Newspaper of Bedford Gazette, May 6, 1864, Page 1

Newspaper of Bedford Gazette dated May 6, 1864 Page 1
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THE BEDFORD GAZETTE IS TCBLISHEU EVERY FRIDAY HOBMNU BY B. F. MfiVEBS, Ai iti following terms, to wit $1 75 per annum, if paid urietly in advance. $2 .00 if paid xvitbin 6 mentis ; $2.50 if not paid within 6 montbs. QST'No subscription taken lor less than six months QjP*N® piper discontinued until all arrearages are paid, unle-s ai the option of the publishei. It has been decided by the United States Courts that the s'oppige of a newspaper without the payment of arrearage-, is prima faci a evidence of Iraud and as a criminal offence. HP" l'he courts have decided that persons are ac countable for the subscription price of newspapeis, ii they take tbem from the post office, whether they subscribe for tbem, or not. Jpvcfesstcnal €arils. JOSEPH W. TATE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly attend to collections and all busi ness entrusted to his caie, in Bedford and adjoining counties. Cash idvaticed on judgments, notes, military and ether claims. Has for sale Town lots in Talesvil'e, and St. Jo seph's, on Bedford Railroad Fainrisarid unimproved land, trom one acrr to 150 ncies to suit purch-iseis. Office nearly opposite the "Mengel Hotel" and Bmk of Reed St Schell. April 1, IS64—ly J R. DURBORROW, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Office one door South of the "Mengel House." Will attend promptly to all business entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining counties. Having also been regul rly licensed to prosecute claims against thefiovernnent, pari icutar attention will be given to the collection of Military claims ot ail kinds; pensions, back pay, bounty.bounty oans, a CI April I, 18t>4. ESPY M- ALSIP, ATTORNEY JT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will faithfully and promptly attenu to ait business entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining coun ties. Military claims, back pay, bounty, &c., speedily co levied. Office with Mann Ik Spang, on ?„iina stree.. two door* South of the Mengel House. Jan. 22, 'O4. I 5 . If • AKEIt S , ATTORNEY AT LAW, Bedford, Pa. Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to his'care. Military claims speedily collected. Office on Ju'iana street, opposite the poA-office. Bedford, September if, 1863. F. M. Kuimsi.l. I- W. Lisoenkeltf.* KIMMELL & LINGEKFELTER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA KJ-Have tormed a partnership in the practice of the Law. Office ou Juliana street, twodoors South f the "Mengel House." JOH\ P . R I: E I) , ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Kripr.rtfully tenders his services (a the Public. [XT-Office second door North of the Mengel House Bedford, Aig, 1, 1861. JOII X PhLHI ER , ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. CT""Will promptly attend to a 1 ! business entrus ted to bis tare. Office on Juliamia Street, (near ly opposite the Mengel House.) Bedford, Aug- 1, 1861. L It. lOFFROTII, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Somerset, Pa Will hereafter practice regularly in the several Courts of Bedford county- Business entrusted to bis care wilt be faithfully attended to. Oece.lib r 8, 1801. J. ILSII' &SCX. Aurtioaeeis & llomrai-s'on Mcrcnatfs, BEDFORD, PA.. Respectful! v solicit consignments of 80-Os and Sfiues, Dry Goods, Groceries, Clothing, „nd H kw'e of .Merchandise for AUC i ION and PR! V A 1 r- Sate. REFERENCES. PHJI.AUKt.PM:/ . RkDFOHB, Philip Foil Co., Hon. Job Mann, Boyd fc Hough, Hon. W. T. Daugherty Armor Young Ik Bros., B. F. Meyers. January 1, 1964—tt. J. L. MARBOURG. M. D. Having permanently located, respectfully tenders his professional seivices to the citizens ot Bedford and vicinity. (XT*Office on Julianna street, opnosite the Binir, one door north of John Palmer's office. Bedford, February 12, 1804. S\MI E L KE TT E R N RF.DFORD, PA., C7-W'oiild hereby notify the citizens of dedfotd eourity. that he has movp.t to the Boiongh of Bed f'oid, where he may at aft times be found b" persons wishing to see him, unless absent upoi. business pertaining to his office. Bedford, Aug. 1,1 SO 1. Jxcobßked, J.J. Schell, KKED A\D SfHELL, BANKERS h DEALERS IN EXCHANGE, BEDFORD, FI NN A. E7""DRAFTS bought and sold, collections made and money promptly remitted. Deposits solicited. ST, CHARLES HOTEL, iub THtliD 6TKEETS COBNtfB OP worn* n u ts s. rI T T S B v. n ° U ' F ' HARRY SHIRLS ?N. ORRIETOR ' April 12 1861. WARTII.H & E\ELc'- V, (succaoas TO MICHAEL WARTMAN is CO.) Takscco ftutfl; aud Iftgw MANUFACTORY.' No. 