaded j "dry. A volunteer company was raised up- ; ( spit, in which I was the first, I believe,! !l t t-rmy name as a private. We forthwith j I tceeded to Baltimore, and served until we i u , re ! onorably discharged, la October, IS I I, 1 was elected a member ofj • I' l ntisylvania Legislature ; and in that body j "v.v my support to every measure calculated, ! 'i my opinion, to aid the country against the common enemy. 1 ! lHl.n, after peace had been concluded, I ' i" - xpr -s opinions in relation to the causes and j te.uct of the war, which I verv soon alter ' and recalled. Since that period 1! ■ ve been ten years a member of the S"nate. j :t! "ig a part on every great question. My po : 'cal enemies, finding nothing assailable thro'- i "Hiis long public career, now resort hack to ! ■ >' youthful years fur expressions to injure my ! ideal character. The brave and generous! Tennessee, to whatever party thev i iv belong, will agree that this is a hart! meas en' justice, and it is still harder that, for this -ci they should condemn the President for iV| ng voiuntarily offered me a seal in his Cab met. | I neyp- deemed it proper, at any period of ■f ute, whilst the country was actually enga - in war with a foreign enemy, to utter a which could interfere with its suc ' SMUI prosecution. Whilst the war with Great ■ ain was raging, I should have deemed it lit— ! belter than moral (reason (o paralyze the 'l the government whilst dealing blows a - a inst the enemy. After peace was concluded, ■'rase was then different. My qnemies can " r'bint to an expression uttered by me during ' titinuance of the war, which was not fa > - a HP to its vigorous prosecution. Rom your fri'-nd, very respectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN. , ( THE l OREKiiA VOTE. It is evident that a desperate effort is now ! making hv the Fremont men to secure the Ger man and Irish vote. Not only have we daily instances of offers of advancement and promi | ses of substantial reward held out by our oppo- j nents to leading Get man presses and individu ] als ; but we do not pick up a solitary newspa- ! ! per devoted to the Fremont interest, which does ! not contain an appeal to foreigners, as such, in j j some shape. In one it is in the form of comments : jon the Herbert homicide. In another it is the < ! announcement of tlie nartie of some distinguish- 1 J ed German speaker that lias recently declared j | himself in favor of Fremont, and in still anoth- • ! er it assumes the form of a hypocritical eulogy 'of the German character. The coolest and i ! most barefaced attempt of this kind which we j have seen, was the announcement contained in ; the programme of the Know Nothing meeting j j on Tuesday last, that a Mr. Neuber would ad- j dress the audience in the German language. j When we reflect that the persons w tio make j such appeals, were mostly devoted friends of j Gen. Scott four years ago, it is certainly not in consistent that they should manifest so much j fondness tor the " rich brogue and the sweet j j German accentbut unfbrUinately for tliese j gentlemen, the record of their political career presents some few' facts since ISo 2, that are ol I some liftle importance in the question of the ! validity of their claim to the foreign vote. In 1554- the secret political combination known as the Know-Nothing or American or- ; ganization sprang up in this country, and grew j with astonishing rapidity. The principles! which it maintained, were, in its own lan- j gunge, hostility to foreign influence and eccle siastical power; in plain terms, however, and in point of practical operation, its avowed ob jects were to increase the period, of residence | requisite for naturalization to twentv-one years, I to exclude all naturalized citizens from holding j office, and toostiacise all members of the C'ath- I it*. Church. The first great achievement of the party was the election of If. T. Conrad as. Mayor of consolidated Philadelphia am! gain ing possession of tlie municipal government of | that city. As Mayor Conrad is tlv same per- i • son who advocated the nomination of Fremont j and Johnston lately in the New Yoik Conven tion, and who was announced side hy side with ; the celebrated German speaker at the Allegtie ; n v meeting on Tuesday night, it may trot be a-j j miss to examine the record only two years back | I and ascertain what peculiar claims he and the • party to whirl) he belonged and still belongs, ; can show upon the gratitude of either Irishmen j j or Germans, arising out of the