Newspaper of Bedford Gazette, 22 Temmuz 1864, Page 1

Newspaper of Bedford Gazette dated 22 Temmuz 1864 Page 1
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THE BEDFORD GAZETTE n PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORA MO BY B. F. MEYER*. At the following term*, to wits $1 75 per annum, if paid strictly in advance. $2.00 if paid within 6 months; $2.50 if cot paid within 6 months. subscription taken tor less than si* months paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid, unless at the option of the publishei. It has heen decided bj' the United States Courts that the stoppage of a newspaper without the payment of arrearages* is prima fade evidence of fraud and as a criminal offence. OS?""The courts have decided that persons are ac countable for the subscription price of newspapers, if they take them from the post office, whether they subscribe for them, or not. Business (£arte. JOSEPH W. TATE, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly attend to collections and all busi ness entrusted to his care, in Bedford and adjoining counties. . , . Cash advanced on judgments, notes, military and other claims. • Has for sale Town lots in Tatesville, and bt. Jo •eph's, on Bedfora Railroad. Farms and unimproved land, from one acre to 150 acres to suit purchasers. •"re nearly opposite the "Mengel Hotel" and B.ink of Reed ift Schell. April 1 - 1864—1y J R. DURBORROW, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Office one door South cf the "jtengel House." Will attend promptly to ail'business entrusted to his care in Bedford ano adjoining counties. Having also been regularly licensed to prosecute claims against the Government, particular attention will be givpo to the collection of Military claims of all kinds; pensions, back pay, bounty, bounty loans, &c. April 1, ISG4. ESPY M ALSIP, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Will faithfully and promptly attend to all business • entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining coun- [ ties. Military claims, back pay, bounty, &c., I speedily collected. Office with Mann & Spang, on Juliana street, two doors South of the Mengel House. .lan. 22, '6l. , !• . II • AaE It S , ATTORNEY AT LAW, Bedford, Pa. Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to i his care. Military claims speedily collected. [lp-Office on Julianna street, opposite the Bank, one door north of John Palmer's office. September 11, 1563. F. M. Kimmell. J- W. Lingenkelter KIMBIELL fit LINGENFELT2R, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, FA- K?"Have termed a partnership in the practice of the Law. Office on Juliana street, two doors South of the "Mengel House." G- K. SPANG. ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA. Will promptly attend to collections a. d all busi ness entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoining counties. on 'uhana Street, three doors south of the "Mengel House," opposite the residence of Mrs. Tate. May 10, 1864. JOHN P. UEIvD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Rrtpertfitlly tender* Jit* services to the Public. [E7"Office second door North ol the Mengel House. Bedford, Atg, 1, IS6I. J O \IT PAL M E V., ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD. PA. [£7~Wili promptly attend to all business entrus ted to his care. Office on Julianna Street, (near ly opposite the Mengel House.) Bedford, Aug. 1, 1861. A. il. COFFBOTH. ATTORNEY AT LAW, fnwwt. P*. Will hereafter practice regularly in the several Courts, of Bedford county. Business entrusted to his care will be faithfully attended to. December 6, IS6I. F. C. DOYLE, M. D.~ Tenders his professional services to the citizens of Bloody Run and vicinity. Office next door to the hotel of John C. Black. [June 10, 1864. j. lTmarbourgk m. d. Having permanently located, respectfully tenders his professional services to the citizens of Bedford and vicinity. Office on '."est Pi* street, south side, nearly op polite the Union Hotel. Bedford, February 12, 1864. F. M MARBOURG, M. D. f SCHELLSMIRG. PA, Tende r s his professional services to the people of that place and vicinity. Office immediately oppo site the store of John F.. Oolvin, in the room for merly occupied by J. Henry Scbell. July 1, 1864. DAVID DEFIBAUG-H, G U N SMITH, BEDFORD, Pa., Workshop same as formerly occupied by John Border, deceased. Rifles and other guns made to or r-r, in the best style and on reasonable tern.s. Spe • al attention wii t be given to the repairing of fire arms. July 1, 1864—1y. 8A !HI EL KETTERMAS, BEDFORD, PA., sl7*Woiild hereby