313 NORTH THIRD STREET, tsecond door below \V'od, PHILADELPHIA. J. w. U ACT.MAN. IL P- KNGELVIA.Y. March 25, 1864. ADMINISTRATORS' NOTICE. Letters of i.dministration upon the cl- e o: John Metzgir, I ol Juniata tow, r i deceased, h vmg been granted to the undersign 1 R*£ l *l er Bedford county, ail persons iii(,'-b te d to sa| d es,a ore leqresied lo make immedia l* payment, am those having claim* will make k twMBB same without delay. JOHN ALS. T P. DANIEL Ml 14LAK, April i, iec;—AilaainiAVft'Vf-.. VOLUME .10. NEW SERIES. SPEECH OK HON. ALEXANDER LONG OF OHIO DK.r.tVKKKI) In the House of Representatives, APRIL 8, 1864. Win. 11. Seward in his letter of April 11, 1861, to Mr. Adams, our Minister to England, said: '•For these reasons, the President would not he disposed to reject a cardinal doctrine of theirs the (Rebels) namelyt that the Federal Govern ment could not reduce the seceding States to o bedience by conquest, even though he were dis posed to question that proposition. Hut in fact the president willingly accepts it as true. On ly an imperial or despotic government could subjugate thoroughly disaffected and insurrec tionary numbers ot the State.— This Federal Republican svsreiu of ours is of all forms of gov ernments the very oris which is most unfitted for such labor." buch was the "f the Secretary of State in April, 1861? three days before the Sun day on which the President wrote his procla mation calling out seventy-live thousand troops, hut afler seven States had seceded. The rvx*- retary shared in the tears of the President, that j the attempt to subjugate the S. nth would do- ] stroy the Government. Three years of civil war in a vain and fruitless effort at subjugation attest and prove to day the correctness of the j opitiion then held by the President : "Only an ! imperial or despotic government, could subju gate thoroughly disaffected and insurrectionary members of the .State." This Federal republic ot otii - is of all forms of Gouernment the most j unlit ted for such labor. Who docs not believe i it? If there is truth in the declaration of Inde- j pendence, and the gentlemen ou the opposite j side of the House will certainly not dispute it, i sin> e they incorporated it in the Chicago plat-j form which became a law unto the I're.-i lent; j who, I ask, can deny the com lusion of the Sec- | rotary of State, having in vi ".v always, as he j and the President undoubtedly laid, the great ; cardinal truth underlying all republican govern- ' meiits "deriving their just powers from the con- j sent of the governed." If tlie President and j his Secretary of State gave utterance to truth ; in 1861, is it any less a truth to-day ? Has not j rather the exjierience of three years of war ! confirmed it ? I believed it then ; 1 believe it j now. But, sir, I propose to call another wit- j iiess to testify against this coercive policy, who j also spoke in advance of the war. Edward j Everett, in his letter of May 2D, 1860, to Wash j ington Hunt, accepting the nomination as Vice j President of the I "nion Party of which, I be- j liuve, the distinguished gentleman fom Mary- ! land (Mr. Henry Winter Davis) was a member, ! and ior whom a number of gentlemen upon this lloor voted then said : "The suggestion that the Union can b' main tained by iiumciical preponderance and rniiita ! rv prowess of one .section exercised to coerce j the other into submission is, in my judgment, ias self-contradictory as it is dangerous. It | comes loaded with the death-smell from fields wet wifh brothers blood, it the vital princi i pies of all republican governments 'is the eon ■ sent of the governed,' much in ore does a union of coequal sovereign States require, as its basis, the harmony of its members and their volunta ry co-operation in its organic functions " It will no doubt be said Mr. Everett lias cltnng cd his views upon the subject.— That may be so, but I have not. I believed it a sound doc trine in 1860, before secession occurred or coer cion began. Three years experience in attempt ing "by numerical preponderance and military prowess of one section exerted to coerce the oili er into submission" has convinced me more thor oughly that it is "as self-contradictory as it is j dangerous"—contradictory because it violate? the great principles of free government, which "derive their just powers from the consent ot the governed; and dangerous because, by its ex ercise, especially when wielded by a weak, vac illating and unscrupulous man, it destroys, in stead ot maintaining, flic Union, Constitution and organic law; civil liberty and personal se curity are forced to yield to what