Newspaper of Bedford Gazette, August 8, 1856, Page 1

Newspaper of Bedford Gazette dated August 8, 1856 Page 1
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B V GEO. w. BOWMAN. NEW SERIES. Select f) 011 r t). John l'. Fremont. Air. —John Anderson My Jo. Or." trial now is over John, Your nomination's woo, ' .'II find out to your sorrow, though, Your troubles just begun. I j o hn you ran ne'er be President, 0: ■ Benton gives you as ; Kit Carson won't be with you To help you through the grass. Tv woolly heads are weak, John, ■ j'|,e K. X' gone to sty x ; Btirfe" will buck you sorely, in eighteen fiity-six. jnhn. ri<a know you're no statesman, And 'tis no use to talk ; Ti.e Cilit'ornians found von out And quickly made you walk. Yoo're very much like Barntim, Jolin, A chum of yours I'm told— j stock in trade i> humbuggery And California gold. That .Mariposa claim, John, Carne very t£"od, no doubt, J • 'twill never make you President, With every Kansas shout. Your session it: the Senate, John, Was long enough to pay ; Y : nn'v worked for /*'/ emant, The California at say. T> Rocky Mountain woolly horse, Which I'arnmn got from yon, J; Isit-aii —hut John, procure and wear ■ J he woolly hide—'twill do. A woolly horse! oh dear, John, tiei in, other if you can, AM! mount him straighr, and travel too, And lead youi woolly clan. 81-T Johnny, take it easy, ■ in >n:te of Biddings' plannin', 4 Keystone gives rhe President, ■ I nr .'dll htm —J AM Eft IIICHASAS! I IFJBVCLW ON BLHIv REITBLICANISiH. HV invite the careful attention of our readers | ' r (Towing leiterof HE.VRY CLAV, written I >" e thirteen years ago to Rev. WALTER COT ■ ~ v It is ne of the most suggestive letters ■ v • ri-i fj and particularly interesting at this I [; j lints out clearly the tendencies r>f ,i Republicanism, and iri a few pertinent I 1 1. • • gives an outline of views, which, had I ] them at length would have doubt ■ if his I ■■ Kad the' Tetter: ASIILAND, Sept. 2, 1813. | h Dc.tu Sitt: —Allow m-* to suggest a sub- I e' lir nniMil voitr tracts, which treated in vow | :' jt', i condensed way, { think would be •d ttith guat and good effect. I mean a h :> n.sittifest t' at the ultra of that party are "• ly misclm-vous. and are hurrying the I • r.'rj to hatful consequrore*. Tin v are not j ' c-iimhafi'd !>v the Whigs. Engrossed a siiigle idea, they can for nothing else.— I uidgee the administration of the gov s fi precipitate the nation into absolute f.| lire they would lend a helping hand to | >! ds career. They treat worst, and de ■<'' Hi 's', those u ho treat them best, who so a -' r ee with then as to admit slavery to he i !ii. H itness their conduct towards Mr. I" Adams, in Massachusetts, and '• wards me. give you an outline of the manner in - :i 1 would handle it; Show the origin of 1 race its introduction to the British ••'pinent. Show how it is disposed of bv 'Literal Constitution. That it is left exclu ' tlie States, except in regard to fugi rit taxes and representation. Show " agitation of the question in the free - -viil fii-i destroy all harmony, andfinat ' disunion—perpetuate war—the ex ' ' l 0 J the Africtn race—ultimate military ' great aim and object of vour tract u "f'" ,0 Ihe laboring classes in the free ''Zninst ./bol if ion. Depict Ihe conse them of immediate Abolition. The • mg tree, would be dispersed through _ onion ; they would enter into competi- I ''' J ree labor; with the American, the J ' ' !it " German ; reduce his wages, be con- I •, with him, and affect his moral and so ft voiding. And as the ultras go both (or 1 . " an< i amalgamation, show that their ob iS unite in marriage the laboring white m " : : laboring black woman, to reduce I laboring man. to the despised and de | l ond it ion of the black man. 9 • ' ' 'heir opposition to Colon iza w its humane, religious and patriotic. m 'hat they are to scperate those whom 9 . y ' perated. Why do the Abolitionists I • i ' >n ' z ali° n 1 To keep and amalgamate H I wo races, in violation of God's m 'j?' 1( < keep the Blacks here, that they may H ... , v 'dh. degrade and debase the laboring H -how that the British Government is 1 T^l fg with the Abolitionists, for the pur § ssolring the. Union, <S"r. You can 9 ...' ! , av, tlul article, that will be felt in ev il ° Union. lam perfectly 9it .' * l VV II cJ° great good. Let me liear I ,ro ®)ou on this subject. I „ HENRY CLAY. H T' 9 , Pt ,. ' n " Ver u '3s a political question agitated f 1 'Untry more pregnant with momentous importance to the well being of the nation than - this slavery question, especially in the shape which it has now assumed. We speak not of it with reference to Kansas. True, the atten tion of the people of the North is artfully drawn exclusively to that territory. A loud cry ol "Free ScrH" and "Free Labor" is set up and the sympathies of the people solicited for its condi tion. We will not pause here to dwell upon the ready and complete answer to ail this.