notify the citizens of Bedford county, that he ha mcved ro the Borough of foid, where he may at all tiroes be found by persons wishing to see him, unless absent upon business oertaimng to his office. Bedford, Aug. 1,1861. Jacob Reed, J.J- Schbll, HEED ASD SCHELL, BANKERS k DEALERS IN EXCHANGE, BEDFORD, PENN'A. bought and sold, collections made nnd money promptly remitted. Deposits solicited. J. ALSIP & SON, Auctioneers & Commission Merchants, BEDFORD, PA., Respectfully solicit consignments of Boots and 15hoes, Dry Goods, Groceries, Clothing, imlall kinds of iMerchandise for AUCTION and PRIVATE Sale. REFERENCES. Philadelphia Bedford, Phihp Ford k Co., Hon. Job Mann, Boyd k Hough, Hon. W. T. Daugherty Armor Young k BKds., H, K. Meyers. January 1, 1864—tt. YOR.HAL SCHOOL. J- w. DICKERSQN, Principal H. XV FISHER, Assistant Principal. The County Norma! School will begin in Beaford on Monday, August Sth. Arrangements have been made to offer ihe teachers of the county tbo best possible advantages P.oarding $2.25 per week.— Teachers will be charged a tuition fee barely enough to defray necessary expenses. Others will be charg ed from $5.00 to $6.00, according to studies pursued. June 24, 1864 4t. # VOLUME 59. NEW SERIES. SPE E C II OF Ml iLEL 11. COFFROTH, OF PENNSYLVANIA. Delivered in the House of Representatives of the United June 14, ISG4. The House having under consideration the joint resolution to amend the Constitution of the United States to abolish slavery, Mr.'COFFROTII said Mr. Speaker: When I .'itered this Hail at the opening of this session, I had determined not to participate in any general debate. It was my intention to be a listener and not a talk er. This resolve would have been faithfully kept, had it not been for the extraordinary leg islation that has been pressed upon the House— legislation, in my opinion, which is not only subversive of the interests of the people, but which erects an insurmountable barrier to the restoration of the Union. The resolution be fore us proposes to amend the Constitution, made by the patriots of the Revolution, so as to abol ish slavery throughout the United States. It proposes to set free four million ot ignorant and I debased negroes to swarm the country with pes tilential effect. It is to carry out the design of the bad and wicked men. whose fanatical teach- I ing has produced the terrible bloodshed and des- I truetion of life through which we are now pass- I inc. Sir, we should pause before proceeding any farther in this unconstitutional and censurable legislation. The mere abolition of slavery is not my cause of complaint. I care ni, wheth er slavery i retained or abolished by the peo ple of the States in which it exists—the only rightful authority. The question to rac is, bas Congress a right to take from the people of the -South their property —or, in other w |i, hav ing no pecuniary interest therein, are we justi fied in freeing the slave property of others ' Can we abolish slavery in the loyal State of Ken tucky agah.r'her will ?If this resolution should pass, and be ratified by three-fourths of the States —States already free—and Kentucky re fuses to ratify it, upon what principle of right or i rv would we be justified iri taking the slave property of the people of Kentucky. Would it be less than stealing? This legislation has a tendency not only to create discord among the people of the North, but has n power so immense the mind cannot calculate its weight in giving strength and lorce to the rebellion. It fulfils ail the prophecies of the South concerning the North. They have been bolstering up and maintaining their army bv asserting that the }>eople of the North in tended to confiscate their homes and roo them of their slave property. The one has already hern put in force by au unconstitutional enact ment, and you now propose to do the other by the fcume process of illegality. These acts con- stitute the propelling power which has filled southern armies. The fanatical Icgi-lation of this Congress has been of more value t# the South, in giving them largejarmies, than all the conscriptions they have pu-sed or bounties tliey have paid. Men. who were attached to the old Union, but placed under circumstances to be of little service to it, and who have been waiting with beatiug hearts to l<e again shelter ed under the old flag, are now forced, not only into sympathy with the rebellion, but into bfcurtv' co-operation. They have no other re sort. To remain idle no.v, is to lose all they have. In their opinion, to sustain the rebellion retains to them their property. If slave. r v u~ to be abolished, allow it to lie done according ° die principles of common jus tice. Allow ihe people in each State the ina lienable right through their legally constituted authorities to control their own domestic institu tions in their own w*ay. This was the doctrine held by statesmen passions and prejudice' did not blind them to a correct idea of right. President Harrison saw" the disunion purpos es of the Abolitionists and slavery agitators at an early day, and expressed tb'C following opin ion:— {i l am, ami have been, for m.