Newspaper of Bedford Gazette, 19 Ekim 1860, Page 1

Newspaper of Bedford Gazette dated 19 Ekim 1860 Page 1
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VOLUME .17. NEW SERIES. rHE BEDFORD G-AZETTE IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING j BY BE I\ ME YE KS, At the following terms, to wit: $1.50 per annum, CASH, in advance. $2.00 " " if paid within the year. $2.50 if not paid within the year, j EP'Xo subscription taken for less than six months, i CCF"N'O paper discontinued until all arrearages are ' paid, unless at the option of the publisher, it hae j neen decided by the United States Courts that ths ; toppage of a newspaper without tne payment ot ar- I earages, is prima facir- evidence ol fraud and is a mninal offence. courts have decided that persons are ac- , eintabie for the subscription price of newspapers, ( the) take them from the post oitice,whether hey 1 Ascribe for them, ur not. LETTER FROM HON. AMOS KENDALL, TO HON. JAMES L. ORR, OF SOUTH CAROLINA. WASHINGTON, Sept. 10, iB6O. I HON. JAMES L. ORR — .I/Y Dear Sir : Yiur ; >Uer of 'he 1 flth lilt., reached Washington vhiie I was absent in the North. Though 1 did not contemplate when I wrote fo you on the 9th ult., anything beyond a limit- | e i private correspondence, yet, having no opin ion on !ne portentous condition of public affaiis which 1 have a motive to conceal, or am asha med to avow, I cheerfully comply with your suggestions. You quote from my former letter the decla ration that "my mind is equally clear that the S ruth has long had a peaceful remedv within her reach, and has it still, though impaired by ! ie recent conduct of some ol her sons," and you ask of me a full explanation of my opinions a that point as well as "the remedy to be re orted td by us (the South) should the Goveru nent in November, pass into the hands of a •arty whose declared purpose is to destroy our property, amounting HI value, at the present itne, to not less than three billions, one hun dred and rittv millions of dollars." Vou ask, "Can it be prudent, safe or manly in the South to submit to the domination of a patty whose declared purpose is to destioy such a.n amount of property and subvert our whole social and industrial policy !" fn a subsequent part of your lefter you call j sr.v attention to certain grievances endured by the South, and conclude your commentary on th-un as f Blows, viz ' '•ls it wise, if we do not intend to submit to such consequences, to allow a Black Repnbli cad President to be inaugurated, and put him ! in possession of the Army, the Navy, the Trea sury, the ormorn-s and arsenals, the public, property—in fact the whole machinery ol the Government with its appendants and appnrte-; nances'! If the South sliould think upon this subject as I do, no Black Republican Pres ident should ever execute any law within her borders unless at the point of the bayonet and over the dead bodies of her slain sons." I shudder al such sentiments coming from one whose sincerity I cannot doubt. The tirrel was when 150,000 m-n tendered their services to the President to aid him if necessary in ex ecuting the laws jot the United States ; the time will be when 200,000 men will be volun teers for a iike purpose.should resistance be made to his legitimate authority, no matter .by what party he may be elected. There seems to rrie to he in the course recom mended to the South, in the event of Mr. Lin coin's election to the Presidency, a fatuity little short of madness Would you pull down the canopv ol heaven because wrong and crime ex ist beiieath it ? Would you break up the earth on which we tread, because earthquakes some times heave i! and pestilence walks on its sur face ? This Union, sir, :s to precious to the people it protects, North and South, Fast and West, to be broken up, even should a Black Republican be elected President next Novem ber. Stould fhe attempt be made, a united North and three-fourths of a divided South wouid spring to the rescue. No, no, the rem edy for the evils of which you justly complain is to be found within the Union, and not a mong its bloody ruins. I admit that the grievances which you enu merate are hard to he home; but a few Southern men are not without responsibility for their ex istence. The general sentiment ol the coun ♦rv, North and South, at the close of the Rev ciutionaiv war Jwas Anti-Slavery. It lias < hanged in the South, but remains unchanged in the North. There, however, it has been ■ <>uscd to unwonted activity, by 11 e preachings ul lariatics and the denunciations of political demagogues, aided not a little by the arts, the language and the violence of Southern disu ii'unists. It is needless to give in d-tail all the causes which have brought the politics ol the country o their present deplorable condition. Suffice lo say that you have long had in the South a email party ot able men whose aim ha-, been lo destroy the Union ; that, as a