— The Senate has adopted a Pacification Bill, which amply provides for the peace and the happiness of that territory,—which secures to its inhabitants every right which they should enjoy—and which fully guarantees to them the privilege which the inhabitants ol all the States and all the Territories should possess, of deci ding the character of all their institutions for themselves. If there have been wrongs and outrages in Kansas, this Senate Bill will prevent their recurrence. Il'there have been just cau ses of complaint, it removes them. The Dem ocratic party favor that bill—they wish to res tore peace to the Territory, and secure equal and exact justice to all its inhabitants—but the Black Republicans bitterly oppose it. The Democrats wish to avoid difficulties in Kansas, and to create peace and harmony there— the Block Republicans show, by their acts, that they desire to stimulate disorder, revolution, anarchy and bloodshed. But no man who wishes to comprehend ful ly the bearing of the present slavery agitation must imagine, for a moment, that the state of affairs in Kansas is the only or the principal feature connected with it. That is hut an inci dental consideration. The main questions rise in importance above the fate of a thousand new and sparsely populated territories. They con cern (he peace and the welfare of the millions of happy people w ho inhabit .all the Stales. Whatever may be the degree of solicitude with which we regard Kansas, and the Demo cratic pajrty, (in conjunction with the National Whigs,) has show n by the Pacification Bill, that it alone is truly mindful of its wants, and it alone anxious to provide a remedy for its condition: let no man forget that his first duty is to examine closely the bearings of the Black Republican agitation upon himself and upon his own imm-diate interests and locality. Since the time HENRY CLAY wrote the let ter published above, the Abolition party has assumed fearful proportions. It lias enlisted in its service an army of agitators, whose voices incessantly bellow forth fulminations against j ' the Constitution and the Union : and their per- : i sistent eflorts have at last aroused in many quar ters a responsive feeling. And now' all the j veteran warriors of the crusade upon the South —all the disaffected and soured politicians who j fiave imaginary wrongs to redress—all die ele ments of Disunion and Abolitionism, have uni ted together in a sectional organization, under the leadership of FREMONT w itti the avowed purpose of putting him in the Presidential Chair, 1 upon no other platform of principles and with ; no other idea of governmental policy than that j of attacking and outraging the South, and pia- ; ci.'ig the whole power of the government in the hands of open and avowed Abolitionists.— ] It is true there are specious disguises in which this design is veiled. But look nt the men who lead of] the movement for FREMONT and the leading presses which advocate him. Aboli tion is the one great thought ol their lives— anti-slavery sentiments and hostility to the South, the moving principles ofali their acts, j They live, and move, and have their being jx>- j liticaliv, bv and through anti-slavery agitation. Their success in the Presidential contest would ! be tlie success of Abolitionism, and the govern- , ment in their hands a ire re engine for the en forcement of Abolition views. Now, reader, at this point pause and reflect j upon the consequence. We will not a>k yon ; here to think of the tendency of such a result upon the South, but to the people of the North. : Turn for your answer to the letter of HENRY CLAY. Let the fearful words by which in his | wisdom lie so truthfully and so pointedly ex pressed the inevitable result sink deep into vour heart. "DISUNION—PERPETUAL WAR —THE EXTINCTION OF THE AFRICAN RACE—ULTIMATE MILITARY DESPO- I ISM"—this is the fearful banquet to which Black Republicanism under the garb of philan thropy invites us, according to tile testimony of the immortal CLAY ! But his warning did not end there. He wished to " arouse the. la boring classes in the free Stales against . Iboli- i fionism," because the slaves, being free, '■'•would enter into competition with the free, laborer . "REDUCE HIS WADES," "be confounded with him," and finally that the object of the' Abolitionists was "/o reduce the white laboring man to the despised and degraded condition of the black man ." There are now desperate ap peals being made to the free laborers of* the North for their support of the Abolition candi date FREMONT, but will they not heed the war- | nitig CLAY has given, and which a moments re- j flection will convince them is correct ? We wish to heaven thai every laboring man in the North, and