* o ? years so much opposed to slavery, that I wi.'l never live in a ilave State, But I believe the Constitu tion has given no power to the General Gov ernment to interfere in this matter, and t.hat to have slaves or no sin depends upon the pro pie in each State alone. But besides the con stitutional ohjection, lam persuaded that the obvious tendency of such interference on the part of the States which have no slaves with the property of their fellow citizens of the oth ers, is to produce a state o! '.iscord and jealousy, that will in the end, prove fatal to the Union. I believe that in no other State are such wild and dangerous sentiments entertained on this subject a in Ohio." Sir, I do not deny the right of Congress to amend the Constitution of the United States for the benefit of the people, but I do deny the right of Congress to amend the Constitution to the destruction of the right of the people to hold property. It was never intended by the fraraers of the Constitution, nor by any of the great men who ruled this country, that the dom inant party, blinded by prejudice, should alter or amend the Constitution, to the injury of the weaker section. If the Isorth has the power to take from the South their property, it follows that if the South ever gets the power, she would have the same righ' *o take our property, and the result would be that instead of the Consti tution protecting the people it wouul bo turned into a 4 >ower to oppress them. The Democratic party has beed exerting its powe* to restrain legislation to in proper chan nel, and for this it is daily str.tecl upon this floor and elsewhere that the Democrats are in sym nathy with the rebellion. What a libel upon that gre<d party! Its great principles, its pure devotion to the country, and its never dying fealty to tha of man's capacity for self government, can receive these shocks of vitu- Freedom of Thought and Opinion. BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 22, 1864. pcration with as little effect as the mighty oak ' that has planted its roots deep into the moun tain side, receives thepeltings of the storm. Let j history speak for the Democratic party. Un- 1 der its control the nation grew from thirteen penniless colonies to thrity-four mighty States. I Uuder its control the forests, where the red man roamed unmolested, have been felled, and mighty , cities have sprung up, with their spires piercing the clouds. Under its control the old road ! wagon had scarcely pulverized the stones uf the | Macadamized pikes upon the mountains, until; the iron horse flew with lightning speed through their bowels. It was under its Control the sails of our vessels whitened every navigable stream in the world and the Hag ot our country pro tected American citizens in every clime. Under i its control, when foreign nations were suffering for food, the old Ocean was wade to groan be neath the weight of provisions sent to a starv ing people. Under its control science, agricul ture, and the mechanical arts became so perfect and harmonious that the old world wondered in amazement at the scientific advancement of our people. Under its control the people of all climes and countries were invited io make this their home, where they might worship God ac cording to the dictates of their own conscience and under their own "vine and fig treu." It was under the control of this same Democrat ic party that, vast and boundless territory was acquired. The great Northwest was moulded by the liaud of the Democracy. That beauti ful country, which was once a wild and wav ing prairie, is now dotted with habitations as the stars dot the Heavens above us, and her cat tle are feeding upon a thousand lulls. It was under Democratic control that "empire march ed onward" until the flag of our country was piayeu upon the highest peaks of the Rocky Mountains, 'who* vast walls Have pinnacied in clouds their snowy scalps, And throned eternity in icy halls O? cold sublimity." 