VOLUME 57. NEW SERIES. rgIHE BEDFOE D GAZETTE 18 PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING 15V 15. P. JIEYEttS* At th following terms, to wii s $1 .50 per annum, CASH, in advance. $2.00 44 44 if paid within the year. $2.50 44 * 44 it "ot paid within the year. nr7"No subscription taken (or less than six months. paper discontinued until all arrearage* are paid, unless at the option of the publisher, .t has teen decided by the United States Courts 4 tha; .he stoppage of a newspaper without toe payment ol ar rearages, is prima far it evidence ot fraud and is a criminal offence. q-7- The courts have decided that persons are ac countable for the subscription price of newspapers, f thei take them fro m the post oifice,whether 'hey subscribe tor them, . r not. """' SHBe EXILJ: OF ERIN. There came to the b each a poor Exile of F.rin, l"be dew on his tb.in robe- was heavy and chill : For bis country ne sigh'd when at twilight repair ing To wander alone Tiy the win ! beaten hill, But the day-staT attracted his eye's sad devotion. Foe it rose over b is own nattve isle of the ocean, Where once in the fire of his youthful emotion, He sang the bold anthem of Erin go bragh. 7id is my fate ! said the heart-broken stranger ; The wild deer and vvoll to a covert can (lee, But 1 have no refuge from famine and danger, ' A borne ana a country remain not to me. Never again, in the green sunny bowers, Where my forefathers lived, shall 1 spend the sweet hours, Or cover my heart with the wild woven flowers, And strike to the numb :rs of Erin go bragh ! Erin my country, though sad and forsaken, In dreams I jevisit thy sea beaten shore , But alas, in a far foreign land I awaken, And sigh tor the lnends who can meet me no more Oh cruel fate, wilt thou n ever replace me In a mansion of peace- -where no perils can chase Die 7 Never again shall my bro4hers embrace me 7 Tory died to defend m t or lived to deplore 1 Where is my cabin ~oor, fast by the wild wood 7 Sisters and sire, did yo r weep for its fall ? Where is the mother that, look'd on my childhood 7 And where is the bosc m friend dearer than ail 7 Oh my sad heart, lorg al jandoned by pleasure, Why did it dote on a l est fading treasure 7 Tears like rein drop, ma y (all without measure, But rapture and beauty they cannot recall. let all its sad recollectio is suppressing, One dying wish my lor te bosom ran draw. Erin, an exile bequeaths thee h blessing. Land of my forefathers ! Erin g; rr >gh ! Eiried and cold, when no.' heart stills her motion, \Grn he thy fields—*', veefest isle of tb" ore in ! And thy h irp striking b&.- il3 sing aloud with devo tion— Erin mavournin—E.:n go bragh ! —Campbell. INAUGURAL ADDRISS 01 ' HON. AEHAH AM LINCOLN. FELLOW-CITIZENS OF TUE UNITED STATES: In compliance with a ci istom as old as the Gov ernment itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and take in your presence ihe oath prescribed by the Coosti tution ol the United States to be taken by th e President before he voters on the execution of his otfice. ino not consider it necessary at j resent lor me to dis cuss those mailers ot adir. uiistration about which there is no special auxiv-.y or excitement. Apprehension seems l- i exist among the peo ple ot the Southern Slate that by the accession of a Republican administration, theii ptopersy , and their peace and personal security are to be ' endangered. There has never been any rea sonable cause for such apprehension, hide, d, the roost ample evidence to the contrary hat all the While existed, and has been open to their : inspection. It is found in nearly a! 1 the public speeches j ot him who now addiesse s you. Ido but quote , from one of those speech, s when 1 declare that I bave no purpos**, diiect iy or indirectly to m- j terfere with the inMiiuti' >n of Slavery in the' bta'.er where it exists. 1 believe I have no right to Jo so. Th se who nominated and e lected me did so wtth th-; lull knowledge that j I had made this and man y similar declaiations, and had never recanted t tiem, and more than this, they placed in ttie jdatlbiin tor my accen- j tance, as a law to themselves and to me, the i clear and emphatic resolution which* I now rea 1 : "RESCLVED, That the maintenance inviolate of the lights of the Stat-s, and especially the right of each State to order and control itsown domestic institutions according to its own judg ment exclusively, is essential to that balance ol power on which th>' perfection and endurance ol our political fabnc depenus and we denounce the lawless invasion, by an armed force, ol liie soil ol any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest ot crimes." I now reiterate these sentiments, and IU do ing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence ol which the case is susceptible that the property, peace and se curity of no section ar to be in anywise en dangered by the now incoming Administration, ladd, (00, that all the protection which consis tently wuh the Constitution and the laws can be given, will be cheerlully given to all the States, when lawfully demanded, lor whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to ano ther. There is much controversy about the delive ingof fugitives from service or laoor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: "No persou held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof escaping into an other, shall, in consequence of any law or reg ulation therein, be discharged from