is claimed to be a military necessity and the government it self. tn the brief period of three short years, is to-day verging on the very brink of ruin. I am well aware, Sir, that the cry of disloy aty, want of patriotism and lack of devotion to tint government, which is in every place and and at all times raised against those who have the independence to disapprove of any ol the acts of Mr. Lincoln, as well as an ordinate de sire for Government patronage from the build ing of a steam ship and a shoddy contractor down to the insignificant position of taking chaige ot a mutilated and depreciated greenback in the Treasury building, has changed the opinion of many men, but the fixed principles of freegov eii,iuentas well as the rules of right, reason, justice trutu are unchangeable; and although it may bo ami even at the risk of per ■rm-il lihertv in times like the present to advo- S £*L they ate .nevertheless eternal and im- The distinguished from Pennsylva nia (Mr. Stevens) who 6tands upon this door and before the country as an acknowledged lea der of the Administration party, has had the honesty and indepeudaiice, in a speech Jr-liver ed at early an part of the session to announce what he holds to la? the true position of the Confederate States, lie says: "Some think that ihese Stales arc still in tlm Union and entitled to the protection of the Con stitution ant' tlio laws of the United Stales." This idea he at mice repudiates and then bold ly allii rus that which i.o holds to lie the true doctrine. '•Others hold thai having committed treason, renounced their uUegumee to the 1-nion, drscu.J ed the constitution and laws organized a dis tinct and hostile government, and l>v torcc of arms have risen from the condition ot insurgents Freedom of Thought and Opinion. BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 6, 1854. to the position of an idepenbent power, de fac to and having been acknowledged as a b lliger ant both by foreign nations and our own Gov ernment, the Constitution, and the Union are abrogated, so far as they are concerned, and that as lietween the two belligerents they are under the laws of war and the laws of nations alone and that whichever power conquers may treat the vanquished as conquered provinces, and may impose upon them such conditions and laws as it may deem best." In answer to any objections that may be rais ed to tlils position, lie says: But it is said that this must be considered a contest with Rebel individuals only as States in tha Union cannot make war; that is true so so long as they remain in the Union ; but they claim to be out of t'e Union, and the very fact that we have admitted them to he in a state of war, to be belligerents, shows that they are no longer in the Union, and that they are waging war in their corporate eapcitv, under the cor porate name of t he Confederate States and that such major corporation is composed of minor corporations called slues, acting in their asso ciated character. "When an insurrection becomes sufficiently formidable to entitle the party to belligerent right it [)la<*e.s the contending Powers on precisely the same footing as foreign nations at war with each other." "No °ne acquainted with the magnitude of this contest pan deny to it the character of a civil war. For yearly three years the Confed ate States lmve maintai'ied their declaration of independence by force of are'i"- "What, then, is the effect of the> war between these belligerents, these foreign nations' B;f<re tiiis war the parties were bound together by a compact, by a treaty called a ''Constitution." — They acknowledge the arbitrary or municipal laws mutually binding ou each. This war has cut asunder all these ligaments, abrogated all the obligations." Now, Sir for once at least I agree with the distinguished gentlemen from Pennsylvania, that the Confederate States are out of the Union, occupying the position of an independent l\>w- j er rle facto; have been neknolodged as a beiliger- i ent, both by foreign nations and oar own Gov erament; maintained theii declaration of in le- \ pen li-nrc for three years by force of arms and that the war has cut assunder all the ligaments and abrogated all the obligations that bound them under the Constitution. So far I agree j with him an I however unwilling we may be to 5 accept such position the actual condition of the Con fed :rate States, the history of the past three years, the la a- of nations, the geaius of our government an 1 a regard for truth compel j me at least to accept it, and my judgment to | approve it and if the charge ot disloyalty is brought against me for this opinion, I