Newspaper of Bedford Gazette, August 29, 1856, Page 1

Newspaper of Bedford Gazette dated August 29, 1856 Page 1
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11l 4|pO- W. BOWTIAI, NEW SERIES. sclc 11 |0 oct rn. THE POLITICAL RIDE. A CAMPAIGN" SONG. Air.— Dearest May. A sight I saw the other night, When ail the world was still. For then 1 saw the Woolly Horse, .4 sohts flown the hill. He looked as it' he wanted teed,* And drink from out the fountains, And oft turned back his eager gaze Towards the Korly Mountain*. Oh. Buck and Breck, You'll surely win the day, The Woolly Horse has gone to grass, So all the people say. He drew a curious !online chaise, And Fremont sat therein. With Horace Greely by his side, Both on a friendly grin. '•The horse is getting very tired," Quoth Greeley, then, snh rasa, '•I think we'll surely need some aid From out your Mariposa." Oh, tee., &e. Fremont replied, "Z have it there, Willi that we'll male, a s/wrl, And talk of valor, gold and snow, And slander Buck and Breck." Saul Greeley, "that will never do Without some other figures And. violins, both at once cried out, "We have it with the niggers." Oh, tic., ike. Thus onward rode the gallant pair, (In hrmhus mutters talking, W.tarijf, haul, and ' fecial hills, For hopns and def a altl r<S• When to! they saw far in advance Old linrl was poms if , "We'll lose," cried Greeley, in despair, Our horse can never win." Oh, fee., fee. "In pite of mountains, gold and snow, I tell you now 'tis flat, Old Buck and Breck wilt win the day, And f shall lose that hat. The White House then came full in view, And Puck and Breck rushed in, Wf- ie all the people loudly cried, "Fremont, yon eannot win Ob. Buck and Breck, You'll surely win the day, The Woolly Horse has gone to grass, So ail the people say. adjourned at noon on Monday, : insrrurdarice with the previous resolution of the tun Houses, but having failed to pass the Kinv appropriation bill by reason ot the House • niia: !• uslv clogging it with provisions in ' ,'T.ceto Kansas, which the Senate deemed r:4oeii! and arbitrary, would not therefore a ::wtn, the President of the I'nited States has -O'pt!y issued his ptoclamation calling art Extra to convene at the Capitol on '.arsHay next, (tomorrow). It appears that all appropriation bills were passed, ex- the one for the army, which embiaced * 14,000,000. The President, accompa irv some,hers of the Cabinet, being in tendance in the ante-rooms of the Senate, •5-and other important hills were duly sign ■ "t many private hills, for want of time, it • -.1 tailed to receive the President's signa-, litre. Ine entire amount of appropriations so far ' i t- is nearly $50,000,000, and with the sum r.-e.led for the army, the appropriations will '■•■!! up to between C>3 and $64-,000,000. Ih following is the proclamation of'the Pres- I'.tjtke President of the i nited States of A merica: A PKOOI.AMATION t ifreas, whilst hostilities exist with various ; tn tribes on the remote frontiers of the Urti catus, and wliilst in other respects the puh • ! ice is seriously threatened, Congress has sroed without granting the necessary sup • fir the Army, depriving the Executive of 'lower to perform his duty in relation to the 'T.jn defence and security, and an extraor : ry occa.-ion has thus arisen for the assenri z I the two Houses of Congress, ] do there l,r 'i by this my Proclamation, convene said H>j<es to m ,, e t at the Capitol, in the city of iogton, on Thursday, the 21st day of Ati uistant, hereby requiring the respective v 's!urs and Representatives then and there I totemble, to consult and determine on such 1 "ouresas the state of the Union may seem to ffquire. testimony whereof, I have caused the seal ! 'i** ( nited States to tie hereunto affixed, and *•-'"d the same with my hand. at the city of Washington, this 18th of August, in the year of our Lord 18n(j • ' 'he Independence of the United States ''ir Si St. R .v FRANKLIN PIERCE, "y order, W. L. M arcv, Secretary ol State. El VOMTIOVARY ACTION OF THE BLACK "epcblican partv in the house OF REPRESENTATIVES. ' n our paper of yesterday we published the U "-tarnation of the President convening the houses of Congress to meet on Thursday, -Ist instant. is understood that all the members who • u >hm on Monday at the hour of adjourn- : id notice on that day at three o'clock. " alia took a passing notice of the cause ; fed to tins state ol things—the lose of the " : . v appropriation bill. It was the initiative j • ' first practical triumph ever obtained in f ! >ited States, of that character, by a polit- Our present firm ol government j has endured since 1787. Il is now sixty-nine ; years. We have heretofore passed through al- I roost every form and shade ol national -parties, but each seemed to vie with the other in steady i attachment to the constitution and the Union. It was immaterial whether Hamilton or Jefler scn, or Adams, or Madison, led—whether j Adams or Jackson, or