such ser vice or labor, but shall be d-livered up on claim i of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." It is scarcely a question that this provision was intended by those who made it lor the reclaiming of wnat we call lugitivr slaves, and the intention ol the law giver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution—to this provision a< much as any other. To the proposition then that slaves whose cases come witnin the terms of this clause and shall be delivered up, then oaths are unanimous. Now, if they wou ti make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimi y traine and pass a law hy means ol which to keep good that u nanimou oal.i. There is some Jdlerence ol o piiilou whether this clause should be enforced by National or State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. Tf the slave is not to be surrendered it can be of but little consequence to linn or to others by which authority it is done, anil should any one in any case be content that bis oath shall be unkeot or a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall oe kept. Again in any law upon this subject ought not all tue safeguards ol iioerty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced so that a freeman may not oe in any case surren deree as a slave 1 And might it not be well at i the same tune, to provide by "law lor the en forcement of that clause in tlie Constitution, which guarantees that the citizens of each Slate shall be entitled to all the provisions and im munities of citizens ol the several States? 1 take the oliicial oath to-day, with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules, and while I do not choose now to speci fy particular acts of Congress as proper to be en forced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for ail, both in otficiai and private stations, to conform to and abide by all th -.se acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in bavins them held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy-two years since the first Inau guration of a President under our National Constitution ; during that period fifteen differ ent and grea'ly distinguished citizens have, in succession administered the executive branch ot the government. They have conducted it through many peri's and generally with great success, yet with all this scope for precedent 1 now enter upon the same task tor brief Constitutional term ot lour years under gieat and peculiar difficulty. A disruption ot the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold ttiat in contemplation of universa law and ol the Constitution the Union of the States is perpetual perpetuity is implied if not expressed in the loud anient at law ol all national governments. It is safe to assert that no Government pror r ever had a provision in its organic law foi its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destiny it except by some action not provided for in the instiument itself A gain,.;f the United S'ates be not a government proper, but an association of Mates in the na ture of a contract merely, can it, as contract he peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it ? One paity to a contract may violate it, break it, so to speak, but dues it not require all to lawfully rescind it ? Descen ding from these general principles we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the U nior. p-rpetual,and confirmed by the H story of the Union itself; the Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed in fact by the articles of asso ciation in J77+. It was matured and contin ued by the Declaration ot Independence in 17- i 76. It was (wither matured and the faith of all the thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged, that it should be p;petual by the ar ticles ot Confederation in 1775, and finally, in 1789. One of the declared objects for ordain ing and establishing the constitution was to form a more perfect union ; but if the destruction ot the Union by one or by a part only of the States tie lawfully possible, the Union is less than before the Constitution, having lost the vi tal element of perpetuity. It follows from these views, that no State up on its own mere motion, can lawfully get out *< the Union , that resolves and ordinances to that etiVct are I gaily void ; and that acts ot violence wi bin aiv State or States against the authority of the United Scales, are insurrection ary or revolutionary according to circumstances. I therefore consider that in view ot the Consti tution and laws, tire Union is unbroken, and to the best of my ability I shall take care as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins on me, that the laws nf the I" ion be faithfu ly executed in a'i the Slates. Dung this f deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withold ttie lequi* site means, or, in some authoritative manner, direct the contiary. I trust ths will not be regarded as a menace, but only as a declared purpose that, as to the Union, i will constitutionally defend, and maintain it. In doing this there ned be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the .National authori ties. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Gov-rnment, and to col lect duties and imposts, but beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any inteiior localities shall be so great and so uni versal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for tiiM object. While the strict legal right may exut in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 15,1861. !so would be so irritating, and so nearly imprac ticable with all, that I deem it better to torero for the tune the uses ol such offices. The mails, j unless repelled, trill continue to te furnished in all parts of the Union, so tar as possible. The ) people everywhere shall have that sense ol per ! feet security which is most favorable to cairn | thoughts and reflections. The coarse here in-; i dicated will be followed unless current events! and experience shall show a modification or I change to be proper,-and in every case and ex-, ijjency my best discretion will be exercised ac- , cording to circumstances actually existing, and | with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution I of the national troubles, and the restoration of; fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section oi a nother who seek to destroy the Union at all e vents, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm or deny ; but i( there be such here, I nt- d address no word to them. T those, how ver, who really love the Uni . may I not speak ? Before entering upon S f > grave a matter, as the destruction of our Na tional fabric with ail its benefits, its memorin an J hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely what we do ? Will you hazard so d-snerate a step while there is anv possibility that any portion of the ills you fly fiorn haA no real existence ; will you, while the certain j ills you ll v to are greater than all the real oner,, you fly from ; will you risk the commission tuJ so ft arful a mistake ? All profess to be content* in the Union if all constitutional rights can be i ; maintained. Is it true, then, any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied ? I think not. Happily the human inind i<"*o constituted that no party can reach to the au dacity of doing this. Think it you car. Ola sin gle instance in which a plainly written provis ion of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of number-a majority should deprivea minority of anv clearly writ ten Constitutional rigat it might, m a mora! point of view, justify a revolution, ft certain ly wool 1 if such a right were a vital one.— But such is notour case. Ail the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them, by affirmations and negates, guarantees and prohibitions in the Constitution, t hat controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can be framed with a pro- j visiin specifically applicable to every question which may occui in practical Administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any docu ment of reasonable length, contain express pro visions for all possible questions. Shall fugi tives from labor be surrendered by National or State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit Slavery in the Territories ? The Constitution doesi#,, expressly say. Must Congress protect S! in the Territoiies ? The Cm.: notion d m expressly say. Fam qneste>vagj Wd Lbtj ■ uj&iir spring all of our Cons'it utional controversies, and we divide up .n them int> inaj rit.-*s and minorities. If the minority will not ac juiesce, • the majority mi>t, or the government will j cease. There is no otner alternative fur con- 1 tinning the G >vernment but acquiescence on | theo le side or the other. If a minority 111 sucn j case wii! secede rather than acquiesce, they i make a precedent which in turn w.ll divide and ruin them • I n a minority of ih< ir own will se cede from them whenever a ma) >, .ty refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new Confederacy, a year or two hence, arbi trarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it ? Ail who cherish disunion sentiments are "now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new Uni >n as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the central idea of secess ion is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by Constitutional checks an ! limi tations, and always changing easily with the deliberate changes of popular opinions ar.d sen timents is theonlv true sovereign of i free pro pie. Wtio ever rejects it, does of necessity (ly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is im possible. The rule of a minority as a perma- j oent arrangem-nt is wholly inadmissable; >o that rejecting the majority principle, anarchy and despotism in some form, is ail that is leit. I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are lobe decided by (lie Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such de cisions must be b;n img in any case upon the parties to a -uit, as to the obj-cl of that suit: while they are also entitled to very high re spect and consideration in parallel cases by all otherdepaitn ts of the Government, and wtiile it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroner, . in any given ca3e, still, me evil effect following it, being limited to that partic ular case wi'ii 'he chance that it may be over ruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time the candid citiz-n must confess that if the polity of the Government upon vital questions, affecting the whole people, is to be irr -vocably fixed bv the decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have cased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal ; nor is there in this view any assault upon the Court or the judges. Jt is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought belore them, and it is no fan it of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our couniry believes slavery is right and ought to be extended ; while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be