preliminary to their main design, they nave sought to bieak up fhe Democratic Party ; that their means for accomplishing this end were lo act with it, and force upon it every possible Issue obnoxious to the general sentiment of tne North ; that they have dragged after them the true Union men of the South, partly through their fears ot being considered laggard in their devotion to the Southern interests, and partly through ambition for political distinction ; to make the Democrat ic party as odious as possible at tl,e North, they became the advocates of slavery on principle, justified the African-Slave-trade, and denounced the laws prohibiting it. By these acts and frequent threats of disunion they enabled the en emies of the Democracy in the North to de nounce them as Pro-Slavery men, and to all this they added occasional taunts that they were no more lo be relied upon for fhe protection of Southern rights than their opponents. By these means the Democratic Party was reduced be fore the last Presidential election to a minority in most of the Northern States, and in the resi due had tiie utmost difficulty in maintaining theii ascendancy. In the meantime, the Union sentiment, particularly in the border slave Slates whose intejests in its preservation is pre-emi nent. sought expression through the American paity. To such an extent had the Democratic Party been weakened by the insidious policy of their Disunion allies, that they had the utmost difficulty in electing an old practical statesmau over a young man who had nothing to recom mend him beyond a lew successful explorations of our wilderness territory. There were those who foresaw that longer affiliation with Southern Disunionists would in evitably destroy the ascendancy of the Demo cratic Party, and a feeble and a fruitless effort was made to induce the President to lay the foundations ot his Administration on the rock of the Union, and cut loose from those who were seeking to destroy it. For reasons, no doubt patriotic, but to me inexplicable, the re verse of that policv was pursued. The support of the Lecompton Constitution, which the coun try generally believed to be a fraud, was made a test of the Democracy ; one leading Demo crat after another was proscribed because they would not submit to the test, and as if to de- j price Northern Democrats of the last hope of i successful I v vindicating the rights of the South, ! an abt of Congress was passed for the admission ! of Kansas into ttie Union at once, provided she I would consent to become a slave-noldiog State, ' but postponing her admission indefinitely if she | refused. In your published letter you justly condemn j the Seceders from the Charleston Convention ' who, you thiok, ought to have lemaiised, and : prevented the nomination ofa candidate who is j obnoxious to the South. Do you not perceive! sir, that the secession was a part of the program me for breaking up the Democratic Party ! And is it not palpable that afteraDsolutedv va- ' eating their Bnats at Charleston, they vent to j Baltimore for the mere purpose of more rffectu- ( ally completing the work of destruction by drawing oil'another detachment'? 1, Sir. en- : terrain TVI doubt that the secession was the re- j suit must desired !>v the disunionists ; that the; object ot the new issue then gotten up was mere- i l\ to I'm in a pretext lor secession, and that its 1 adoption was li e last thing thgy desired or de signed. Glance a inornen' at a few facts: Alabama, led by an open disunionist, went to Cincinnati, in under instructions to secede unless the equal rights of all the States in the Territories .should be conceded and incorporated into the i platform of the Democratic Party. The con ; cession was made, and they had no opportunity to secede. They came to Charleston under the sama lea der, again instructed to secede unless the Con vention would put into the platform a new plank, the effect of which, it adopted, would be further to disgust and alienate the Northern Democracy. In this instance the tine i/ua non was not complied v* ith, and the Disunionists ! floated off on the rejected plank into in un • known se&, unfortunately carrying with them a large number of good and true Union inen. And what is this principle, the non-recog nition of which has riven asunder the Demo cratic Part} and apparently threatens the dissolution of the Union ? It is that, it is the right arid duty of Congress to legislate tor the protection of slave property in the Territories. Now, 1 take it upon me to say that a more latitudinarian and dangerous claim of power i in Congress rievmr was advanced by Federal ists ul the Hamilton school. Look at in a con stitutional irrl practical light : If Congress have the right to legislate for the protection of slave property in the Territories, they have a right to legislate for the protection of all other property ; and if they have a right to legislate for the