Van Buren or Harrison, or Polk or Taylor, triumphed. It was all the same. Their differences, their contests, and i their triumphs, were either as to the policy to be pursued in the administration of our national j affairs, or the construction of constitutional pro- ; j visions. In these conflicts there was even a j line of demarcation which limited both parties, l ! and beyond which, as a whole, they never ven tured to pass. The people participated, and ; | looked with interest on the exciting events ol file day, and at the height and termination of the hitter est rivalry, always congratulated I themselves that ours was the government of a , written constitution, and that this Union was j sale, because there stood not in the ranks of either parly a solitary press, or one single lead ing roan, who cunningly devised schemes to dis solve it, or plotted the shedding of American ■ blood to obtain power. During this lung peri iod of political contest no such attempt was i marie. If there arose the solitary hydra-head |of abolitionism, it was no bigger than a hand's j breadth, and the patiiotism of both great parties j repressed its fury, and consigned it to insignifi cance and helplessness. In ail this time, there ' was no Congress which failed to make appro j priations for the support of all the branches of: | the government. Hut now a new slate ot things has taken place. Men calling themselves patriots an.l statesmen have devoted their time, their mo ney, and their talents to fan the flame of fanat icism. The most hateful and dangerous ot all combinations—that of religion and politics—has j been restored with an intensity which has been i unparalleled, except in the days of our mother country, when heretics were burned, and in our own, in which witches were drowned. By a sudden, vigorous, and wide-spread mis representation, made to the honest people of | America, they succeeded in deceiving a great body of patriotic men in the North under false ' pretences, arid obtained their support, and came into the Congress of the United States with a majority. Their first step, outside of that body, they took in the name of the Emigrant Aid So ciety. The result was the shedding ofthe first American blood by American brethren in Kan sas. Men went there armed to do that very deed. In the inidst of it, and when the hopes of the black-republicans were running high, when it seemed as if war would spread by de grees, until, like the undulations in a lake from i the casting of a stone, the waves would be re * plater! and extended, until they reached the j utmost extremities of our country. It was that i moment that tried the strength ofthe const ruc tion of our government. Mobs and military associations had resisted arid defied the civil power. The Chief Magistrate of the republic, with a firm and patriotic hand, tempering jus tice with mercy, and executing the laws with vigor but moderation, put an end to the shed : ding ofthe hlnod of brethern, and with there turn of peace in Kansas the ambitious hopes of the Black Republicans began to wither. The spirit of desperation seized them. In thin spir it they have laid violent hands upon the. consti tat ion , and perpetrated a revolutionary act in order to enable them to recommence a civil war, and array one vast section of this union against . the other, for the sole purjtoseof obtaining the \ possession of supreme power. The process w'as obvious, and was to be short. They voted against the appropriations f>r the support of the army in order to compel the President to disband it. If this could he eflect i ed, then that howl for which Mr. Sumner hop ' ed and prophesied against South Carolina might have come, like the sad wail of the suffering i and dying, first from Kansas and Missouri, and next Irom the border States. Revolution would then have become fierce and universal. The ; dread of the executive arm of this country was , felt by every man, from whatever quarter he might come, whose secret wishes and designs were blood arid plunder. The act refusing, un der the circumstances, support to the army, was not only revolutionary, but was moral trea son against the government. Resides, it had another aspect : In order to effect so profligate ; a purpose, they were willing to clothe the Pre ; sident with dictatorial powers—to put Kansas | under martial law—to place the highw ays of our country bv land and by .