manner in which , the municipal government of' Philadelphia was administered. No sooner had Mayor Conrad taken upon himself the duties of his office—no sooner had the newly elected <i'v Councils assumed their ' legislative capacity, than a wholesale war ofj extermination was waged hv them against the j whole class of adopted citizens. Protestant I rishmen as well as Catholic Irishmen were de- j prived of the means of subsistence. The most j fiet tv offices as well as the most elevated be come equally the subject of Know-Nothing pro- j i scrip!ion. Adopted citizens were turned out j :of places so humble that it might have been i supposed thev could have been made exceptions ■ ! to the general policy, and even poor girls were driven from their situations as teachers in the common-schools, by the relentless spirit of Know Nothing intolerance. But the triumph of tie Know Nothing party j did not stop here. It soon, hv a tremendous j majority, elected its candidate, a number of the j ; older, Governor ot Pennsylvania. So thor- ! ough and so uniform had been the manifestation j of his hostility to adopted citizens, that having j accidentally appointed an •Id-line Whig, who' j had been hum in Ireland, to a mer<-ly nominal j distinction, his conduct was publicly complain- ! j ed of hv more than one nt his own organs, ami i ; explained on the ground that the Governor had j | been mistaken. Such are some of the facts from which in j : this locality an obligation is supposed to rej-1 I | on the part of the foreigners to vote for John j :C. Fremont. Leaving our own State however, i let us trace the triumphs of the paily elsew heie. In Cincinnati we find it to have taken forcible \ | possession of the ballot-box in the German ; wards, resolved bv a strong hand "to put down j ! the foreigners." How the "Americans" there '; triumphed over the dearest rights i,l the adop i ted citizen. How they attempted to drive them j from the polls and shot them down for not sub- ! ! mitting, are matters too deeply impressed upon j j the recollection of the nation. And now the same northern newspaper press which apologi- I z-*d liir, and defended these outrages, becomes j disgustingly sycophantic to the same class of i citizens, whom Kss than two years ago it spur j neri. and now secretly hates. In the basest dis ! simulation it pays high eulogies to the German j j character,and yet by the vejy act of doing so, j declares that Germans are in the estimation of Know-Nothings, poor, pliant, meek, forgiving j. creatures who are insensible to insult and iuca j pable of resentment. Do the Know Nothing and Republican lead ! ers suppose that the Louisville riots are fbrgot ! ten While appealing to the intelligent Ger man and the warm-hearted Irishman, why are { we not feminded that the American party tesol ! ved to take possession of the polls at Louisville and exclude the adopted citizens? The excuse , alleged was that there would not he time fbr all i to vote, and if any persons had to lose their chance it was better that foreigners should he i deprived of it than native born citizens. We i have no wish to recall the terrible cruelties, the , bloodshed, the conflagrations to which this re j . . solve was the terrible forerunner. We have no j wish to revive the too sad and too true story of innocent women and children, the families of 1- rishmen and Germans, roasted in the (bums by ; a Know Nothing rnob ; and yet forsooth the j party which perpetrated these iniquities—the party which drove foreigners Irom the ballot- V FRIDAY MORNING, BEDFORD, PA. AUG, 1, 1856. j box—the party which persecuted them with j death in the streets of Louisville and Cincin nati, now makes an appeal to them for their ! suffrages. They are expected to weep over im aginary evils in Kansas, and yet to remember nothing of their own. They are expected to j | become indignant at the cottages of border ruf- | fians. and yet forget their friends who were of fered as victims to Know Nothing frenzy. They I are expected to rally in behalf of a free ballot j j box in a distant territory, and cast no recollec- j lion back to the time when, by Know Nothing violence, the ballot box was closed to then . j 1 Such are briefly some of the grounds upon , which the Fremont and Johnston party lay j ; claim to the foreign vote. If. under such cir j cumstaoces, they succeed in getting it, it will I afford the first proof of the truth of the Know j Nothing doctrine that the naturalized citizen*! do not know their rights and cannot appreciate ; their privileges.