have only to shield invself under the broad mantle of the 1 distinguished leader of the Republican party. — At the commencement of the war England and : France both declared the Confederate States ; to be bdligerents; the United States lias treated I with them as such in the exchange of prisoners, j and tlie Administration is to-day without hori- j esty or indejiendcncc of the gentlemen from Pennsylvania to avow it, doing preei-ely what he proposes to do under his war of conquest, ! waged against the Confederate Slates as a for eign nation. It is not now even pretended, that ' the war is carried on having for its object the ■ restoration yf thelJiiiou; "reconstruction" "con-, solid.ition" "centralization with an eniire change of the Constitution," are the terms employed in speaking of the government that is to exist here after. To speak of the Constitution as it is. j and the Union as it was, is an offence, subject ing an officer in the army to punishment by dis missal from the service, and conclusive evidence, ; of disloyalty in the citizen. If the lime ever ( was. when the Union could have hem restored by war, which I do not believe, it has long since been dispelled by emancipation, confiscation, i anine-iy and the like proclamations; military or ders annulling State constitutions, setting a-i ie State laws, obliterating State lines and attemp ting to organize and set up a form of Slate gov ernment in their stead in which one man out of j ten who shall turn Abolitionist, take and sub- ; scril)e an oath to execute and obey, the will of Abraham Lincoln, whatever it may be, shall govern and rule over the remaining nine who refuse to become Abolitionists. These folllies of the Administration and others of tlie like character, have, instead, of crushing the rebel- j lion," crushed out whatever Union sentiment may have remained among the Southern peojde. It is possible, that in districts of country occu pied by the army occasionally a man may be found who seeing nothing before him but ignom iny and death, lus wife and innocent children appealing to him for protection with all the ties of filial affection his property to be confiscated, and 11is family to become outcast and beggars in the world, that such a man, in order for the time lieing to save himself, save his family and save his property, may take the oath but the effect of it will lie, as it ought to be, like that of Galtileo who invented the telescope, and wlio first taught the rotary motion of the earth.— That noble old Italian, after many years of la bor in the study of science, and when he had advanced to the extreme age of 70, was sum moned before tin inquisition, tried condemned and imprisoned in a dungeon for teaching a here sy subsequently be was brought put and offered liberty on condition of renouncing his heretical doctrine. The effect of Ix'holding the glorious light of the sun and breathing again the pure air of Heaven as contrasted tyith the loathsome it tinge .an in which he had been cast, and to which lie must return or renounce his belief in the earth's motion so far overcame his humanity that lie consented to comply, and upon Ins bended knres. with his hands upon the gospel, he abjur ed his belief in the doctrine. Fart of his objuration ran in these terms. "With n sincere heart and unfeigned faith, I objure, c irse and deteft the said errors heresies, (viz. that the earth moves, &-;■) I swear that 1 will never in future say or assert anything verbally J or in writing, which may give rise to a similar ■' suspicion uguiusi me." Rising from his knees with his eyes fixe-l on the earth, lie whispered i! to a friend, E pur si mure ," "It moves tor all that." So il will he with the man who is for ced to take the oath to save himself, his family : and his property. He may take it, lut in his heart he will detest and despise the authority that requires it. Will such a man be devoted to or make a good citizen of the government in i which lie lives; The history of Poland, of Hun : gary of Ireland and of Italy furnishes an answer to } ine question. If imperial governments are apt ' able to hold in submissive obedience small por tions of a vast empire once in revolt, how much less a government having for its basis the con . wilt of the governed. But subjugation" is the Watchword. Liberty and freedom for the. slaves and subjugation and extermination for the mas ter is the popular cry. Meet tbem, fight them, i crush them says the gentleman from Kentucky, ' (Mr. G re;;u Clay Smith.) Sir, that is easily said upon this floor and is popular with those who from day to day fill the gallery of this • House, but even