above all in the border State of Pennsylvania, could be brought to s<*e this ques- : tion in its true light. L-d it be pressed home to them by all their true friends. Let them es cape ere too late the fatal net which their worst foes have s>d for them. The white laboring men have no deadlier enemies than the Aboli- | tionists, and the experience of thousands of them will establish this assertion. Yet under the pretext of aiding free labor in Kansas, they would cajole them into an effort to destroy ir retrievably their own best interests. Under j cover of the infamously and notoriously fale | charge that Mr. BCCHANAN spoke in favor of a reduction of wages, they would inaugurate a movement which would cripple and destroy for ever the prosperity of laboring men. There is in the letter of HENRY CLAY matter for all to think of deeply and seriously. It comes home to the dearest interests of every man. It touches the tenderest chords of the tinman heart. It appeals to all that men hold justly i | dear as patriots and lovers of the Union—as e j friends ofhumanity—as well-wishers of the hu f j man race—and his feartul warning should ring - : in the ears ot every laboring man as a (rightful i j alarm bell, to warn him ere too late, against a 1 i fearful doom of horror and destitution.—Penn • i sylvanian. : HIIiIILI IMPORT! W Letter from Wr,l. 3. RF.ED, Erq. , j PmLAncLPHiA, July 2(>th, 18.16. , | GESTLEMKN—AbsoIute inability to speak in the o . ■ pen air will prevent trie j'rorn uniting in your .Mass : Meeting on the 7th ot August, tor I am very sure j you will not he able to compress within any room < I built bv hands all who wilt be with you in doing hon .'or to Mr. Buchanan. Franklin County, it J mistake not, was h;s birth place. Thence he s'aitPi! to vviti | Ins way in file, ami tho-e, and tlie children of those, ' | amongst whom he was horn, will gladly ami resolute ; jly come forward to sustain him now . The intelli . j gent, thrifty men of your Count}', descendants of the ! robust~J>cotc!i, Irish and German pioneers of the Cutn berland \ alley, will not be wanting at a crisis when " ! civil and religious liberty and the Union ot' the States I ; are endangered. To the multitude which will he , sure to assemble there, I could not speak—much as 1 , wish it—hut my written words of sympathy and en couragement—of earnest anxiety tor the -ucce-s of > the Democratic ticket at both the approaching elec ' ! tions, (one -carcely less important than the other,) r I cannot withhold. I >!: all have my abundant re f ward if they iuiluence u single reader. Take them, I 1 beg you, tor what they are worth. They are at I least sincere and disinterested. 1 have some associations with Franklin County which are peculiar. 1 have had friends there, in : public and private life who, as contemporaries, were dear to me. and a- my seniors, honored me by their counsel. Many oi them have pa-sed away—Though some are still surviving. 1 was in the Legislature, |on the same side of politics too, — for lam not asha med ot my antecedents, ami yon would despise me were I to deny them with David Fullerton and. 1 human McCullok—and i am verv sure, jf they were alive now, they would be neither Knov-Noth j it:g> nor Abolitionists. J served long witfi Thomas Carbon, of M ercersburg, an honest and independent ! man, — and it there be any one whose private worth I and dignified public integrity, I have been taught es pecially to respect, it is li' who s'lll lives honored and esteemed among you—George Chan.hers. These are the personal associations which affect me. May I nftiuie to some other, .' I remember, years ago, on a bright summer's at ternoon. toiling up the turnpike road oti the Cove Mountain, in your county, and when I reached the f summit, turning to gaze on as beaut iful scene as ever I gladdened my eye—the valley of peaceful beauty j which stretches off to Alary land and towards the Po- j j tomar. It is a lamiliar scene to most of you. To rue it was new, and its impression ha. never failed trom my mind. As tar as The eve could reach, there ! wa fertility—the >igus of tranquil industry ; all was i beautiful—all was peaceful— it looked, as it was, t t like the abode o! a happy ami united people. The j i-political lire separating Pennsylvania from Marv-' | land, traced by those oid fashioned surveyors, Charles j Ma,on and Jeremiah Dixon, was visible to no eye. j Ihe Jrees on which they marked ir had long In en : felled or disappeared. Many a farm was seprft-ated ! i by it, but, ex/'ept in the eye of the law, no one knew ! it or cared about it. I have often for painful ' ; thoughts are thrusting themselves upon me—ri-call eilthat srerapif actual beauty and united interest, anil realised what it would be—what vour condition j will be—w hat must be the condition oi every coun ; ty oi this Commonwealth lying on The Maryland • line; Chester, Lancaster, Yoik, Adams, Franklin,! I Fulton, Bedford, Somerset, Fayette and Greene ; if! | disunion tie forced on us. and the fracture he, as it ! would be, between what are popularly but falsely . called the tree an! the slave States, b'tmrrn its and j Maryland. 