1 nder Democratic rule the monster barriers of the Rocky Mountains proved no impediment to the onward march of American civilization and Constitutional government, and the adjoin ing valley was acquired, whose loveliness and beauty is described as rivalling the magnificence of the garden of Eden. The Democratic parly not content with even all these splendid acquisi tions took the "empire onward" and crossed the Sierra Nevada mountains, and planted the flag oj the free upon the golden soil of California and gave us a •*dtnain of more than imperial grandeur. Its valleys teem with unbounded fertility, and its mountains are filled with inex haustible treasures of mineral wealth. The I navigable rivers run hundreds of miles into ; the interior, and the coast is indented with the most capacious harbors in the world. The cli mate is more healthful than any other on ihe : globe, the vegetation i- more vigorous and the I products more abundant; the face of tue oartii iis more varied, and the sky bends over it with a lovelier bine. Ever ything in it is made up<>n j :t scale of magnificence which a man living in 1 such a common-place region as ours eari sc.iree j ly dream of. "'Which his eyes most see j To know how beapiilu'. this world can be ! " No political organization of any country or age can show so glorious a record, so free from blunders arid crimes, and so rich in valuable achievements. The unexampled progress ot the country in wealth and powc and its peaceful j prosperous, and happy condition before this war, were the result of the wise and patriotic policy of the Democratic party. Cjan th Democrat ic party in this, the hour of the. country's deso lation, forget its pa." history? The shout of one million live hundred thousand Democrats, j answer, No! The mission of the Democracy is I to save our wrecked and divided country, and •• with the help of God, relying upon the justice of our cause, we will unite this distracted conn- ' try in bonds so strong that future causes will ! never bring upon us a separation. The man who, the with record before him cliarg- ; es the Democrat!'- party with dis'ojalty, I look upon as either a madman or a knave. When the gentleman from lowa (Mr. Grinnell) utter ed in debate the startling announcemeiit'fbat he '•would rather say a thousand times let the j country be divided —the South go t'nrir wav, all slave, and the North all free, than see the court- j try once more under Democratic rule," I was ! not surprised. The history of the gentleman i from lowa is consistent with this treasonable language. lie declared in a speech he made in j lowa that he would as soon see his daughter j m.irry a negro as a Democrat. It well becomes i a tm'n of suc ' l refined education and exquisite j taste .to belch forth bis bitterness against the Democratic party of the country. Looking at the great progress and power of our people, the mind naturally asks the question what has caused the alllicting and severe troub les that*bang over r.s—what has caused this; beautiful land to bo drenched in blood, ami and brother meet brother in deadly conflict? I will not attempt to answer this question myself: \ hut will give the warning voice of some of the : great men who lived before us. The prophecy | they then made is now being literally fulfilled, and we are reaping the bitter fruit of our diso bedience to t heir advice. Gen. Washington, in hi? farewell address, thus admonishes the people: "My countrvmpn, frown indignantly upon every attempt to alienate nny portion of our country from the rest. BEWARE OF SEC TIONAL ORGANIZATIONS! of arraying the North against the South or the South against the North. In the end it will prove fatal to our liberties." Gen. Jackson bad the reputation of "seeing through a man at a glance." He has left his sage counsels for us to ponder over. In his fare well address he says: "What have you to gain by divisions and dissensions ? Delude not yourselves with the hope that the breach once made would be after wards easily repaired. If the Union if once severed, the separation will grow wider and wid er and the controversies which are now debated and settled in the halls of legislation, will lie tried in the field of battle and determined by the sword. Neither should you deceive your selves with the hope that the first line of sepa ration would lie the permanent one. * * Local interests would still be found there and unchastened ambition. If the recollection of common dangers, tn which the people of the United States have stood side by side against the common foe, the prosperity and happiness thev have enjoyed under the present Constitu tion—if all these recollections and proofs of common interests are not strong enough to bind us together, as one people, what tie will hold united the warring divisions of empire, when those bonds have been broken and the Union dissolved. The first line ot separation would not last long—new fragments would be torn off —new waders would spring up, and this glor ious Republic would soon be broken into a mul titude of petty States, armed for mutual ag gressions—loaded with taxes to pay armies and leaders, seeking aid against each other from for eign power.