>oa at his single I will—in effect, to suspend the writ of habeas j corpus, and to allow no man the right of appeal from his w ill. But this is only a part of the j mischief contemplated. The black-Republican party never believed that the Senate of the U ! nited Slates would concur in such a proposition, and, therefore, it is plain that their tiue pur- I pose was to compel the President to disband | the army, and to let anarchy come with all its horrors. If this is n<>t so, then they are play i ing fruerile and fantastic tricks with edged and dangerous weapons. If they pretend to say that the President could still maintain the army, and keep it in efficient condition, then their j act w as useless and nugatorv, and it would have been more graceful and dignified for them to have done that which could accomplish noth ing except the gratification of their pride and I the expression of their malice. But our President cannot fashion his opinions by a black-republican standard. He will, no ! doubt, preserve the constitution by setting the i example of respecting it himself, and will take care to preserve the Union against all attempts I at its overthrow. Let our countrymen cry aloud and spare not. There can be no doubt that the blow has been struck by the black-republican party with a view to revolution, anarchy, and disunion. Let no man spare them from this out. Let the j people be warned. We have but commenced this subject. We 1 shall publish, in a day or two, extracts frotp FRIDAY MORNING, BEDFORD, PA. AUG. 23, 1856. the interesting debate in the Senate on the bill making appropriations for the army for the year ending the 30th of June, 185 G. It will gratify and enlighten our readers. It oc curred upon the amendment rej>orted by the finance Committee of the Senate to strike out the revolutionary proviso passed by fhe black republicans.— H us/tinglun I n ion, Aug. 20. From the Boston Courier. Slon. £2iiliis Choate on the Pres idential Question. The Whigs of Maine held a grand mass meet ing in the town of Watervilleyesterday. Hon. Rufus Choate w as invited to be present, but be ing unable to attend, he sent a letter, in which he defined his own position on the Presidential question: and avowed his intention to vote for Mr. Buchanan. We give it below. BOSTON, Saturday, Aug. 9, 1 <Ssf>. Gentlemen: Upon my return evening, after a short absence from the city, 1 found your letter of the 30th ult., inviting me to take part in the proceedings of the Whigs uf Maine, as sembled in mass meeting. I appreciate most highly the honor and kind ness of this invitation, and should have had true pleasure in accepting it. The Whigs of Maine composed at .all times so important a di vision of the great national party: wmeh un der thai name, with or without official power, as a responsible administration oras only an or ganized opinion, has done so much for our country—our whole country—and your respon sibilities at this moment are so vast and pecu liar, that I acknowledge an anxiety to see —not wait to hear—with what noble hearing you meet the demands of the time. It the trier! legions, to whom it is committed to guard the frontier of the Union, falter now, who, any where, can be entrusted ? Mv engagements, however, and the necessity of expediency of abstaining from all speech re quiring much eflort, w ill prevent my being with you. And yet, invited to share in your coun sels, arid grateful for such distinction, I cannot wholly decline my own opinion on one of the duties of the Whigs in what von well describe as "the present crisis in the political affairs of the country." I cannot now. and need not, pause to e.aborate or defend, them. \\ hat I think, and what I have decided to do, permit me in the briefest and plainest expression toteli you. The first dutv, then, of Whigs, not merely as patriots and as citizens, —loving, with a large and equal love our whole native land, —but as Whigs, and because w>• are Whigs, is to unite with some organization of our countrymen, to defiat and dissolve the new geographical party, caiiing itself Republican. This is our ttiSt du ty. It would more exactly express inv opin ion to say, that at this moment, it is our only duty. Certainly, at K-ast, it comprehends or suspends all others: and in my judgment, the question for each and every one of us is, not whether this candidate or that candidate would be our first choice; not whether there is some good talk in the worst platform, and some bad talk in the best platform : not whether this man's ambition, or thai man's servility, or bold ness, or fanaticism, or violence, is responsible for putting the wild waters in thi-uproar;— hut just this, —bv what v t- can Ido most to prevent the madness ofthe times from working its maddest act, — tire very ecstney of its mad- ness, — the permanent formation and the actual present triumph ofa party which knows one half o£ America only to hale and dread it : from whose uncotisecrated and revolutionary banner fifteen stars are erased or have fallen : in whose national anthem the old and endeared airs of the Eutaw Springs, and the King's Moun tain, and Yorktown, and those, later, of New Orleans, and Huena Vista, and Chapultepec, breathe' no more. To this duty, to this ques tion, all others seem to me to stand for the pres ent postponed and secondary. And u Itv ? Because, according to our creed, it is only the United America which can peace fully, gradually, safely, improve, lilt up and bless with all social and personal