protection of property, they have a light to legi-late for the protection ot persons. The assumption that they can legislate lor the ptotection of slave property leads, logically and inevitably, to the conclusion that they have power to legislate for the Territories in all cases whatsoever. If you can put your finger ; on the grant of this power in the Constitution, please put it also on its limitations, if any can he found. Upon this principle, Congress may acquire an empire outside of the organic States, ov.'i which it may exercise unlimited power, governing it as the Roman Senate did their con quered provinces. And this under a Constitu tion which jealously restricts the exclusive power ot legislation by Congress to a few spots of laud purchased, with the consent of the States, lorjspecified objects, and grants no power of general legislation over a territory whatsoev er. To verify Ibes* positions we need only ad vert to the Constitution. Among the grants of power to Congress is the following, viz : "To exercise exclusive legislation in all ca ses whatsoever over such district not exceeding ten miles square as may by cession of particu lar States, and the acceptance of Congress, be come the si-at of Government of the United States and fo exercise like authority over all place spurchased by the consent of the Legisla ture of the State in which the same shall be, ; for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenal*, j dock-yards, and other needful buildings." Mark the jealousy with which this power iis restricted. For the protection ot the Gov ernment even it is limited to a Territory not exceeding ten miles square, and it cannot be exercised over the "forts, magazines, arspnals, dockyards, and other needful buildings," situa ted within the States, unless the land on which they may be located shail be first purchased with "the consent of the Legislatures" of those States. Is it conceivable that the wise men who restricted the exclusive power of legisla tion in Congress to a territory not exceeding ten miles square, did, by any indirection, grant that power broadly enough to cover the whole continent outside of their organized States, BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 19, iB6O. should it be annexed by purchase or conquest ? I The following provision is the only one in the Constitution which has been chiefly, 'if not exclusively relied upon to sustain the positioa that Congress has any power whatsoever to legislate over the territories viz : "The Congress shail have power to riisjxise of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the Territory or other property be longing to the United States." The word "Territory" used in this provision obviously means land and nothing else. The Udited States, at the time when the Constitu tion was adopted, owned an immense amount' of land uorth .of the Ohio River, and these lands Congress was authorized to "dispose of." j That the word "Territory" means property is conclusively shown by its connection with the woids "and other property." "Territory and j other property." The territory spoken of, therefore, is property in lands. "Rules and regulations" are a grade of legisla tion somewhat below the dignity of Jaws ; but admitting them in this case to have the same effect, on what are they to operate ? Simply on the property of the United States, not on any other property, nor on persons, except so far as they may be connected with the public property. To this extent, and no further,: is the power of Congress to legislate over a Territory granted to (Jjtigress, and whenever I ail the lands and property are disposed 01, th "rules and regulations" become obsolete, and the power of legislation granted in this clause, is thenceforth in abeyance. i Moreover, this grant of power extends as; well to property within a State as within a territory. In a State the general power of legislation is in the State L-gtslaiure : yet the power ol Congress to make "rules arid regula tions" respecting the public property, is the same in a State as in a Territory. The scope of the giant can, of course, he no greater in tiie Territory than in a State, and it necessarily follows that this clause ot the Constitution con- ; fers on Congress no general power of legisla tion, either within States or Territories. It is not a satisfactory reply to this argument to sa} that such a power has, to some extent I been exercised. Is it better to acquiesce in ' and e.ttend the usurpation than to put a stop to it, as in the ease of the United States Bank, by bringing the Government back lo the constitu tional test ? Which is safest for the South, the constitutional principle that Congress shall not legislate for the Territories at all, or the adop tion ot a principle unknown to the Constitution, which, in its general application, would not only defeat the object it is advanced to pro mote, but would enable the Free