—insulted and trampled upon by the nations of Kurupe, until liarrassed with conflict*- and humbled and debased in spirit, they would be willing to submit to a domination cf any military adventurer, and surrender their liberty /or tfie sake of repose." . Henry Clay, in a speech in congress as early as 180l l . warned his countrymen against the fanaticism of Ihe Abolitionists in the following words: "Abo'itionlsm sbocld aojongcr be regarded as an imaginary danger. The Abolitionists, let me suppose, succeeded in their present aim of uniting the inhabitants of ihe free States as one man against the inhabitants of tiie slave States. Union upon one side will beget Union o-. the other, and this process of reciprocal con- , sulidation will be attended with all the violent j ja-ojudices, embittered pas-ions, and implacable animosities, which ever degraded or deformed h iruan nature. * * One section will stand in menacing and hostile array against the ; other. The collisions of opinion will be quick ly followed by the clash of arms.—l will not attempt to describe scenes which now happily lie concealed from, our view,—Abolitionists themselves would shrink back in horror at the contemplation of desolated fields, conflagrated cities, murdered inhabitants and the overthrow of the fairest fabric of human government that! ever ros- 1 to animate the hopes of civilized man." In addition to these warnings and prophecies might <e added like opinions from ail the great statesmen of the country. This advice has been disregarded, and a party was built up in the North whose aim was to destroy the institution of slavery, either out of hatred to the people of the South, or fals" ideas of humanity. They appealed to the passions of men. and labored I arrav the North acain-t tbo South, and to alienate one section from the other. The friend ly relations of the North and South were pro ken; strife begat strife. The in termeddling with the institutions ot the -South fd the bad pasrions of men until tha' section j of our once happv country has taken up arms ■ to destroy the fairest fabric of human govern ment that ever rose to animate toe huposof civ ilized man. Sir. I need not quote the treasonable utfer : anccs o: the opponent: of the Democratic party nor their threats of violence to the South. I need not repeat how they exasperated the peo oic of one section against another. How they I attempted to murder and did murder citizens of the South in a wild attempt to abolirii slavery. ITow many jack-leg, itinerant preachers have I gone to die South lis* the wolf in slneps, cloth ing to stir up servile insurrection, to incite the , slave to murder his master ami slay the first born. Sir, this is the history of the fanatical i party that was the inception and cau*e of the i rebellion. While Ido not justify the rebellion, while I pronounce tln-se engaged in it guilty ! of treason, yea, worse than treason, if there he such a crime, in truth and justice I must equally condemn that party which furnished them the excuse for the rebellion. During all the agita tion proceeding and attending secession, the I Soutliern conspirators considered the Abolition ists their lest friends. Governor Adams of -South Carolina said of them: "The Abolit: mists are our best friends. Thank God for what they have already done: and for the inestimable blessings they were n bout, to confer, thev were entitled to our warm est gratitude. Their assaults have been unceas ing. but all for our good. They have furnish ed us a justification for dissolving our connec tion with them." In three particulars, the Abolitionists were the best friends of the Southern conspirators. Hirst, by furnishing them with the means to ex cite the Southern masses into rebelliou. Second. by advocating the policy of "letting them go in peace" and thus aiding them to establish nn empire founded on riaverv. Third, by pushing the government into an extreme policy of eman cipation and confiscation, uniting the South, dividing the North, and in effect doubling the relative strength of