and civil blessings, all the races and ail the conditions which compose our vast and various family—it is such an America, only, w hose arm can guard our flag, devi lope our resources, extend our trade, and fill the measure of our glory; and, because, according to our convictions, the tri umph of such a Party puts that Union in dan ger. That is my reason. And lor yon, and for me, and for all of us, in whose regards the Union possesses such a value, and to whose fears it seems menaced by sue!) a danger; it is rea son enough. Believing the noble ship of state to be within a half cable's length ol the lee shore of rock, in a gale of wind, our first busi ness is to put her about, and crowd Iter oft, into the deep, open sea. That done, we can regu late the stowage of her lower tier of powder, and seUct her cruising ground, and bring her offi cers to court-martial at our leisure, If there art* any in Maine —and among HIP Whigs of Maine i hope there is not one—but if thete are an v, in whose hearts strong passions, vaulting ambition, jealousy of men or set lions, unreasoning and impatient philanthropy, or whatever else have turned to bate or coldness the fraternal blood and quenched the spirit of national life at its source ; with whom the un ion of slave States and free States under the ac tual Constitution is a cuise, a hindrance, a re proach: with these of course our view of our duty and the reason of it, are a stumbling block and foolishness. To such you C3TI have noth ing to say, and from such you can have noth ing to hope. But if there are those again who love the in ion as we love it, and prize it as we prize it ; who rtgard it as we do, not merely as a vast instrumentality for the protection of our commerce and navigation and lor achieving fiower, eminence and name among the sover eigns of the earth—but as a means of improving the material lot, and elevating the moral and mpntal nature, and insuring the personal happi ness of the millions of many distant generations; Freedom of Thought and Opinion. il there are those who think thus justly of it— f and yet hug the fatal delusion that, because it is

good, it is necessarily immortal ; that it will thrive without care; that anything created by man's will is above or stronger than His will : that because the reason and virtue of out age of reason and virtue could build it, the passions and stimulations ofa day of frenzy cannot pull it down ; it such there are among you, to them •address yourselves, with all the earnestness and all the eloquence of men who feel that some greater interest is at stake, and some mightier cause in hearing, than ever yet tongue had pleaded or trumpet proclaimed. If such minds and hearts are reached, all is safe. But how specious and how manifold are the sophisms by which they are courted ? They hear and they read much ridicule of those who fear that a geographical party does endanger the Union. Hut can they forget that our greatest, wisest, and most hopeful statesmen have alwavs felt, and have all, in one form or another, left on record their own fear of such a party? The judgments of Washington, Madi son, Clcky, Webster, on the dangers of the A merican Union—are they woith nothing to a conscientious love of it ? What they dreaded as a remote and improbable contingency—that which they cautioned, as they thought, dis®nt generations— that which they were so hnjfry as to ciie without seeing—is upon lis.— Arifl yet some men would have us go on laugh ing and singing, like the traveller in the satire, with his pockets empty, at a present peril, the mere apprehension of which, as a distant and hare' possibility, could sadden the heart of the Father nf his Country, and dictate the grave and grand warning of the Farewell Address. They hear men snv that such a party outfit not to endanger the t'nion ; that, although it happened to b" formed within one geoginphical section, and confined exclusively to it: although its end and aim is to rally that section against the other oil a question of morals, policy and feeling, on which the two differ eternally and unappeasibly although, from the nature of its oiigin and objects, no man in the section out side can jKissiblv join it,or accept office under it without infamy at home : although, therefore, it is a stupendous organization, practically to take jiower and honor, and a full share of the Government, from our w hole familv of States, and be>tow them, substantially, all upon the an tagonist family : although the doctrines of hu man right*, which it gathers out of the Declaia tion of Independence—that passionate and elo quent manifesto of a revolutionary war—anda dopts as its fundamental ideas, announce to any Southern apprehension a crusade of government against slavery, far w ithotit and beyond Kansas; although tie- .spirit and tendency of its elec tioneering appeals, as a whole, in prose and veise, the lending arfteles of its papers, and the speeches of