1 wish every man could he made to uri- ! derstand what a frontier is, even that of civilized ; lit". Its daily, hourly vexations and dangers—its line of custom-houses to keep the smuggler in and i ! out—the crowds of fugitive, from justice and labor, j , infesting every avenue and concealed in every thick- ; et—the murderer striking down his victim to-day j and Hying with the fresh blood on his hand ton fur njfti territory to-morrow—the bickering, the -true, ; ; the hot blood of conterminous di-pute—a|| this, i ; would be the daily doom of every Southern county of this Slate ; and aero-s the beautiful valley | have ; -poken ol would he distressingly visible, the actual, j j btoad, perhaps bloody line which disunion must ! trace. I his is true, though hard to conceive. Pennsylvania, and you, citizens of Franklin county, : have so long reposed in the very centre of tlie []. j inon, that you cannot understand how von can be come a frontier and how you will suffer w hen you do. j 1 here was a time, before the I'nion was framed, j I unless my reading of history much misleads me, j ; when these fancied dangers were realities. Let the i ■ i nion he broken and they will be realities again. I ■ rend in the history of your own county (and it ap- ! • plies to every border county) words which it is well I to think 01, for they may become truth again to- j morrow : "it surpassed," says a writer, "the powers of the : settlers to curb the wild and lawless spirit of the 1 traders and frontiers men. The Conocochcaque set- ! ! Dements \v.-re infested with bands of desperate ma rauders and counterfeiters, who hade defiance to all j laws. They had an organized line through the Curn- i heriand \ alley into \ irginia. They drove a brisk trade by stealing horses and cattle. After the Brit ish retired they carried on an extensive trade a mong.-t themselves, by stealing horses at the South; passing them along the line to the North where they eoufd not he recognised, and exchanging them for others stolen at the Noith. The long narrow val- j leys and secluded coves of the Blue Mountain, atFor- ■ ded a convenient route and secure hiding places, j Ttie-e were no -habby villains : they wore the lit,est : dtesses. sported the best horses and could display i more guineas and jewelry than any others in the -et- i Dements, and though the source of their sudden ; wealth was suspected, no one dared to prove it a gainst them. When not engaged in stealing, they resorted to counterfeiting Continental money, and sauntering round the towns passed it on travellers. If any one resisted or threatened to bring them to justice, his barn or crops were destroyed bv fire." This is history and why may it not be history again? It is the Union and the Constitution alone which prevent it—and you are asked to put them at risk. , This is no rhetorical exaggeration. It is the sure foreca-t of an inevitable truth—and I exaggerate as j little when I say, that never until now, have I felt j the danger of disunion to be imminent. I tremble,; I in no imaginary panic, but on sober conviction, w hen j ( I think how near it may he—how sure in one event j | it must be. Let me in temperate and guarded lati- ' guage say why J think there is danger and how Mr. ; ' Buchanan's election alone can avert it. There now lies bet'oie me as I write, a few words ; I of prophetic wisdom, written long before the present | division of parties arose, which are very striking, j 'i'hey are the words ot' John C. Fremont's father-in- j ( law: "The substitution," !*iys Mr. Benton in the j early pages of his 'Thirty Years,' of geographical 1 parties discriminated by the slave, hue would, ol ; ( course, destroy the just anil proper action of tlie fed- j | eral government, and lead eventually to a separation ( of the States." "If," wrote Mr. Madison nearly! forty years ago, when the danger was very far off, j ' "a state of parties should arise founded on geograph- j ' leal boundaries, what is to control these great repnl- ; ; sive masses from awful shocks against each other ?" j j Now if these be words of wisdom, if such are to be ; . the probable consequences of geographical parties J 1 strictly drawn, may not the trial of the Union be at | ' 0 Freedom of Thought and Opinion. FRIDAY MORNING, BEDFORD, PA. AUG. 8, 1836. 5 - hand? In speaking of geographical parties, no sane man means to say or ever has said, that the mere