the gentleman from Kentucky ' as well as a number of other military gentlemen, i were quite willing to forego the pleasure of the performance and exchange their commissions as general in the field for a certificate entitling them to a seat upon this Hour: and were I to judge : by the willingness with which it was done and the tenacity with which they held on to it and j the efforts some of them are making to return here again instead of the war spirit they breathe within these walls 1 should strongly suspect them ! of being in sympathy with the peace party. Mr. Chairman : 1 am no military man, and therefore incompetent to give advice or advance an opinion in military affairs, but I have been ' of to; forcibly struck by a remark of Marshal Ney, in reply to Napoleon, as related by Ilead ly in his "Napoleon and his .Marshals. One day, at .Madrid. Napoleon entered the room j where Ney and several officers were standing, and sai l in great glee, everything goes 011 well; Roinana will be reduced in a fortnight; the Eng lish are defeated and will lie unable to advance; jin three months the war will la* finished." The officers to whom this was addressed, made no j reply, but Xev, shaking his head, said with his j characteristic bluntness, "Sire, this war has last ted long already, and our affairs are not improv ed. The people are obstinate; even their wo men and children fight; the massacre our men in detail. To-day we cut tiie enemy in pieces, ! to-morrow we have to oppose another twice as numerous. It is not an army we have to light, it is a whole nation. I see no end to this bus iness." "Bonaparte followed his own inclina tion, and was eventually defeated ' Mr. Chairman: Is there not instruction in the blunt yet forcible reply ot the old French Marshal to his superior officer for us! Have we not had, from time to tiuu, the predictions ot Napoleon during tin? past three years, but with out a Marshal Ney to say "i see no end to this business." But, Mr. Chairman, how do \vc stand in the j i eyes of the civilize I world to-day, in waging a i war of subjugation and conquest against the j Confederate States, which have seceded from us j and set up a government of their own? Are we ■ not inconsistent with all our former acts ? Have we not been early to admit this property with re aml to others ? There never was a people on the , face of the earth that demanded an in iepcudent ] government that did not have the sympathy ot ,' the American jieople; and ought we now to , shrink lrom the doctrine we have been willing to apply to others? My earliest recollection'is the appeal made by Clay and Webster in behalf of Greece, in 182.4, when they so eloquently declaimed in that behalf on this floor and in the oilier branch ot Congress. WJiether it was Greece or the States ol South America, or Po land or Hungary, or Italy or Ireland, the fact j that a large country, for any cause, demanded a distinct and separate Government, always re ceived the warmest sympathy and support of ! tlie American people, irrespective ot party. — j Even as late as December, 1860, after Mr. Lin coln was elected, and after the preliminary steps for secession had been taken, the paper having | the largest circulation of any in the Republican party, and having more influence than any other j in the formation of Republican opinion, declar ed that it could see no reason why, if three mil lions of colonists could separate from the Brit- \ i-li Crown in 1776, that five millions of South erners could not separate from us in 1861. I ; have been as much puzzled us the distinguished ; i Republican editor, Mr. Greeley, to find, look i ing at it as a revolutionary light, the difference , Jin position. Ought we to shrink lrom the ap i plication of a doctrine to ourselves which we | have been so willing to apply to other nations, i I such as Austria, Russia and Spain, if we do what will be the judgment of impartial history? | How much better it would have been tor us and i for L the cause of Democracy throughout the globe. What a splendid tribute it would have j i been to a republican government if we had part- I ed mi peace with our dissatisfied hister States, as ! Mr. Everett recommended as late as February I 1861, sustained by such leading Republican , j journals as the Cincinnati Commercial, N.York ! Tribune, Indianapolis Journal, Chicago Trib | unc. New Haven (Connecticut) Palladium. Co lumbus Journal, and Salmon P. Cliase, now Seo j retary of the Treasury, and many others of that] : school. What in uiouarchieal countries had re- j quired a long and bloody war, would have been ! accomplished by Democratic principles and re : publican sense of justice. What a splendid i proof it would have afforded of the capacity of the people of scif-goverutuent- What a vniua . bio lesson it would have conveyed to the whole ' civilized world. The fact that we could rise superior to .ill prejudices and passions and to have eonqu -red ourselves would have been the highest triumph that we had ever achieved I regret as much, Mr. Chairman, as any gentle man upon this floor that any of our sister Knifes I should have desired ioeul asunder th? lignn's i that lmnnd them to w-. None would be more willing than myself to make any reasonable 3ac- WHOLE .