its nra'ors, are to excite contempt and hale, or fear of our entire geographical sec tion, and hate or dread or contempt is the nat ural impression it all leaves on the Northern mind and heart: yet, that nobody anywhere ought to he angry, or ought to be frightened ; that the majority must govern, and that the North is a majority : that it is ten to one noth ing will happen ; that, if worst comes to worst, the South knows it is wholly to blame, and need® the Union more than we do. and will be (juM accordingly. Hut do they who hold this language forget that the question is not what ought to endanger the Union, but what will do It ? Is it man as he ought to be, or man as he is, that we must live with or live alone? In appreciating the influences which may disturb a political sys tem, and especially one like ours, do you make no allowance Cur passions, lor pride, for infirm ity, for the burning st-nse of even imaginary wrong? Do you assume that all men, or ail masses of men, in all sections, uniformly obey reason, and uniformly wisely see and calmly seek their true interests? Where on earth is such a foil's Paiadiee as that to be found? Con ceding to the people of the fifteen States the oidinary and average human nature, its good and its evil, its weakness and its strength, I for one, dare not say that the triumph of such a party ought not to lie expected naturally and probably to disunite the States. With my undouhfing convictions, I know that it would be folly and immorality in nu*n to wish it. Certainly there are in all sec tions am] iu all States those who love the I - nion, under the actual Constitution, as Wash ington did, as Jav, Hamilton, and Madison did —as Jackson, Clav and Webster loved it. Such even is the hereditary and the habitual senti ment of the general American heait. Hut he has read life and looks to little purpose who has not learned that "bosom friendships" may he "to resentment soured,"' and 111 at no hatred is so keen, deep, and precious as that. "Anit To be wroth w ith one we love Will work like madness in the brain." He has read the hook ol our history to still less purpose, who has not learned that the friend ships of these Slates—sisters, but rivals—sover eigns each, with a public life,and a body of in terests, and sources of honor and shame of its own and within itself, distributed into two great opposing groups, are of all human ties most ex posed to such rupture and such transformation. 1 ligve not time in tlnse hasty lines, and there is no need, to speculate on the details ol the modes in which the triumphs ol this party would do its work of evil. Its mere struggle to obtain the government, as that struggle is con ducted, is mischievous to an extent incalcula ble. That thousands of the good men who have joined it deplore this is certain, but that does not mend the matter. 1 appeal to the con science and honor of. my country, that if if were the aim of a great party, by every species of access to the pc.pulai mind —by eloquence, by argument, by taunt, bv sarcasm, by recrimi nation,-by appeals to pride, shame, and natural right—to prepare the nation for a struggle with Spain or England, or Austria, it could not do its business more thoroughly. Many persons— many speakers—many, very many, set a high- er and wiser example, but the work js doing. If it accomplishes its object, and gives the government to the North, I turn my eyes from the consequences. To the filteen States of the South, that Government will appear an alien Government. It will appear worse. It will appear a hostile Government. It w ill repre sent to their eye a vast region of Slates, organ ized upon Anti-Slavery, flushed by triumph, tribune and press: its mission to inaugurate freedom and put down the oligarchy ; its con stitution the glittering and sounding generali ties of natural right which make up the Decla ration of Independence. And then and thus is the beginning of the end. If a necessity could be made out for such a party we might submit to it as to other una voidable evil, and other certain danger. But 'where do they find that ? Where do they pre tend to find it ? Is it to keep slavery out of the Territories? There is not one but Kansas in which Slavery is possible. No roan fears, no man hopes lor Slavery in Utah, New Mexico, Washington or Minesota. A-national party to give them to freedom is about as needful and about as feasible as a national party to keep Maine for freedom. And Kansas ! Let that abused and profaned soil have calm within its borders: deliver it over to the natural law of peaceful and spontaneous immigration : take off the rulfian hands; sttike down the rifle and the bow ie knife : and guard its strenuous infancy and youth till it comes of age to choose tor it sell—and it will choose freedom for itself, and it will have forever what it chooses. When this policy, so easy, simple and just, is tried and fails, it will be time enough to re sort to revolution. It is in pait because the duty of protection to the local settler was not performed that the Democratic party has al ready by the action of its great representative convention resolved to put out of office its own administration. That lesson will not and must not be lost on anvhodv. The comntry demands that Congress, before it adjourns, give thai Ter ritory peace. If it do, time w ill inevitably give it freedom. 