r fact of the candidates for President and Vice Presi - dent on a ticket, being from one section of the coun- I try. makes a party sectional or geographical. Our 1 political history shows this is not so—and it may _ admit of some question, (Mr. Fremont's residence being rather ambulatory,) whether his is in tins sense a sectional party now. No one knows exactly ; where the Vice President is to hail from. But that j which makes a party sectional and geographical, is j the principle which underlays it, the influence that ! controls it—the aggiegate men that compose it; the flags that are flying over it; and looking at them now, when was there a party more intensely ar.d ma | lignantlv sectional, more offensively geographical | than that which in the last coinage of counterfeits, ( J dares to call itself Republican. I have not time, nor is the work congenial to my ta-te, to point to the prqof ol this, so far as individuals are concerned. The" - i-- not a leading Abolition agitator in Penn -1 -ylvania who is not enrolled in the Republican ranks. ' ; \ou know it in your own neighborhood. 1 see it in mine. ihe campaign is conducted ou purely Aboli | tion principles, and those principles are a vowed to be, hostility to Southern interests and insult toSonth ern feelings. Nay, lurther : so confessed is this sec- I tionalism, that this Republican party does not pre , tend to a-k a single electoral vote, or venture to cir culate an e'ectoral ticket south ol Pennsylvania. It is meant to be an absolute triumph of the North over the Boutn. Nothing less will satisfy those who control it. Now when ir is said or foretold that to this the South cannot submit, and that in this refusal, the U nion breaks asunder. 1 appeal to candid and conser vative men in the North, is there not leason in it? If the ronver-e of the proposition could be stated, i ; would the Notth submit ? Certainly not. and that which is called disorganizing rebellion and treason now, would he honorable resi-tauce then. It is painful to write or talk about such tilings, but we cannot shut our eyes to them. An Executive ad ministration elected on the principles of tlie Repub lican party, and influenced by its spirit, could riot organize itself—and when the hour of distraction and disunion comes, it will require a wiser and calm er intelligence than fanaticism can furnish to corn pose the storm—a hand stronger than that of an ad venturer to hold the helm. The danger is before us and around us. As a Yit zen ot the North, I have sought To conceal it my self, but it#will not down at my bidding. I do not draw this inference from the language of extreme men; hut when I hear a Senator from Kentucky—a ! Whig Senator—a moderate and conservative man,, within this month, in his place in the Seriate, say— . "I have never paid much attention to the talk about a dissolution of the I mon : but I have often thought i on thusubject, and my conviction is that the the- ! hull oj I'rt-wnjrf, or any man of that jrtrty. is tl/r to ell of tin Uniuii" ( -peerfi of Thompson, National j I/itelhgenrer, July 17.) When such words a- these are uttered, not by the heated South, but by the temperate and loyal West, we have a right to say 1 there i- danger and very great danger too. The South on tin- subject n: the Presidenry, is not vio lent or loud, but its silence is very ominous and most j impressive. Mr. Buchanan stands before the nation—and this i-the ground over which conservative men should come to In- support—as the representative of the principle aioue can avert their evils, that of' j repression" and extirpation oi all agnation on the subject ol -lavery, let it coine from what.quaiter it 'r ay. fjjois said in simple and earnest language that thiswiHTie t,ts aim. It must, for "the gooff <>; the nation, come to an end. It can only be put an end to. by the strong moral power which a national man can exercise, a .d at a time when the relations of the I'nion are not disturbed but harmonised and reconciled by the expression of the popular will, lebuking decisively fanaticism of any sort rhis rebuke the Northern and Middle States' aie hound to give. Without this co-operation, Mr. Bu chanan may strive arid strive strrcesslnlly to stay this no!-y current of political agitation. With it, his success is easy and the peace of the nation is se cured. It is the conviction dT this—aside altogether from peisonal regard that ha brought me and thous and- like me to hi- support. For a Pennsylvania man for one whose earliest lesfnn was reverence for the great principle which William lVnti enunciated, and whose habits or thought and education make hini adverse to secret or i • intolerant political organization, there was no other path open. That into which some inconsiderate people are now seduced, of what is known as the ••American" organization, can have no attraction for me or at y con-ervative man. Believing, a- 1 do, that Mr. Fillmore took more than one initiatory oath in a Know Nothing