— Pittsburg Union. | Inciter t>t* Wais. KSi&lcr. Inconsistency of the Re pub!icons—The (lame Exposetl. WASHINGTON CITY, D- C., July 12, 1850. Gentlemen : I am much gratified that you | have elected me an honorary member of the! j Allegheny Democratic Club ; for there never) I has been a period in mv life, when Democratic j j identity \\as more in accordance with my feel- j irigs and judgment, nor any hen that party ! j occupied a nobler position, nor v\ here its tri : umph was mor- essential to the rights of the 1 j people, the peace, progress and general welfare j ! of the nation. Know Nothingism and sectional Republican-; ism (what frightful names) embody the elements |nf opposition. The former resting ils basis on j thpdoctrine that birth-place and religions belief; ; should he tests fbr civil office, seeks to degrade a large class of white citizens hv taking from ; them the enjoyment of rights conferred hv the i constitution and laws; the latter, seeking its l justification in an indefinitesentimentalism, wa ges a war of extermination against the local in j stitution of slavery found in some of the States, 1 a practice at variance with the spirit of the con stitution and prejudicial to the perpetuity of its ; benign blessings. As lbr the first of these J have but little to j say. Slightly exposed to the light of day, and i the reflections from the sun of liberty, civil and religious, it has hecome-asharned of its own d<- j fortuities: lacgelv despised by those whom it ; has cheated, it is rapidly sinking into impetie trable oblivion, lobe numbered amongst the oti j solete schemes, invented by the wicked and so i fish, to subvert the pure principles of our r* j publican government. Its dupes should be for j given, but its designing authors should be made to realize that they have earned a shame and j remorse as tenacious as the poisoned shirt of i Nesus. The other branch is- also on the decay. The j seeds of its dissolution were sown the other day < j Ivy its advocates in Congress. The new issue ! they have made will he fatal or 1 am no judge i of future events, even when th- ir shadows are ! cast before. For months they have been enga j ged in painting pictures of the sad state of socie ty in Kansas ; they have spoken of the territori- I jal govei nmenl as one of tyranny: denounced its local laws as odious and oppressive, and its ! officers as imbecile and corrupt ; have bew ailed | the perpetiation of the crimes ot arson and j murder, and al! the consequences ol anarchy . j and contusion. Thev have overdrawn a pic- i tore which al! have fV-lt was had and j which all have regretted quite as much as the j Republican leaders. The remedy they urged j was the prompt admission of Kansas as a State, i or the iepa! of the odious laws and the purifi cation and protection of the elective franchise. And you will find that every Republican Sena-j ! tor vut' d against these things when the propo-j j sitiou was fairly before him. They voted a- i i gainst Mr. Toombs' hill and therefore against I the prompt admission of Kansas—against the repeal of the unconstitutional laws which suh ! vert the liberty of speech, and make fidelity to jlhe fugitive slave law a test for office, and to ; perpetuate the Territorial government, of which 1 they have complained so much. I know that it i will he said, in r> plv, that tlu v did this, he cause thev were in f.ivor of the Topeka Con- j sfifution, but that dodge will not answer. In j | the Senate, they had tried the Topeka scheme, land it had been rejected by a vote of three to; j one, sealing its fate unmislakeahly ; and then : when the Senate hill stood, not as against the ; Topeka Constitution, but as against the present ; Territorial government, they continued to resist , and vote against it. Willi what show ol ron-; , si.-tency then, do their friends pretend that they i are fbr peace in Kansas ; that they and they on- j ' Iv seek relief fbr the people of that Territo-j rv. On every principle of construction, they . ; are responsible fir the last vote just as it stands. , If they con hi not get the Topeka Constitution, as statesmen and patriots, they were hound to do j the next best thing. If not able to do al! the good they would, to do all they could. Such is a just construction—any other plea is fac tiorial. The Topeka Constitution made in pur- i I suance of no law, but in derogation of all the. laws and in defiance of (lie government and its authorities, sanctioned in an informal mode, by j only a portion of the people, some seven hun- , dred in number, a meagre minority, ol those; then in the Territory, had been rejected. 1 hey j urged a measure thus unauthorized and unfair, at the very moment they complained most of the lawless authorities in the Territory. Ihe ; j first objection to the Senate bill was that the territorial laws restrained opposition to sla very, and, therefore, the free state party had no chance. That w r as met by an amendment repealing all such laws. Next, that the Tree State men had been driven out : they were an swered by a provision giving all such an oppor- j