States majori ty to surround the Slaveholding States and encircle the Union with an empire outside the organized Slates, over which that wajarity should exercise the power ot unlimited and exclusive legislation ! if such an idea be chimerical, the apprehension is not chimerical that the Black Republicans, should they ac quire the control of all branches of the Govern ment, will use the claim now set up lor Con gressional legislation over one species of pro perty in the territories, as an apology for assum ing the power of genera! legislation, involving the power to destroy as well as to protect. The Constitution of the United States was not made for Territories but for States, is its name implies, it lias, by strict rules of con struction, nothing to do with the Territories outside otthe States united, beyond the protec tion and disposition of the common property therein. It seems to contemplate tiia: the Territories shail be ieft to themselves until they have a population adequate to the formation of a respectable community, when tbeir in dependence should be acknowledged and their admission into the Union granted on the sole condition that they adopt a Republican Govern ment. But if theie be a doubt as to the power of Congress lo legislate for tne Territories, is it J: ot safer, and tar more consistent with Demo cratic principles to deny the power than to assume it ? Some of the original States when admitted in to the Union, had not the popula tion of a third-rate city of the present day, and no harm wouid be likely to aris" by leaving the Territories to themselves until they double the poj mlation of Delaware or Rhode Island in 1789. But would it not he incomparably bet ter to admit them info the Union as States, with a much less population than to leave them to be a bone of contention among demagogues and disunionists, disturbing every essential interest of th E- country and jeopardizing the union ol the existing States 1 Lt t us briefly consider the practical work ings of the remedy for Southern wrongs, which you s Jggest, in case a Black Republican is elec ted tc> the Presidency. You ask, "is it wise,il we do not intend to submit to sucti consequen ces, lo allow a Black Republican President to be inan gurated," atid_you say. "ii the Soutii should think upon this subject as 1 do, no Black Repub! ican President should ever execute any law within her borders unless at the point o the bayonet and over the dead bodies of hei slair. sons." I know there are men in the South whe would s, icrifice their lives and endanger the communities in which they live, upon a poin ol honor, and that such men often fire up wit! unwonte-i fierceness it reminded of the prob able cons equences of their own rashness. Bu the time I ias come when consequences should bi

! looked in the face, not for purposes of defiance j but that v\'e may consider whether the polict which would lead to thein is required b} Southern interests or honor. How d > they propose to prevent the in auguratioi i ot a Black Republican Presiden ; should sue h an one be unfortunately elected | Will yon come to this city with an armed lores an atterr pt to prevent an inauguration by vio i lerice ? Tn that event, force would be met b j force, and there would be instant civil war, ii j which the country and the world would de clare the lSouth lo be the aggressor. Freedom of Thought and Opinion. j He would be inaugurated here or elsewhere in spite of you. Well, suppose you then at j tempt to secede from the Union and resist the execution ot the laws ! Every lawyer in the j South knows that every citizen of every State is , as much bound by the laws of the United States j constitutionally enacted as by the laws of his own State, and that it is as impossible for the State to relieve its citizens from allegiance to the United States as it is for the latter to lelieve j them from allegiance to tb<?ir own State. And I j it is the sworn duty of the President to take care that the laws ol the U. States shall be faith fully executed upon every citizen of every State, aod as long as we ha.ve a faithful Presi dent, they will oe executed if the Courts, the Marshals, the Army and the Navy remain faith ful to their respective trusts. | I know that much has been said in the South about reserv-d lights of nullification, secession, aod not coercing a sovereign State, &.C., when in fact the Conventions representing the people of the several States which adopted the Consti tution, made no such leservations, but bound their constituents, one and all, to allegiance to the Constitution of the United Slates, as firmly j as similar Conventions bound them to the State Constitutions.And although the General Govern ! inent cannot technically, coerce a State, it can rightfully coerce ail the citizens of a State into obedience to its constitutional laws. The pre tended reserved rights of nullification and seces sion, therefore are in