\UJIIIER, IOHS • rince to induce them to return to their partner* i ship with us, but still recognizing the truth of 1 the doctrine taught by the fathers of the Re* i public and so fairly expressed by John Quiucy Adams, that our Government was, after all, in the heart, it would be bettor, severe as would i be tbe pang of regret to part in friendship, ra ther than to hold sovereign States pinned to us by the bayonet, as Mr. Greeley expressed it, in ISdl. YVhat advance have we made in the sci ence and principles of government, Mr. Chair man, if we cannot rise above the Austro Rus sian principle of holding subject provinces by the power of force and coercion? What be comes of the Declaration of Independence and 1 of all our teachings for eighty years ! After all, Mr. Cha irinan, it is not the extent of territory : which should be the object of our desires- Bet | ter sacrifice over nine-tenths of the territory ; than destroy our republican form of govern ment. What our people desired in IStil, and which I honored though I regarded as mistaken, was the preservation of the government and the retention of our jurisdiction over the whole territory. They were rightly willing to sacri fice every material consideration for that pur pose. Land is nothing, Mr. Chairman, com pared to liberty. We existed as a Republic when the mouth of the Mississippi was held by a foreign power, when we hal nothing west of I that river, when Florida was held against us; and we could exist again if by the chastisement of heaven we should be curtailed to our old ter ritorial dimensions. For fifteen millions of dol lars we purchased the whole of that immense lerritojy, and were it a hundred thousand times as valuable, its preservation would not l<e worth our admirable form of government. Pride of territorial ambition i a vulgar and low ambi tion of national greatness. Ku.-sia, and even China can vie with us m that, but who would rather reside in one of the Cantons of "Mviizer ' land, or in Great Britain, than in those coun tries- it is not the extent of territory that we ' possess, but in the manner in which we govern it that renders us respectable. Many gentle men seem rather to look to the quantity than the quality. All Republics have been destroy ed by the thirst of territorial aggrandizement ' and the lust of conquest. The great object of ! our Government should be to develop and cul tivate lite internal resources of those friendly to ; its jurisdiction rather than to extend it over hos tile and foreign people. It is in that character that true patriotism is to be cultivate 1 and true national glury found. Especially should all re j publics cultivate the art of peace, since it is by : the war power that free Governments are com monly overturned The charge has been made I that Deioocraoy is turbulent, warlike and ag gressive, but it so it is a ter.ible misconception of its true interests, tor upon the people fall j the awful calamities ot armed collisions. An ! eminent p"el has sai l—Lord Byron—that war was a game wnich it the people were wi e, kings and princes would never play at. The j venerable Dr. Franklin, at the close of his il lustrious career, remarked: "That there was! ! never a good war and a bad peace," We have made, Mr. Chairman, by this war eight millions of bitter enemies upon the Amer ican continent. While time shall last the rec ollections of this bloody strife will never fade from the memories of the people North ami South, hut will he handed down to the latest generation. l ite words Shiloh, Antietatn, (jet tysburg, Mnrfreesborougli, liichnmnl, \ irks bnrg and Fort Donelson, are words of division and disunion, and will serve to bring up emo tions of eternal hate. If it were true, as was alleged by a distinguished Senator from Ohio (Mr. Wade), in a speech in Portland in IS.