tunity, up to October, to return pnd participate in making the constitution. Then, again, that, the penalties were not sufficient. These store. Freedom of Thought and Opinion. enlarged and made satisfactory on my own mo tion. Next, they said those who had left would • not go hack, whilst the Territorial government lasted, to which Judge Douglas, with that won derful perception fbr which he is so distinguish j ed, replied that certainly we should not be ask j ed to make a government for men who had run away, and to impose on those who remain a government which had not received their sanc- I tion. I '[> (o the time this bill was under con j sideration, the Republicans had uniformly clai med that nine-tenths of the bona fide citizens were against slavery, and that all they desired was a fair expression ot popular will and pro j tection against the Missouri invaders. The bill provided fuFv and completely for all Ibis, and still they continued to vote against it. In tlie I face of such facts is it not ungenerous to ask the public to conclude that the Republicans had no end in view but the peace of Kansas, that . their extraordinary inconsistencies were all ne j cessary for the welfare of Kansas and the pro ! motion of peace ? If you can so understand it, j I am content. But I must forbear. I intended to write but a few lines. , With many thanks (o the society for the hon -1 or they have done me, I remain, gentlemen, your obedient servant, W i. BIGLKR. | To G. S. Robinson, Esq., Sec. Buch. N. B. Alle gheny Club. LIBERAL VIEWS OX SLAVERY. j Extract of u Utter from a citizen of .Yew Or leans to a friend in .Massachusetts. Ni:w ORLEANS, June lfi, lS.ofi. I bad originally intended to make this letter merely an invitation of your attention to what I deemed a just vindication of a tiiend's conduct: ! but as 1 write, ] fee! tempted to go somewhat fnither, and make a few remarks to a northern . Ii i-nd whom I have been accustomed, on good grounds, to r-gard as a person of learning, pie ty, and manliness, and as such naturally exer cising an important influence over the feelings and opinions ol people in your section ol the , Union. The times are, indeed, sadly out of joint, and portend danger—perhaps immediate and grave danger—to the public, welfare. At such a time it becomes all men who love their country, and whose precepts and example are likely to exer cise some control over its fate, to ponder upon the condition of public affairs, and see how far they, in th> ir individual spheres, can do some thing to tranquilize the excited passions of their fellow-citizens, and direct their reason and < f justice to a candid consideration of the true interests and welfare of our common coun try. Slavery is tlje theme which now, unhappily, distracts the Union. In the contemplation of it, and in the midst of the struggle of attacks and defence, a good many men in both sections of the Union seem chargeable with the fault* of i forgetting candor in (assion, and justice in pre judice. From sue!) a course can come nothing but excitement, recrimination, violence, and perhaps disunion. Of slavery in the abstract, and considered as if it were an institution which vie could abro gate or maintain, as the national judgment might elect, I dr> not desire to speak at length. It is a subject on which the minds of good and wise men have differed. Some are clearly of j opinion that it is a great political and moral evil, opposed to religion and justice, and hostile to the welfare of the human race, and especially to the African race. Others—and I might mention among them an eminent northern Di ! vim* whom 1 have the satisfaction of knowing, and who, f may add is your warm admirer— think Ilia!, as a question of the welfare of the African race in this country, the institution j does more good than harm, and, upon large and j extended considerations of humanity, should i not be disturbed. But, without entering into the abstract ques tion, is it not our duty to treat the subject of slavery in the Union practically —as an estab lished fact—and wilh it as such, if it he : our sincere desire to know w hat our duty to j our country requires ? Looking at the matter in this light, how ! ought we to f.