extended. This is the or.Jy substantial di.-putu. The fugitive slave clause of the Constituion and the laws for the suppression of the foreign slave j trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as ! any law can ever be in a community where the Freedom of Thought and Opinion. moial sense of the people imperfectly supports th<* law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligations in both ra ses and a few break over in each. This, I now ! think, cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the syctibjis than before. The foreign Slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be uliimately revived with out restriction in our section, whiie fugitive slaves now only parially surrendered, would i not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate • J we cannot remove sections from i each other, nor build an impassable wall be tween them. A husband and wife mav he j divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach other, but the different parts of the country caiujptdo this ; they cannot but re main face %!(■, and an intercourse e ; ther amicable or must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that inter com se more advantageous or more satisfactory alter separating than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced be tween aliens than laws among friends f Sup pose yo go to war ; you cannot fight always, and when , alter much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identi yal questions as to terms of intercourse will be again upon you. ! ins country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary ol the existing government they can exercise their constitutional right ufj amending it or their revolutionary right to: dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be igno- ! rant of the fact that many worthy and patriot ic citizens are desirous of bavin? the National j Constitution amended. While I make no re- j commendations of amendments, 1 fully recog nize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to he exercised in either of the modei* persenbed in the instrument itself, acd I should, under existing circumstances,! favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that, to me, the Conven tion m ode seems preferable, inasmuch as it al lows the amendment to originate with he peo ple themselves, instead of permitting them to takeor r-j'*ct a proposition orignated by others not especially ch ..eti for the purpose, and which mignt not h- precisely such as thev would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution, vyliich amendment, however, i hav * not <een, has passed Congress to the effect that the Federal Government shall never in tatfere with tlie domest'c institutions of the 4b U- > including that of persons held to ser.;ce. < mi -'instruction of what I have said, I lepart Vr >m rtfjr purpose not to rp-afc of par ticular amndmeiiti, so fer as to say that hol di ig such a pi >visi m to be now implied as Constitutional !iw, [ have no objections to its being made express and irrevocable. The Chief .Magistrate derives all his au'hority from tli j people, ami they have conferred none up on him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can dofhi.. also il they choose but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it; his duty is to a f nmister the ores nt Government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why sh6uld there not be a patient confi lence in the ultimate ju.-.t;ce of the people f is there any better or equal hope in the world ? In our present differences is either party with out faith of being in the rig.ht ? If the Al mighty ruler of nations with his eternal tiuth and justice be on your side of the X >rtb, or on yours of the South, tiut truth ani that 'justice will surely prevail bv the judgment of his Great Tribunal. The American people were the framers of the government under which we live ; this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at vety short itervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Adinin istratioo, by any extreme of wickedness of lolly, can very seriously in jure the government in the short space or four years. Mv countrymen, one and all, think camly and well upon this whole subject.— Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. It there be an object to liurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, 'hit object will be frusliated by taking time, but n > good object will be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dis sa!irfied, still have the old Constitution un impaired, and, on the sensitive point, the law ol your own framing under it ; while the new administration will have no immediate power, il it would, to change either. I* it were ad mitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute ; there is still no single j good reason for precipitate action. Intelli gence, pa'riotism, Christianity, ami a [firm reli ance on Him, who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present ddliculties. In your hands my dissatisfied coun'rymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war ; the Government will not assail you —you can have no conflict without being yourselves tfo aggressors. You have 110 oath registered in Heaven to destroy the govern ment, while I shall have the most solemn Jone o preserve, protect and defend it. lam loth to ciose. We are not enemies, hut friends.