effect, nothing more nor less than an outspoken right of rebellion when ' wrong and oppression become intolerable. But ! I when the crisis comes, there are two parties [ who must necessarily decide, each for itself, i whether circumstances justify the act—the se- i ceders and the Government of the Uir'led States. And do you conceive that the mere e lection ola President entertaining obnoxious o pinions, or even entertaining hostile designs a gainst the institutions ol the South, checked, as he must necessarily be, by a Senate and Judi ciary, it not a House of Representatives, with j out one overt act, can justify any portion of the j ! South even to their own consciences in an act ol rebellion i , There is one notable feature in the attitude of the South. The cry of disunion comes—not from those who suffer ino.st from Northern out lage, but from those who suffer least. It comes from South Carolina, and Georgia, and Alabama and Mississippi, whose slave property is render- I ed comparatively secure by the intervention of : other Siaveholding States between fhem and the Free States, and not from Delaware, and Maryland, and Virginia, and Kentucky, and Tennessee, and Missouri, which Jo e a hundred slaves by Abolition thieves where the firstnamed States lose one. Why are not ttie States that j suffer most loudest in their cry for disunion ! It is because their position enables them to see more distinctly than you do at a distance, the falal and instant effects of such a step. As im perfect as the protection which the Constitution and laws give to their property undoubtedly is, it is better than none. They do not think it wise to place themselves in a position to have the John Browns of the North iet loose upon them with no other restraints than the laws of war between independent nations constlued by reckless fanatics. They prefer to fight the Ab olitionists, if fight they must, within the Un ion, where their adversaries are somewhat re st iu in e<i by constitutional and legal obligations. No, Sit : Delaware, Maryland and Virginia dci not intend to become the theatre of desolating wars between the North and South Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri do not intend the t there peaceful channels of commerce shall become rivers ot blood to gratify the ambition ol South Carolina and Alabama, who at a remote dis ; lance from present danger, cry out disunion. . : I have said that the South has all along had I a peaceful remedy and has it still. The Un- I ion sentiment is overwhelming in all the Mid t die and Western States, constituting two-thirds .• of the Republic. Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana } j and Illinois are as little inclined to become , Irontier States as Maryland, Virginia, Kentuck _ v. Had the present Administration cut loose I j t'rom the disunionists, instead of virtually min t; istering to their designs, and planted itself firm p j ly on Union ground, the secession atCharles , | ton and Baltimore would never have occcurred, _ ; and the "Constitutional Union Party" would j j have Deen an impossibility, the Democracy j would have recovered its ascendancy in the j North, and an united party, embiacing two { i thirds of the North and of the South, would now j have been marching to certain victory next j November. What ought to have been the pre . ventive, must now be the remedy. Should Lincoln in November next secure a majority of .. the Electors, patriotic men, North and South, q without waiting for his inauguration, irrespec . tiveof party lines, and throwing aside all mi -0 nor considerations, must band together for the I, triple purpose ot preventing any attempt to k break up the Union, checking the Republican y party while in the ascendant and expelling jf i them from power at the next election. Let the , r j toast of Gen. Jackson, "The Federal L T nion It must be preserved," become the motto of the 0 party, while strict construction of the Constitu e tion and a jealous regard for the rights of the States shall be its distinguishing principle and I, unwavering practice. Let the constitutional principle be adopted of no legislation by Con ,t gress over the Territories, or throw aside alio ,e gether the mischievous issues in relation to them, of no practical utility, gotten up by riem y agognes and disunionists, as means of accorn y plishing their own selfish ends. Let them in flexibly refuse to support, for any Federal or State officers, any man who talks of disunion on rit the one hand or "irrepressible conflict between [ ( Freedom and Slavery" on the other. Throw p * aside all party leaders except such as "keep step to the music of the Union" and are prepa- red to battle for State rights under its banner m Be this your "platform :" let the South ral e- iy upon it as one man, and I would pledge al t but tnv life, lhat at least one-half of the Nortl will join you in driving from power the reck less assailants of your rights and institutions.