1 have hastily and imperfectly expressed my opinion through the unsatisfactory forms of a letter, as to the immediate duty of Whigs. VVe are to do what we can to defeat and disband this geographical party. Hut by what specific action we can most effectually contribute to such a result is a question of more difficulty. It seems now to be settled that we present r;o can didate of our own. If we vote at all, then, we vote for the nominees of the American or the nominees ofthe Democratic party. As between them I shall not venture to counsel the Whigs of Maine, but I deem it due to frankness ami honor to say, that while I entertain a high ap preciation of the character and ability of Mr. Fillmore, I do not sympathise in any degree with the objects and creed of the particular par ty that nominated him, and do not approve of their organization and their tactics. Practically, too, the contest, in my judgment, is between Mr. Buchanan and Col. Fremont.— Jn these circumstances I vote for Mr. Buchan an. He tias large experience in public afiiiirs *. his commanding capacity is universally ac knowledged : his life is without a stain. lam constrained to add that he seems at this moment, by the concurrence of circumstances, more com pletely than anv other, to represent that senti ment of nationality,—tolerant, warm and com prehensive,— without which, without increase of which, America is no longer America : and to possess the power, and I trust, the disposition to restore and keep that peace, within our bor ders and without, for which our hearts all yearn, which all our interests demand, through which and by which alone we may hope to grow to the true greatness of nations. Verv respectfully, your fellow-citizen, RIFTS CIJOATI:. To E. W. Farley and other genilenien of the Maine Whig State Central Committee. An Abolition Orator. One of the self-constituted delegates to the Black Republican Convention, which nomina ted Col. FREMONT, was Dr. Josuru E. S.\oi>- GRAS>. He is also a leading Black Republican orator, lie has spoken for FREMONT already at a number of places, and we undeistand that he may shortly be expected in Pennsylvania. He is particularly famous for His attacks on slavery, and terribly vindictive against the Democratic party, because it is willing to allow the people of the Territories the right enjoyed by the citi zens in ail the States, of regulating the charac ter of their domestic institutions tor themselves. No doubt tie descants with all the eloquence of a Si JINLU, the venom of a CIULUNOS, or pit ads with all the pathos of a Mrs. STOWC, for the slave, and waxes fierce and indignant as a CREEI.F.Y, at the hare mention of "slave-hol ders," "slavery aggression," and at the idea of "traffic in human ties!) and blood," etc., etc. We wish, however, to call attention to a circumstance which will serve as an admirable prelude to this virtuous gentleman's oratorical performances, and which will be published wherever he undertakes to mislead the public on this question. We allude to the fact that he was former I v a slave-holder himself, and tHat instead of manumiting his slaves, he told t hem it nd pvf the money in his pocket ere he undertook the business of preaching Black Re publicanism. Jn reply to the request of a gentleman in Washington, the following letter, with an ac companying bill of sale, by which Dr. S.\or>- GR ASS conveyed two negroes to Mr. BUKKHART, was furnished, and the correspondence placed at our disposal : HORSE OF RF-FRESENTATIVKS, ) August 11, ISfifi. J Sir.:—ln compliance with your request, I forward to you a copy of the bill of sale from Dr. Joseph E. Snodgrass, the travelling Aboli tion orator, conveying to Daniel Burkhart two slaves. I cannot comply with your further re qu >t to have it ceitifi d under the s> al of the TKR.IIS, S3 PER YEAR, VOL XXIV, NO. 52. Clerk of the County Cowrh It has never been recorded, as it is not usual in Virginia, to re cord such instruments, nor does the law require it where the* sale of a slave, or other personal chatlle, is accompanied by the transfer ot pos session from grantor to grantee, as was the case in the transfer of the slaves by Dr. Snodgrass to Mr. Hnrkhart. The copy I send to you is in the hand-writing of Mr. Bui khart, with which I am well acquainted, and who in person han ded it to me. Mr. Hnrkhart is a gentleman ot great intelligence and worth. He was for ma ny years a magistrate of the county of Berkley, and is at t his time the Cashier ot the Banket Berkley, Virginia. Dr. Snodgrass will not dare