— We must not be enimes.. Though passion mav have strained il must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle field and patriots grave, to every loving h-art and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the TJmon when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. "JONES AND SEREFEENER." We hev sad it was uight. And ona lor all wpsay agio : It was night. , O In the fore room of widder Tattle's house sat widder Tuttle's only darter—Serefeener. To To say that Serefeener Tuttle—such was ber name likewise her nature—was a lovely gal, would be several rows of apple trees away from her case. Her raven tresses were redder than her nose, expressible eyes, teeth—grinders, tothers bt ing out probably ivory. Add to these the form of a pyrup, and you hev one of them gals kalkerlated to make a man strike his father and kick his grandmother, break,the ten 1 commandments, and pretty much everything else. L-astwise, so thought Jemes Perkins, as he i knelt at h"r fee• that odd, cold, night. "Fairest ot the fair sects," implored the 3'unth, "heer me swart" She said she would. A nd he sword. "May I be whittled inter kindling wood," swore Jemes, "may I use stuffing sarsiges if I ever—" Here the strain caused by kneeling was too much for Jeme' unmentionables. Thar war a rip, then a tear, and Jemes werfiumexed. A deadly pallorsurlustd the classic counte nance of the lovely Serefeener. "Oh, grashus !" she cried, then swooned. An then Jemes he swooned too. f hen— as it this had been the signal—thun der bellered, lightning flashed, and the wind roared in the chimbly. "Jemes Jemes," at length called Serefee ner, in Hie gossamer tone olan expirin' treetcde, '•this are the Iv in' gale." I hen life once more returned to the dyin' youth. For a single moment he sat on the hairth ; gracefully as a Roman seniter a foldm his toggy did gather his cote tails round his tored trowsis—sorrowfully did he gaze upon the face ot tiis beloved—and solemnly he re-, plied : "ft kaint be so—it's too airly !" Hardly hail he seesed speakin'—or more properly speakin, skasely had he dried up when the door opened, and ' 1 '***♦* IF- ! ! ! CA.MP MEETING INCIDENT. Our readers tnay remember the story of the soaping of the signal horn. The storv runs, that when a certain revivalist of celebrity took up the horn to summon the worshippers to ser vices, after dinner, one day, he blew a strong blast of soft-soap all over the astonished breth ren. It also said by the chronicler of this "item," thai the brother was so wroth at this juke that he cried out loud, I have passed through many trials and tribulations, but noftimg tike tfio. [ ha*e screed Ihe n'.inutry tor thirty yea- <, acd in that time have never uttered a profane word, but I'll be cussed if I can't whip the mau that soaped that there horn." Well, this is a strong story ; but we have, from a reliable authority, something a little stronger iu the sequel to the same incident.— This is given to us follows : S une two days after the horn-soaping, a tall, i swarthy, villainous-looking desperado strolled on the grounds and leaned against a tree, listen- i iug to the eloquent exhortation to repent which I was being made by their preacher. After a j wlul- became interested, finally affected, and then tak ; n a position on the anxious seat, com- j menced groaning in ihe bitterness of hi s sorrow. The clergyman walked down and endeavored to console him. No consolation—he was too great a sinner, he said# Oh no—there was pardon for the vilest. No, he was too wicked, there w as no mercy for him. "V\liy, what crime have you committed 1" j said the preacher. "Have you stolen ?" "Oh, worse than that !" "What, have you by violence robbed It male innocence of its virtue ?" "Worse than that." "Alurder, is it ?■' gasped the boirified preach er. "Worse than that I" groaned the smitten sinner. Ihe excited preacher commented "peeling off" his "dry goods." "Here, brother Cole !" shouted he, "hold my coat—l've found life fellow that soaped that horn !" THE CROWD OF HUNGRY OFFICE SEEKERS.— Every avenue to Mr. Lincoln and even to his supposed future advisers, is liierally choked up 1 by greedy, craving demagogues, who have no thought excepting to get some greater or smal ler morsei of the sp* ils that are about to be ; distributed. The dirty crowd that lias poured iu from tho West and Northwest, reminds one i of the locusts of Egypt. They fill the hotels and the avenues ; clock up the passages of the j Capitol ; deluge with tobacco juice, and are a most intolerable nuisance to the re-1 gular inhabitants ot the capitol. I heir princi ples depend upon Hie Slate of the Cabinet mar ket. Now that Mr. Seward's authority is con- ! firmed, they curse Greeley, Fessenden &, Co., and denounce "ultraists" as traitors. A few days ago, when it appeared probable that co ercionists would get the upperhaud, they were ! ready to hang the future Premier on the nearest lamp post. Ihe welfare of the country is their last consideration. The North and South miv cut each oil er's throats, and the whole nation go to destruction, for all they would do to pre- ' vent it. Tne little mess of pottage they have come to Washington fur, and without which many of them will go away without paying, their bills, is of more