>5, "that lie believed that no two nations on the eartli hated each other as much as the North and South/' how much more true is the remark now after they have been arrayed in such bloody contests. It is the object of the sword to cut and cleave asunder, but never to unite. What union is there between Russia and Poland, be tween Austria and Hungary, between England and Catholic Ireland, where the sword and the bayonet for centuries have been employed .' In stead of conferring national strength, they are sources of weakness to countries that hold tbctu in subjection, and which would this day be stron ger without them than with them. Mr. Chairman, these lessons of history are full of warning and example. Much better would it have been for us in the beginning— much better would it be for us now—to con sent to a division of our magnificent empire and cultivate amicable relations with our estranged brethren than to seek to hold them to us by the power of the sword. Here let me advert to the common, yet perfectly glaring and apparent er ror. that to part with one jurisdiction over elev en States involves the destruction of our govern ment. The statement of the proposition de monstrates its absurdity. As well might one say, who had a farm of two hundred acres of land that he had lost his title deed to all of it because, by some misfortune, he had parted with tifty. In losing the South, not one function of our government over us is surrendered. It re maius over us as completely sovereign as it ever did. Here let me say, as the experience of my individual belief, that if it had fieen understood in the North, as in the South, that by the terms of the Federal compact a State had a right to secede from the Union, this disruption would never have occurred. Had the Nurtii so un derstood the matter there would have been upon its part a forbearance from the exercise of ex treme measures, and a desire not to press its Southern sisters to the wall that would evr have maintained the Confederacy unbroken, it was the prevalence of the idea of the Consoli dationiste in the North that the Southern Stubs had no right to and would not secede, that tempted them and that fatal policy taut sun dered the Confederacy. It is dJ that no coa.ederacy can exist by a recognition of this principle, but such was not tuc i* n - of the fathers ot our (hove; anient, it ivas not the view ot Jcfurscn and Madison in One Square, three wrek* or leee $i A* One Square, earh additional insertion let* than three month* ............ B*> 3 month* - 6 months.l TRA* One quare • $3 .10 $4 75 $8 00 Twoiqoare* 500 700 10 00 Three squares 650 900 I*. 00 4 Column 12 00 20 CO 35 00 One Column 20 00 35 00 05 00 A (fministrators'in<f Executors', Au ditor*' notices $1.50, if under 10 line*. $2.00 if more than a square and less than 20 lines. $1.25, if but one bead is advertised, 25 cents foe every additional head. The sp ice occupied by ten lines of this size ot type counts one square. All fractions of a square under five lineswill be measured as a half square and ail over five lines as a lull square. All! eg al advertisements will be charged to the peraor. band ing them in. VOL. 7, NO 40. their immortal resolutions of 1798 and 1799. It has been said, Sir. Chairman, that it would make a confederacy a rope of sand but if so it is strange that the Southern Confederacy, whero it is recognized should hold together through such a bloody pressure as we have applied to it for the last three years; it is a strange rope of sand that endures all that. Hut to return, Mr. Chairman. As will be judged perhaps, by the tenor of these remarks, I am reluctantly and despondingly forced to the conclusion that the Union is lost, never to lie re stored. I regard all dreams of the restoration of the Union, which was the pride of my life and to restore which even now, I woo Id pour out my heart's blood, as worse than idle. I see neither North or South any sentiment on which it is possible to build a Union—those elements of Union which Mr. Adams decribed have by the process of time been destroyed. Worse, yea worse than that, Mr. Chairman, lam re luctantly forced to the conclusion that in attemp ting to preserve our jurisdiction over the South ern States, we have lost our constitutional form of government over the northern. What has been predicted by our wisest and most eminent statesmen has come to pass; in grasping at the shadow we have lost the substance; in striving to remain the casket of liberty in which our jewels were confined, we have lost those pre cious monuments of freedom. Our Government as all know, i> not anything resembling what it was throe years ago; there is not one single ves tige of the Constitution remaining ; every clause and every lettei of it has been violated, and I have no idea myself that it will ever again be respected. Revolutions