Lodge, by which he bound himself to proscribe politically his fellow-citizens who professed one form of Chiistian faith, and those w ho happened to have been born abroad, and to con form his opinions arid regulate his political action by the decision of rt secret, oath-bound, political club, 1 cannot vote tor him. My antipathy to this secret and unconstitutional organization is no new feel ing; I -poke it out long ago; I shall never change it. As one of the leaders of this party of intoler ance. a- one who gave to it the authority of his name and pa-t position, I hold Mr. Fillmore respon- < slide lor a deep wound to the cause of political mo rality. If there is one thing about which the peo ple of this country are and ought to he sensitive, it is their right to worship God as They please. They claim to worship God under such forms of ecclesias tical discipline as they choo-e to enforce upon them- ; se|ve-. w ith such ceremonial. simple or elaborate, 1 a- they please, on such days and in such places as they choose tor them-elves, and this great privilege of religious duty the Constitution guard- and protects. It is equally the privlege of all. There is not a Prot estant who is not as much intpre-ted in guarding this ' constitutional right as the Catholic Christians whom i 1 Mr. Fillmore, and hi- secret confederates, have ! sworn to proscribe. It was, I repeat, the wor-t wound ever inflicted on political morality in this country when the secret oath-bound a-sociations of religious intolerance were created. It wa- a -ad 1 spectacle when a statesman like Mr. Fillmore, join- ; ed them. Regretting once more that I am unable to be with you, and to say w hat 1 have thus written, I am very respectfully, your friend, WILLIAM B. RF.ED. 1 - I A Touching [urideul. i, The saddest story that we ever read was that ; ola little child iu Swilzerland, a pet boy, just ! as yours reader, whom his mother one bright I morning rigged out in a beautiful jacket all shit ning with gilt and buttons, and gay as a moth- ! er's love could make it, and then permitted him . I to go out to play. He had scarcely stepped j ( from ttie door of the ♦Swiss Cottage,' when an c enormous eagle scooped him from the earth and t bore him to his nest, high up among the moon- 1 tains, and yet within sight of the houseof which j he had been the joy. There iie was killed and i devoured, being at a point which was lit- ! t erally inaccessible to man, so that no relief ] could he afforded. In tearing the child to ( pieces, the eagle so placed his gay jacket in the I nest tfiat it became a fixture there,and whenev- ] er the wind blew it would flutter, and the sun t would shine upon its lovely trimmings and or- i naments. For years it was visible from the t lowlands, long after the eagle had abandoned < its nest. What a sight it must have been to i the paicnU of the victim. i s p The Frecmout of Dtbale. The clamor raised by the friends of Fremont on account of the alleged violations of the fiee r: 7 • j dom of debate by southern men has induced the Plaindealer to reproduce from its colutns of 1850 an incident in the short senatorial career 1 of Coionel Fremont which forcibly illustrates t his fitness as the candidate of tlie shriekers fur ' free Speech. It is as follows : THE FOOTE AND FREMONT DIFFICULTY.— ! ; The difficulty between Senators Foote and Fre • j moist, grew out of the circumstance' that Foote j charged Fremont in the Senate, with seeking j legislation in reference to the gold mines lor . the sake of his own private advantage, which j Fremont pronounced false. Afterwards they • met iti the antechamber, wjien Fremont struck i j Foote and brought blood. They were irmne ; diately separated by Senator Clarke. Subse j quently Fremont addressed a note to Foote, de ; manding a retraction of the language used bv | him in debate, to be signed in the presence of witnesses, and a challenge note was left if he • refused. Mr. Foote declined to sign the paper, but ad- I dressed a note in reply to Fremont, disclaiming ' any intention of giving any per.-otial ollt-nce in i the language used by him in debate. ' Ihe friends of both parties considered this satisfactory to Fremont, but, at his instance, j the note of Mr. Foote was submitted to Colo nel Benton, who consented to the arrangement. The following card is the result : WASH IN (.TON, September 28, JSSO. A CARD. —The undersigned are authorised to state that the difficulty between the Hon. H. S. Foote ana the Hon. J. C. Fremont, growing out of certain expressions used lv the former in relation to the California bill in the Senate last evening, has been adjusted satisfactorily and honorably to both those gentlemen. Signed. A. C. DOiXiE, \YM. GIVEN HENRY W. SIBLEY RODMAN :\l. PRICE. LETTER FROM MARTIN VAN BIREN In answer to an invitation from the Tamma ny Society to