-el and to think? What ought : vx v to do. It seems to me our first duty, as lovers of our country, is to be just and forbearing to each ; other ; pi calm, if we can, the violence of pas sion, sih-nce the voice of prejudice, and appeal, j each of us, in his own mind and his own heart, to the promptiugsof justice, charity, and con , stitutionn! duty. The slavery of the South, be the institution i abstractly good or bad, is not the creature of to day, nor of his own choice. It was planted in ; the South more than a century ago : it has ta ken deep root ; ils abolition, he it abstractly de sirable or not, is for very many years to come a ; moral and physical impossibility. Under these ) circumstances, w hat are good men in the South and in the North lo do? They are to make the best of it for themselves and fbr their common country. Slave-holders, by a conscientious at tention to the physical and ir.oial welfare of the slave, directed hy a just practical reference to his status ofslavery as it is, and as it must un questionably remain for many generations: and I all, northern men and southern men, by a j conscientious care, not to disturb the peace .of i the South, the prosperity ol the North, and the ! stability of that Union which we should all cherish, bv agitations, by insult, by mutual cen sure and recriminations. \\ e should, in a word, be just lo each other, and just to the con stitution, to which we have all sworn fealty.— ; To say there is a higher law is in my judgment, upon a fair and practical analysis of the propo sition, immoral and irreligious, i Entertaining such views, and feeling such 1 emotion, 1 condemn on the one hand the fanat icism of many of the North, and on the other hand the rash violence of some at the South. 1 In conclusion, Mme say that some men at the ' North, who respect truth, and yet ate uncon sciously carried away by prejudices, would per haps think differently of us if they would per mit themselves to know more about us, I con fess I was much pained when J read the other day the heated remarks at a public meeting in a northern city of a gentleman of education and character, and an instructor of American young men, whom I had known from my toy hood—a gentleman descended from an ancestor of whom he may well be proud, for he was a participant in founding the constitution—that gentleman, if he was coirectly repotted, said, in substance, that lie scorned the ignoble cause ofslavery. -These are broad and strong words, and might seem to intimate a scorn of all those who uphold the rights of slaveholders under that constitution which his ancestors helped to frame, and of those who hold slaves. I cannot but think that if that gentleman had been here at the South to see things with his own eyes, he would have spared such expressions. If he would take a seat with me ofa Sunday morning in the church I occasionally attend, he would hear with respect, mayhap with an incipient feeling of friendship, a slaveholding preacher— a man of singular modesty, of unquestionable piety, of a conscience eminently pure, of a mind well disciplined. If he would sit down with me at the hospitable board of another gen tleman whom I have in my eye, whom I dare say that speaker has sometimes met at liie North in the circle in which lie himself moves, he would see the owner of five hundred slaves, yet a man eminently humane, looking to the com fort and happiness of his slaves with a parental tenderness, and dispensing every year of his life a portion of his princely revenues in known, and a much larger portion in unknown, works of benevolence. I say again, it is the dutv of every good citi zen, North and South, to cultivate in his own mind a temper of national justice and modera tion, and learn the spirit of the constitution rather from the great man who formerly repre sented Massachusetts in the Senate titan from her more recent delegate. I remain, with sincere regard, your friend and servant, To the Rev. Dr. , Massachusetts. Another Murder in Ilollidaysburg. Our community was thrown into painful ex citement on Sunday morning, bv an occurrence of the night previous, the like of which never took place in our town before. The particu lars, which we have gleaned I'iom several eye witnesses, are as follows: On Saturday night, between the hours of 10 and 11 o'clock, McGee, late merchant of this place, Dr. McKee, and Daniel J. NefT, Attorney at law, went info Dannals'Restaurant, and seated themselves at the table, a portion of which was afterwards occupied bv Daniel K. Rairiev. Mnj. Geo. Rav mond, David Hewit and others. Several others joined Nefl's party, and after eating, McGee's party* went to the bar room. At the door Mc- Gep met Hewit and demanded of him a bill of Uglily seven and a half cents. The demand was - not made abruptly enough to insult Mr. Hewit, and he immediately drew his wallet and tendered McGee, a $2,00 bill, whereupon the latter went out to the bar to get change. In his absence, some conversation took place on the propriety of dunning a man in a public restau rant, when Hewit started out after his change. He was followed by Major Raymond and sev eral others, and some wrangling ensued, when Maj. 1 .pet, fur the purpose of pacifying the par ties, handed ?vlr. Hewit the change, which lie took from his own pocket. Mr. Hewit then returned toward the dining room, and it was thought the difficulty was settled. It appears, however, that when Hewit n ached the room door, Raymond declared that it was an insult to dun a man lor money in company. Hewit re marked in ajockular manner that it was"rather rough," hut should he overlooked. Raymond declared that it should not be overlooked—tGat McGee had insulted him (Raymond) bv presen ting a bill, but that when he had made out his bill, lu* iiad brought McGee out SB,OO in debt, and he meant to have the money. He contin ued asserting that it was ad d insult and should he resented. This roused Hewit and i both started to where McGee, NefT and others were standing, Raymond roiled up his sleeves, and said lie was "in f-r two chances." When he came near McGee, \* ff" warded his approach off with his arm, when Raymond star ted for the door. In the meantime Hewit caught McGee by the coat collar and shook him. Nefl'interfered and told himto let McGee alone, as he was a weakly man. Hew it then re leased his hold on McGee, and struck NefT, when the latter drew from - his pocket a clasp dirk knife, and warned lievvit not to come at him again. Hewit advanced toward him a second time, while Daniel K. Reamy endeav ored to hold him back, and when near enough, NefT advanced a step and stabbed Hewit in the left side. Immediately afterwards NefT walked to the front door, and Hewit went into the di ning room, where he discovered that he was stabbed. From thence he went lo the office of Dr. Landis, who attempted to probe the wound, but filling to do so, he dressed it, and Hewit went home. Towards morning internal hem orrhage ensued, and he vomited great quanti ties ot blood. During al! day on Sunday he kept sinking until 10 o'clock at night when he died. A post mortem examination was field hv Drs. Landis, Irvin and Conrad on Monday morning. It was found that the knife penetrated between the fifth and sixth ribs, midway between the spine and sternum, and passed through the low er left Lobe of the lungs into the transveise colon. Nothing hut Mr. Hewit's powerful con stitution prevented immediate death. Coroner James Funk summoned the follow ing jury, viz; John Cox, J. H. Bell, Henry Learner, William MrFarland, Jona. Derno, S. W. Rhodes, Joseph Smith, Hugh McNeal, J. Berry, P. M Johnston and Daniel Bollinger, TERR*, §3 Pi:at YEAR. VOL XXIV, NO. 48. who, after viewing the body, held an inquest at District Attorney Hammond's office, and re turned as a verdict that the deceased came to his death by means of a wound inflicted by a knife in the hands of Daniel J. \efi". .Mr. .NefT graduated in the office of Mr. Biair in this place, and was always looked upon as a quiet inoffensive young man. 11 is father lives a short distance below Alexandria. He prompt ly gave himsell up to the Sheriff on Sunday morning. It may be as well fere to remark, that the evidence as to the precise time he drew the knife is contiadictory. Some assert that he drew the knife before Hcwit struck him—oth ers that he du! not draw it until after he was struck. This is a conflicting point to be decided bv a jury. Mr. Hewit was about 40 years of age, and was one ot the oldest settlers in the place—hav ing comeheie about the year I*2B. He leaves a wife and some five or six children. On Monday morning a messenger was sent to Huntingdon lor Judge Taylor, who arrived in the 10 o'clock train, when a writ of habeas cor pus was sued out, anil made returnable at 2 o'- clock, P. M. At that hour the court met when some five or six witnesses were exami ned, alter which the Judge released Neff on SffOOO t ail for his appearance at court.