— Bu> wnether the united South corr.e up to the rescue or not, I foresee that in the natural prog ress of events, the central States from the At-) lantic to the far West, will hand together on J this ground, leaving the Abolitionists of New-!, England and the Disunionisls rf the South to j the harmless pastime of belching fire and fury at | each other at a safe assistance, protected by the i patriotism and good sense of nine-tenths of their countrymen, against the evils they would bring ; on themselves. Can you doubt the success of such a reunion 1 Not an advocate of disunion under any probable circumstances can be found among the candi dates lor the Presidency and Vice-Presidency. The supporters of Bell to a man, the suppor ters of Douglas to a man, and more than three fourths ot the supporters of Breckinridge, are staunch friends of the Union, and staunch ad versaries to Northern interference with Sou- j them institutions. When, convinced of the' folly and madness ot their warfare on each o- j ther as they will be after the election if not be- j tore, they band together in a common cause, and that cause, the preservation ot our glorious Union and its invaluable Constitution, with their attendant blessings, will they not be irrre sistible ? How much more hopeful and cheering is a j prospect like this than the contemplation of j standing armies, grinding taxes, ruined agricul ture, prostrate commerce, bloody battles, rava- I ged countries and sacked citities. This Con •! tinent hk*the Eastern world, is destined to have i its "Northern hive Shall its swarms be re j pressed by the strong hand of the States united, 1 or are they, by a dissolution of the Union, to be let loose upon the South, like the Goths and Vandals upon Southern Europe ? frue, their blood might, in that event, fertilize your deso lated fields, but your institutions like those of the Roman Empire, would sink to rise no more. These are the thoughts of an old man whose J only political aspirations are, that when he dies ; he may leave his country united, happy and 1 free. With sincere regard. AMOS KENDALL. DEMOCRACY |.\ 1856. It is well to turn back and see how southern men understood the Cincinnati Platform in 18- 1 sti. The following testimonials are but few a , mong the thousands uttered by tneiti : "The right to prohibit slavery in any T-rri l tcfrv belongs exclusively to the people thereof, j — .Jackson (Tennessee) Resolutions Reported by C. F. Jachson, March 20, 1819. '•That the power under the Federal Consti tution to reguiate slavery in the Territori s, EX ISTS IN THE SOVEREIGN I'EOPLE OF THE TERRITO RIES. — Resolve of the General Assembly of Missouri, Session ot 1816. The people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide tor themselves, whether sla ' very shall, or shall not exist within their lim its. JAMES BUCHANAN. i I Jam connected with no parly that has for its . object the extension of slavery, nor with any to . prevent the people of a State or Territory from . deciding the question of its existence or uon-ex . istence with' them for themselves. JXO. C. BRECKINRIDGE. , The majority of the peop'e, by the action of r the Territorial Legislature, will decide the , question, and all must abide the decision, when . ; made. ■ j How ELL COBB. I The great and leading feature of the Kansas ■ | Nebraska bill was to transfer the slavery ques | tion and all other subjects to the Territorial | Legislatures. . I JAMES L. ORR,OI S. C; I am willing that the Teriitorial Legislature ; i may act upon the subject when and how they i ! may think proper. • ' ALEX. H. STEPHENS, of Ga. " j The principle of self-government in the Ter j ritories enables us to banish lrom the halls of " ] Congress another fertile source of discontent and " j excitement. J. P. BENJAMIN, of La. j It is the right of the people to govern them | selves, and they alone shall exercise it, as well I w hTTe in at erritorial condition as in the posiq, ' ! tion of a State. GEO. VV. JONES, of Tenn. , i The people of the Territories are expressly ! authorized to legislate upon all subjects wbatso- I ever, slaveiy included. They may either es- I : tablish or abolish it, at their pleasure. J. PETIT, ot Ind. , I I believe that under the provisions of this . ' (Kansas) bill, and of the Utah and New Mext , : co bills, there will be a perfect carte blauche , given to the Territorial L-gislatures to legislate , las they think proper. . J A. P. BUTLER, of S. C. > f Under the Kansas act, citizens from the slave . j holding States may go into the Territory with . ; their slave property ; citizens of the free States . j may go there holding no such property ; and > i when they get there and meet in common i j council, as a legislative body, they may de -1 termine whether the institution shall per - vail. J. M. MASON, of Va. o If the people of tne Territories choose to ex - elude slavery, so