celebrate the 4th of July with then;, Ex-President Van Buren has written a long arid able letter, giving his views in rela tion to the Presidential election and the political questions connected therewith. He was oppo sed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, but argues that its restoration now. if practica ble, cotilii effect no good purpose. In relation to the Democratic candidate for the Presidency, he sayjr: _ "Mix Buchanan, in his letter of acceptance, pledges himself to the people, ".should the nom ination of tin- Convention lie ratified by the peo ple, tiiat all life power and influence constitu tionally possessed by the Executive shall be ex erted in a firm but conciliatory sr.iri?, during the single term he shall remain in office, to re store the same harmouv among the sister States which prevailed before the apple ol discord, in the form of slavery agitation, had been ca-t in to their midst." He knows that this pledge cati be redeemed but in one way, and that is by securing to the bona fide settlers of the Territo ry, ii rt alters should be allowed to remain as they now stand, the full, free and {radical en joyment of the l ights intended to be granted to them by the organic act, including that of free suffrage, and none will understand better than he, that nothing short of the substance of those righls would answer the purjtose, or satisfy the excited and vigilant scrutiny of those who will watch every step that is taken in the matter.— Doubts were at once thrown out—l know not trom what quarter —in regard to the power of , the Executive to give this security : hut affairs now in progress show lhat these doubts, if they ever existed, have been dispelled. The Consti tution makes it the express duty of the Federal Executive to see that "the laws are faithfully executed," and lie is clothed with powers ade quate to its performance. < "VYill Mr. Buchanan, if elected, redeem his pledge? I believe he will, and therefore I ' will cheerfully support him. All that can he asked ol him is to do equal and exact justice to ' every section of the country—to exercise the high powers with which he will be invested to 1 secure the object in view, as well because it ! will be right to do so, as because there may be 1 reason to tear that the existence of the govern- ' ment itself may depend upon his securing it.— ] So much has been said in regard to the dangers with which the Union is threatened, as to re- 1 quire no inconsiderable effort on the part of an earnest man, to touch upon the solemn theme, for fear he might be suspected of a desire to prostitute it to comparatively petty purposes.— ; But ail must admit it to be certain that tlieie ; never was a period in the history of thisrepub- : lie when sectional animosities were so rile, or ; had, to so great an extent, inflamed the masses | of the people. If the confederacy shall prove : strong enough to withstand these torrents of ; bitter water, it will afford the best evidence that , the love of union is as deeply impressed upon c the American heart as its most sanguine friends , have imagined it to he. I see good grounds for j hope that such may be the happy issue out of our present alarming condition, in the prospect of Mi. Buchanan's election. He is neitaeranun tried man nor one of ordinary stamp. He has ' for a long time been favorably known to the : public service, and coines before the country with a character already formed, and a mind thoroughly trained in the school of experience, i In regard to the future action of such a man, his constituents are not left to conjecture and hope, i hut may form positive opinions. He has est ah- t lished a foreign reputation, in regard to which ' he cannot fail to be solicitous. He has, with i characteristic good sense relieved himself from | the imputation of being influenced bv a desire to I conciliate any special or partial inter- st, with at view to re-election, and his acts from mii-con- i struct ions, which the suspicion ol being so in flu- t TERMS, S2 PE2I YEAR. VOL XXIV, NO. 49. ! enced might engender. That a man with such t antecedents, and occupying such a position, act ing in a matter of sufficient interest to attract the attention of the world, and in the presence of a free and intelligent people, among whom I he was reared and expects to spend the evening • of his life, can fail to perform I) is entire dutv . when the path that leads to it is so plain that "the wayfaring man, though a tool, could not err therein," is a consummation that I am very certain can n-ver he realized." Grc/f. Sufferings onions the California Pass engers, byway of .Yicaragua—One Hundred and Twenty Deaths. I lie T rue California gives the following ac count ot the dreadful sufferings endured bv the passengers who left New York in April last for California, !