importance to them than i the salvation of the republic, and they think it | must be equally so to every one ele. AVIIOLi; \IIIREK 294 f. John Alcohol, my Joe John, When first we were acquaint, I had money in my pocket, John, But now you know, I hain't ! I've spent it all in treating you, Because I loved you so, But mark how you have treated me, John Alcoho', my JO ! John Alcohol , my Jo, John, We've b eeri 100 long together, Ycu must now take one road. John, And I will take another, For we must tumble down, John, }f hand in hand we go, And I will have to foot your bills, John Alcohol, my Jo TOE PRINTER'S DOLLAR. —The PI inter's Dol lars VVheie are they ? VVe will suupose ooe ot them is in somebody's pocket in Alabama ; another in Mississippi, and a third in G j orgia, while others are resting serenelv in Missouri. A dollar here and there; sea-tern! ail ov the country ; miles upon miles apa r t. H>w shall they be gafheied together; The tvpe founder has his hundreds of dollars against the print' r; ti paper maker ; the building owner; the journeyman compositor ; the grocer; the tailor ; and all his assistants in carrying on the business have their demands ; hardly ever so small as a single dollar. But the mites from here and there must be diligently and patiently hoarded, or the wherewith to discharge tne large bills will never become bulky. We im rragine the print r .ill have to get up ao ad* , dress to widely scattered dollars something like the following : "Dollars, halves, quarters, dimes and all manner ol f actions into which yp are divided collect yourselves and come home ! You are wanted ! Combinations of all sorts ot men that help the printer io become a proprietor, ga'her in such force and demand with such good reasons your appearance at his counter, that nothing short of a sight ot you will appease them Collec l yourselves, tor valuable as vou are in the aggregate, single you will never pay the cost ot gathering ! Come in here in silent single file, that the printer may form you into a battalion, and send you lorth again t< battle tor hiinand vindicate his feeble credit!" Reader are you sore you havn't a couple ot tLe printer's dollars sticking about your clothes ? AN ENGINE OF WAR. —There is now being exhibited to the citizens of Baltimore a new gun, or movable fortress, styled by the inven tor Dickinson's Peace Maker. It is a centrifu gal gun, throwing from one hundred to five hundred balls per minute, or from one ounce to twenty-four pounds. The gun is worked wholly by steam, .neither powder nor caps being used, and is certain 'y a very terrible en gine cf war. It was in operation on Thursday, for the purpose of exhibiting jus powers to a number of military officers, ail r \ whom de clared it a powerful and destructive weapon. It is movable, can be put in readiness for action in a few minutes, and easily worked by four men, who, as well as the machine, are safely esconced behind an impregnable steel aimor. it is certainly a great curiosity, and worthy the attention of those interested in gunnery.— Patriot iS* Union. ftP*Mr. James Shirley, of Cove Station, had bis pocket picked while in Harrisborg, seeing "Old Abe," on the 22d Feb. We are informed that the pick-pockets did a good business there on that day. A preacher while standing on a corner, was relieved of three hundred dollars in gold. He must have been a lucky fellow to have had so much money and all at one time too, but not very lucky in having it taken from him. VVe would like to see the man who can relieve us of that much at one time. In fact, we don't believe it can be done, as we never had that much, nor never expect to have, at one time.— Broad Top Miner. RESIGNED. — We sye sorry to learn that our frfend, Mr. William Graham, Foreman of Re pairs on Shotips's Run Division of the Broad Tup Railroad, has sent in his resignation,which is to take effect to-day, or sometime soon. Air. Graham is a master wo kman, and has proved himself such, sine- his connection with the B. T. Go. The company deeply regret his with drawal. as Well as a host of warm friends, who are sorry to lose him fromjtheir midst. Wherev er he mav go, or in whatever he may embark, the best wishes of his friends go with him for his future welfare.— Broad Top Miner. fGP*Mrs. Partington says, that "when she was a gal she used to go to jiarties, and always had a beau to ex'ort her home. But now," savs she, ' the gab undergo ail sorts ofdeclivi ties.- the task of extortrng them home revolvs on their dear selves." The eld lady drew down her specs, and thanked her stars that she had lived in other days, when men could depreci ate the worth of the female sex. "Besides," she added, "so many men are murdered every day, that you gals must make haste and get husbands as soon as you can, or there won't be any left." "Why so, aunt ?" "Why, I see by the paper that we must have got almost thir ty thousand post offices, and nearly all ot 'em dispatches a mail every day," THE JY. Y. TRIBUNE savs it prefers the pre servation of the Chicago Platform to "FIFTY UNIONS." This is the difference between parties —one willing to surrender all for the U nion, the other not even a rotten piank in its platform ! THE California Legislature have passed re solutions indorsing the Cti'teoden Compromise, and the views against coercion expressed by Breckinridge and Douglas. An attempt is making to reunite the two wings of the Demo cratic party in that State. VOL. 4. NO. 31.