far from considering, it a - wrong done to me or to rny constituents, I shall - not complain of it—lT IS THEIR BUSI r NESS. GEO. E. BADGER, of JV. C. " We intend that the actual settlers in the . Territories shall be protected in the lull exer cise of all the rights of freemen,'and shall le gislate for themselves while they have a Terri torial government. R. TOOMBS, of Ga. The bill (Kansas and Nebraska) provides that it "the legislatures ot these Territories shall have WHOM-: M'IIBER, 29 >l. VOL. 4. NO. 12. power to legislate over all rightful sub jects: R. H. HUNTER, of Ga. Rather Toiiyli. CufT was a gentleman's gentleman, down in oid V irginia, and a darkey of most undoubted honesty and truth j but he would sometimes teli tough stories. He met "Kuinel John sing's nigg," as he called him, the other day, and alter cussing and discussing various matters appertaining to the masters, they fell into the following conversation : SAM.—"VVeII, Cuff, how was you 1" CUFF. —"Oh, I isn't no wuss." SAM.—"How is all de folks down at de house ?' CUFF.—"Oh dey is able to b° around 'cept de ole man's darter ; she had de doctor de other day. He came in, looked at her, an' savs she was bilyus, nd guv her a box of ingine wegita ble pills. When de doctor go, she up an' trowd de pills out de winder. She wouldn't take no pills, no sah ' IVa!, de ole turkey cock cum an—greedy cuss—he gobbled down de pills, box an' all, wid de whole direckshuns, in four different langwiges. Aext day we had kump | an y> an had to kill dat turkey cock, yer see. i Brought him on de table biied wid o* ster sass , I massa flourish his knife, an' try to cut him up ! couldn't git de knife into hun. "Cuff," says he, how long did yer bile dis turkey ? "Bile him an hour sah." "Take him away and bile him anoder hour." "So I took him away and biled bim anoder hour." SAM.—"Did de kumpny wait ?" CUFF.—"Oh, fyes de kumpny 1 brought de turkey in, and massa flourish his big knife again, and try to cut him, but he couldn't do it, no sah ! "Take him away and bile him anodet hour !" "Sol took him dovva in de kitchen agin, a noder time." SAM.—' Did de kumpny wait ?" CUFF.—"OI course dey waited. 1 brought in de turkey agin and massa try to cut. But it was no go, massa git mad. He say, "take him and bile him a week." SAM.—"Did de kumpny wait V' CCFF.—"Oh, yes, de kumpny wailed ! Dey were bound to see de inn out you know. Wal, in a week I brought in dat turkey. Massa thought he got bim dis time sure. But lie couldn't cut a bole in him—de old cock wasn't to be cut. Massa send tor de doctor to hab de turkey examined. De doctor come, look at de turkey—look all over him. Says he— "lt's no use—you can't bile dis turkey ; for he has took a box of dem ingine wegitable pills and dere is't any bile in bim !" Hon. F.li Tliayer. Perhaps no Congressional district in the U nion has latterly excited more attention than that represented in the present Congress bv Hon. Eii 1 hayer, of Massachusetts. His expe rience in Kansas having induced him to believe that Popular Sovereignty was abetter and fair er plan for the adjustment ol the slavery ques tion in the Territories than Congressional inter vention, he has ably and boldly sustained his opinions, and for this reason a resolute effort was made to prevent his re-nomination, which proved successful. In a recent letter, howev er, in reply to a request of five hundred Repub licans to permit the use* of his name as an inde pendent candidate, after complaining of unfair ness on the part of some of the party managers of his district, he says : "With me, neither party ties nor party dis cipline have any authority or respectability, when they come in conflict with truth andjus tice. As I stood upon the floor of Congress in defence of my own convictions, and in defiance ot the authority of party, so I will do here and everywhere, now and always, a free man. I I confide in a free people. i 1 1 do, therefore, with my whole heart, ac ! cept the nomination, coming as it does from the sovereign power, and therefore of higher sig nificance and authority than any nomination made by the servants of a patty organization. This is a nomination of the very highest author . itv, and is wholly congenial to mv political principles and ideas. If the people desire me to represent thein longer in Congress they will t prove it by their votes. Whatever be their de cision, I shall be content with it as an express ion of that popular sovereignty which I con tend is the birthright of American citizens." 1 An animated contest may evidently be anti ' cipaled. OF*Women require moresleep than men, aud farmers less than those engaged in any o * ther occupation. Eiitors, reporters, printers " aud telegraph opeiators, require no sleep at all. Lawyers can sleep as much as they choose and keep out of mischief. ffF*Picture ot despair—a poor pig with its t nose through a garden fence, almost touching a e' cabbage stalk.