—Uol lidtnjsburg Standard. A SiNGt'LSN DEATH STRUGGLE.—A singular circumstance was recently related to me bv one of the house-surgeons of the Charity Hospital of this city. Jri one of the men's wards of this immense hospital, a man was dying at twelve o'clock a! night. At this hour, in the surgical wards, there is no movement except in cases of necessity, the lamps burn dimly, and the guardi ans are ordinarily sleeping in their chairs. But there are always some of the patients more or less wakeful bv cause of their suffer ings. The man who was dying had, in the pocket of his pantaloons a tolerably well-filled purse, not at all a rare circumstance in a Paris hospital. He was a miser. He had kept his pantaloons carefully stowed away under his pil low, but his frequent attentions to the safety of his pocket-book arons d the attention, and the cupidity as well, of the man who occupied the next bed to him. This man watched, with wakeful eyes, for the moment to seize the dead man's treasure. When tlie miser no longer breathed audibly, and the other believed bim di-ad, he stole quiet ly out of bed, and, thrusting his hand under the pillow, seized the pantaloons. But he was mis taken ; there was still breath and life in the miser, and the attempt to wrest from him his treasure seemed to give him life and breath that he had not. lie seized the pantaloons: and a horrible struggle took place between the dying man and the thief for the possession of the coveted mon ey. But the miser's grasp was soon relaxed bv death, anil he fell back on his bed, gurgling words from his throat that ought to have fro zen the blood of the blackest pirate on earth. More thart one patient was aroused by this singular and horrible scene ; and when the thief shall he sufficiently cured to leave the hospital he will be handed over to justice.— French Paper. OLD BUCK IN SOMERSET. — We find the fol lowing "offer to bet" in the Somerset Demo crat : "We have it from reliable authority that THE EDITOB OF THE HERALD and another gentleman, offered to bet that Fremont, the woolly-head and woolly-horse candidate, would carry Somerset county by twelve hundred mu joiity. Although opposed to betting since the Herald spoke so strongly of its sinfulness last week, we will bet any amount the gentleman pleases, that he will not carry Somerset countv at all. \\ ill they make their brag good, or will 'hev crab, as thev generally do ?" PATRIOTIC Or.D-LT.xu WHIGS. —At a demo cratic ratification meeting held in Springwells, Michigan, a few days since, Judge Bacon, an active and zealous old-line whig, was called to the chair. The Detroit Free Press saysqp "Upon taking the chair the Judge stated that he had heretofore acted with the whig party : that he had been a warm and eat nest snpporler of "Mr. Clay '• that lie had loved the old party and revered its gallant and jat riotic leader, and that it v. as with regret that he found himself, in common with thousands, without a party.— He hud witnessed the old whig organization broken into fragments, each of which uas war ring directly or indirectly against the Union. In this national crisis—when there was danger threatening our confideracy—lie found but one course to pursue, but one parly with which to unite, and that to-day he identified himself with that party which professed nn earnest and sincere desire to preserve the L'niun at all haz ards. With it he would lake up his political habitation, and with it remain so long as it proved true to the constitution arid the Union." So thev come—so they will continue to come —these patriotic old-line wings ! THKY CAN'T BE CAUGHT. —We find the fol low'ing pniagraph in the Louisville Cornier : "The Know-Nothings are more libera! in In diana than they have been before. They had a country convention in Brooke ille, last Satur day week, and at this convention they nomina ted the German Protestant minister as a candi date lor treasurer, and Simoon Bath, a German Catholic, for sheriff*. By this they thought to secure the German vote, both Protestant and Catholic, for their other candidates. But they got fi>ob d, as both candidates declined to run under that party." (;'7 The Georgia In ion says :— "We believe we approximate vejjjf near the truth when we give it as our candid opinion that lully 30,000 old line Whigs Georgia will vote for the nominees of the National Democratic Party."