never go backward to the point at which they started. There has al ways been a large party in this country favora ble to a strong or monarchical government, and they have now all the elements upon which to establish one. They have a vast army, an im mense public debt, and an irresponsible Execu tive- Ambitious to retain power, lie is a candi date for re-election, and as Commander-in-Chief, it is charged (whether true or false, I shall not undertake to decide), that he has already used the army in the Florida expedition to advance his chances of success. One of the Generals he has decapitated (Gen. Fremont), has entered the Held to oppose hi claim to a continuance in power, and if The Chronicle of this city, the President's organ, is correct in its construction of the suggestions of The New York Herald, speakinguf Lieutenant Gen. Grant, thequestion is already mooted whether he, in certain con tingencies, at .'lie head of the army would not be justui.-d in assuming the reins of government. The very idea upon which this war is found ed—-coercion of States, leads to despotism ; to preserve a republican form of Government un der any Constitution, under the prevalence of the doctrines now in vogue, is clearly impossible. These convictions of the complete overthrow of our Governments areas unwelcome and unpleas ant to me as they tire to any member of the House. Would to God the facta were such I could cherish other convictions. I may be de nounced as db-loynl and unpatriotic for enter taining them, but it will only be by shallow fools and arrant knaves who do not know or will not admit the difference between recognizing u fact and creating its existen it.-. *A man may not de sire to die, Out nevertheless his belief will not alter the fact of his mortality. I shall not in liu-sc remarks revive lite unpleasant and acri monious controversy of who is r sponsible for the death and destruction of our lie public. I do not ee that any such discussiou now would be productive ot good. I entertain clear and strong convictions upon that point, convictions that 1 have no doubt will be shared in by the impartial historian of the future. For the pres ent 1 am willing to let the past with all its re collections rest, provided we can snatch from the common ruin some of our old relics of free dom. Ido not share in the belief entertained by many of my political friends on this floor and elsewhere that any peace is attainable upon the basis of Union and reconstruction. If the Dem ocratic party were in power to-day I have no i dca, and honesty compels me to declare it, that they could restore the Union over thirty-four States. My mind lias undergone an entire change upon that subject. I believe that there are but two alternatives, and these are, cither an acknowledgement of the independence of the South as an independent nation, or their com plete subjugation and extermination as a peo ple; and of these alternatives I prefer the for mer. Mr. Chairman. T take little or no interest in ) the discussion of the question which many of | my political friends would make an issue as to ; how this war shall be prosecuted, its manner ; and object. I regard that as worse than trilling with the great question. Ido not believe there ' can be any prosecution of the war against a j sovereign State under the Constitution, and I do not believe that a war so carried on can be prosecuted so as to render it proper, justifiable or expedient. An unconstitutional war can on ly be carried on in an unconstitutional manner, and to prosecute it further under the idea of the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens), as a war waged against tLo Confederate States as an independent nation, for the purpose of conquest and subjugation, as he proposes, as : the Administration is in truth and in fact doing, I am equally opposed. I will say further, Mr. Chairman, that if this war is to be still further prosecuted, I prefer ; that it shK be done under the auspices of those who now conduct its management, as I do not wish the party with which I ty connected to be in anv degree responsible for it* results, which cannot be otherwise than disastrous and suici dal—let the responrihilitv remain where it is ' until we can have a change of policy instead ot : men, if such a thing is possible. Nothing could i be more fatal for the Democratic party than to ' set V t<-collie into por.-e:- pledged to a conlinu ! anee of av. .• policy—tf ha policy would j libel on its creed in the past and Iho idoas ** ' lie at the iTasis of tvil lro# govw . ainenW, and Uatcs of

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