to deny that he fust made sale of all the slaves which lie inherited from his father, and put the price ol flesh snd blocd into his pocket, before fie assumed the vocation of teaching his fellow men w hat an atrocious crime it is to hold a human being in bondage. Sach hypocrites and impostors should be sconuted from every stand from which they attempt to address the people. Know all men bv these present*, That ], Jo seph E. Snodgrass, of the t iiy of Baltimore, in lite Slate oi Mary land, for and in consideration oi' the sun) of eight hundred dollars to me in hand, paid by Daniel fUirkhart—the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have bargain ed ar.d sold, and by these presents, do bargain and sell unto the said D. Burkhail. u negro man named Charles, of about the age of thirty-six years: also, a negro woman, wife of the said Charles, named En ilv, aged about nineteen years, together with the natural increase of the said Emily. And I, the said Joseph E. Snod grass, tor myself and my heirs, executors and administrators, do hereby- warrant the said ne groes and their increase to be slaves for life.— In testimony whereof J have hereunto set my • hand and seal this Ist dav of December, IS4-8. ; (A copy.) JOSEPH SNODCEASS. [SEAL, J Prom the Hoilbtaysburg Standard of Aug- -0. Col. I)a\id H. Hofius anil •I ilnii. Charles This martyr to free Kansas, free speech, and ! free niggers, as we staled in our last, is, or late ! Iv has been, rusticating at the house of Dr. Jack son, at Cresson. Since his arrival, what little sympathy was manifested tor him in this neigh borhood has entirely given way to feelings of deep disgust. There is nothing whatever tile matter with him. He is hale ar.d hearty, has a good appetite, and talks politics with all the bit-* : ter v'mdictiveness that a Yankee fanatic can . command. One dav last week, II. Ho ' tins, an Old Line Whig, arid J. Blair Moore, Democrat,and Col. J. J. Patterson, Republican, •me of the editors of the Ilarrisburg Telegraph, visited Cresson. Jo company with a man named Gemmit, at the invitation of Dr. Jack son, they called upon Mr. Sumner, who re ceived them verv cordially'. He son asked Mr. Hofius how Mr. Ford had succeeded here, j The Colonel told him frankly that he did net succeed very well—that his meeting was com* posed of Democrats and Fillmore men—that very few Fremont men were present in conse quence of there being but few in the pjpCWf- This frank avowal irritated the gentlernaMlJ'ith ?'< the soft brain, and he poured forth a perfect torrent of invective? against Pennsylvanjans.— While empty ing bis vials of Republican wrath, jhe declared that the Whigs and Democrats of i Pennsylvania were white slaves, and that tie ! should glorv in seeing them brought to the j block, and disposed of under the auctioneer's j hammer. This unqualified assertion of the j Yankee fanatic did not fail to arouse the indig nation of lite Pennsylranians, and Col. Hofius i made some tart reply, which only aggravated the martyr the more, and lie showered abuse of ! the foulest kind upon Pennsylvanians indis criminately-, and when the party attempted to vindicate their State, the dignified Yankee Ah- o! it ionist cool v opened a Boston paper, and commenced reading. The party came away cornple!e!v disgusted, and Col. Hofius, who previously felt great sympathy- Ihr the man be fore he uttered such atrocious sentiments, de clares openly that his Honor earned a gre3t many more earnings than he has ever re ceived. Tt is intimated by on" of the nigger sheets thnt Mr. Sumner is ahout to traverse Fennsvl vania to make niggerite capital. If so, \vp ad vise him net to make use of such language.— The people of Pennsylvania are freemen—he who says to the contrary is a black hearted liar they love the Constitution, the Laws and the I'riion—they are law abiding, too, 3nd they will not suffer any Yankee Abolitionists to come from the slaves of the cotton mills of Mas sachusetts, and heap villainous abuse upon them with impunity. THE FRE-MONTEES AND oru NVrt RALIZEP CITIZENS The sudden and hypocritical regard of the Fremonters for our naturalized citizens is unmercifully exposed in the subjoined extract from the .Veil' Haven Register: "The Hartford Times says that Gov. But ton, on taking the chair of the Know Nothing Convention, made a few remarks, in which he said that "the inure be reflected the more he became convinced that unless the foreigners among us—the agents and auxiliaries of despot ism in Europe—were met and put down, we were no longer safe.' [Applause.] The speak er continued, saving that the foreign element in our population was a BRUTAL, unenlightened, I'.NORANT agency.' This must have been very gratifying to the 'Fremont German Club,' which the Courant claims exists in Hartford.—- Where is Oie Hull ? Where is Hoffman ? where | is Hecker !" Gov. Button is on" of the most promi nent and influential supporters o| Fremont in ! New England.