>y way of Nicaragua : The steam* r left New York on the Sth of April, with some live hundred passen gers, for California, byway of Nicaragua. On the Ititb she arrived at Sai. Juan, and the pass engers disembarked. By means of open boats they started up the river, during a soaking rain. Ihe exposure caused them much suffering.— \Y hen they arrived at CastiHa, they were in formed that the transit across the country was closed; and after two days' delay, during which they were constantly exposed to the weather, they were told if they chose, they could return to New York ; but only fifteen minutes were allowed them : and as they were compelled to abandon their baggage in case they concluded to go back, three hundred of the passengers determined to push on. They were taken to Grenada, where they were detained a month, notwithstanding that an epidemic was prevailing there. Here the most fearful disease commenced to tage among them. In four weeks, seventy nine of the three hundred were buried. During this time they suffered every privation—many were without means, and those who had money were com pelled to put up with extortion and robbery at every hand. On the 20th May, in the evening, news reached Granada of the arrival of the Sierra Nevada, at San Juan del Sur,anri three hours weregiveu thp surviving passengers, sick and well, to get on board the Lake steamer. At the time, it was pouring rain and pitch dark. The sick were carried down, in the best manner possible, all getting thoroughly drenched. Up on reaching the landing of the Lake steamer, they were kept in the rain until they had ex hibited their tickets, which detained them sev eral hours. Finally,all were crowded on board, hut before morning, three oi the sick died, and were sent on shore. On the Lake steamer, the scene is described as having been dreadful:" Tfff* crowded together like sheep in a pen. There was scarcely room fur the sick to lie down. For nineteen hours they were thus confined, suffering every torture of bodv and of mind ; several poor wretches gave up the ghost on the Lent, and others died whilp attempting the jour ney from the Lake to San Juan. After they embarked in the Sierra Novada, the sickness broke cut ag3in, and during the passage from San Juan to this boat thirty-three deaths occur red. AWKWAHD. A young and very handsome la iy was a few days since a passenger in an omnibus in New York, it: which was a party of Spaniards, who began in their own language a rather paiticuiar discussion of her charms.— . They continued it without restraint until thev reached their destination. In getting out. one of them happened to step upon her dress. What was his astonishment to hear Iter very quietly inform him of the fact in frightful good Castili an. The astonishment and embarrassment, chagiin, excuses arid apologies, are all in that long catalogue of things which "can onlv be imagined." Married Women, with brutes for husbands, may find their legal rights considerably extend ed by the following, which is contained in an act approved by the Governor of Pennsylvania on the 11th ult: Section 3. That whensoever any husband shall have deserted or seperated himself from his wife, or neglected or refused to support her, or she shall have been divorced horn his bed and board, it shall be lawful for her to prefect her reputation by an action for slander or libel, and she shall also have the right by action to recover her seperate earnings or property : Pro vided, That it her husband be the defendant, the action shall be in the name of a next friend. A Goon SII.X I.v MASSACHUSETTS.—The New Bedford Express, which was started as an American organ, refuses to be transferred to the Fremont party, but runs up the names of Buch anan and Breckinridge, and is battling manfully and efficiently for their success. The editor says that the democrats are cordially sustaining him, and that amongst his warmest supporters are many who have heretofore acted with the whig and other parties; but being national men, with hearts too large to love only fifteen of the thirty-one States, like Noah's dove, could find no resting-place outside the democrat ic ark. ALL RICHT rx Kr XTEI KV. —The Louisville Times of the 15th instant assures us that Ken tucky is as safe tor Buchanan and Breckinridge as Mississippi or Alabama. The Louisville Courier, a whig paper, thus speaks in its issue of the 11-th of the prospect in Kentucky. It says : "If the election w ere held to-day, Buchanan's majority in Kentucky would probably leach ten thousand : but w hen the fact becomes, as it will, more and more clear that Buchanan is the only chance to defeat Fremont, there will, we predict, be a genera! stampede , and we shall not be surprised if his majority in Kentucky reach es double or treble, or even quadruple, that number. We speak seriously, deducing effect from cause,"