the rebellion. Slavery is denounced as the eaue of the re bellion: I deny this, though it may lie the occa sion, as money ist 'e occasion of larceny, rob bery or burglary. If bad men lid not covet their neighbor's money and lay felonious hands upon it and carry it away such a crime as lar ceny would not be known to the law. If the unjustifiable nr i unlawful intr-meddling with slavery had never occurred, there would have been no rebellion. The deadly conflict which is now convulsing the country from centre to circumference would not have oecureed—no fields and beautiful farms devastated ; no loss of thousands of free and happy people; no grave-yards extending from the Potomac to the Mississippi; no peop'e in mourning for lost friends who fell in battle. We lired fourscore years in peace and prosperity, and the clash cf arm 9 in intestine war waa nut heard and never WHOLE ,"VOIDER, 1057 ' would have been, had the people been true to , themselves and their country, by discountenanc ing rod condemning the fanaticism of the A.bo i litionists. This nation has Iwen a nation of compromi ses. From its foundation and through its growth all i.'s difficulties and its dissensions, have ended in mutual concessions. The spirit of our geni us an<i ihe brilliancy of our destiny have always led us heretofore to compromise. 'V"hen this nation was in the throes of dissolution, before secession had to any extent captivated the South ern heart, we might have prevented this unnat ural war. If the Crittenden amendments would have been adopted, the South would have re mained in t! >e IJiiion. and to day all would lie peace. Fanaticism had triumphed at the polls and th" President elect forgetting his country and remaining true only to his sectional plat form and party, stood a rr.ute observer of the great events which were passing. H:s parly triumpn was dearer to him than the interests of his countrv. His country was forgotten, a: ' while on his way to assume the Presidential chair, he dealt in t.lie slang phrase "nobody is hurt." Had he beer possessed of the patriot ism of a Clay or a Webster he would have done j a* they did in 1850, forget his party devotion and knee! at the altar of his country and there , pour the "oil upon the troubled waters," and j thus allay the threatening storm. This he could : have done. f{; had power and influence over his own party, and at his suggest* >a his friends ; would have adopted a compromise which would ! have prevented secession and. rivetted the chains ' which hound 'his 1 nion together in indissolu ble bonds. Was it unbecoming or degrading j to the party coming into power to have adopted j the Crittenden compromise? Hear the reason able and just provisions of that preserver of! our peace: Art: eI. In Ihe Territory of the United States now he'd, or hereafter acquired, situate, north of latitude t ; ir'v.vix degrees and thirty .-ix degrees and tliirtv minutes, slavery or in voinntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime. U prohibited while such territory shall remain under territorial government. In a!! the territory now held, or hereafter acquired, south of said line of latitude, slavery of the African race is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with by Congress: but shall be protected as property by all the depar*uent. of the territorial government du ring its continuance: and when any territory north or smith of ssid line, within such boun daries as Congress may prescribe shall contain the population requisite for a member of Con gress according to the then Federal ratio of rep resertation of the people of the United States it shall, if its form of government be republican. le admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States with or without slavery, as tlie Constitution of yuch nsw S.aito mac provide. Art'cte If. Congres? shall have no power to abolish slavery in [dares under its exclusive jurisdiction, or within the limits of -State* that permit the holding of slaves. /. rti-le 111. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery within the District of Colum bia. so long as it exbfs in the adjoining States S{ Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor with out the consent cf the inhabitants, nor without just compensation first made to said owners of slaves :is do not consent to such abolishment. Nor shall Congress at any time prohibit officers of the Federal Government or members of Con ! gres whose duties require them to be in said District, from bringing with them their slaves and holding them as such during the time their duties may require them to remain there, and afterward taking them from the District. ! Art xv. Congress shall have no power to I prohibit or hinder the transportation of slaves ; from one State to another, or to a territory in i which slaves are by law permitted to be held . whether that transportation lie by land, naviga ; ble rivers, or by sea. | Article V. That in addition to the provis ions of the third paragraph of the second set i tion of the fourth article of the Constitution ! of the United States, Congress shall have the power to provide by law, and it shall be its du ty so to provide, that the United States shall j j>Hy to the owners who shall apply for it, the j full value of his fugitive slave in all cases where the Marshal, or other officers, whose duty it was to arrest said fugitive, was prevented from so doing ov violence or intimidation, or when | after said arrest said fugitive was rescued by force, and the owner thereby prevented and ob structed in the pursuit of his remedy for the re i covery of bis fugitive slaves under the said i elanse of the Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof. And in such cases when the United States shall pay tor such fugitive they shall have the right in their own name to sue the county in which pucfi violence, intimi-. da'ion, oi rescue was committed, and lo 1 .cov er from it with interest and damages, the a j mount paid by them for said fugitive slave. And , the said county, after it bas paid said amount i to the United States, may, for its indemnity, ! sue and recover from the wrong-doers or rescu ers, by whom the owner was prevented from the recovery of his fugitive slave, in like man ner as the owner himself might have sued and j recovered. Article VI. No future amendmen* of the Constitution shall affect the five preceding ar ticles, nor the third paragraph of tbc second section of the first article of the Constitution, nor the third paragraph ofsecoad section of the fourth article of said Constitution, and no n meridoimt hall be made to the Constitution which wiil authorize or give to Congress anv power to .ibolish or interfere with slavery in a ny of the States by whoso law? it is or may be allowed or permitted. If these amendment?, Mr. Speaker, would have satisfied the South and et.ved the Union, the people who bear the burden of the war, who pay heavy taxes, and who give their sons to tbo army, will ask what party ireeponaihle Hates of 2li>i>rrtisins. Otw Square, three weeks or leas $1 81 One Square, each additional insertion leaa than three month M 3 momthi. 6 months. ! rut One square • . ... $3 50 $4 75 SBOO Two squares ..., .. . 500 700 10 m Three square* 650 900 IS 00 4 Column ia 00 20 00 35 00 One Column ...... 20 00 35 00 65 00 Adminittrators'andExfcators' notieeas2.so. Au ditors' notices' $1.50, if under 10 lines. $2.00 if more than a square and less than 20 lines. Kstrays, $1.25, if but one heart is advertised, 25 cents lor every additional head. The space occupied by ten lines of this sizeot type oountsone squsre. All fractions of a square under five Hneswill be measured as a half square and all over five lines as a tuTl square. All legal advertisements wil 1 be charged to the person band ing them in. VOL 7, NO 51. for their defeat? I will answer by quoting from the votes and proceedings in the Senate of the United States where this compromise o riginated- On the 3rd of March, 1861, the Crittenden amendments were voted upon, and ! tii ■* following is the vote : Yeati —Bayard, Bigler, Johnson. Kennedy, Polk, Pugh, Bright, Crittenden, Douglas, Gwin, Hunter, Lane, Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Kice, Sebastian, Thompson. Wigfa!!—l9 \ay —Anthony, Bingham. Chandler, Clark, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessnden, Foote, Foster. Grimes. Harlan, King, Morrill, Sumner. Ten Eycfc. Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson.—2o. Of the nineteen who voted yea, seventeen i were Democrats and two Southern Americans, j The twenty who voted nay , were ail Republic { am. If the Republicans had voted yea, the ; country would have been saved, and no war with ail it? desolating effects would have been inaugurated. But party predominated. It has often been Asserted by the opposition that the Crittenden amendments would not have saved the country from war. I will not rest the solution of this qestion upon my own opin ion. I appeal to the proceedings in the Senate for a correct estimate of their value. Senator Pugh, of, Ohio, has put on record the following testimony as to what could have been done un der a proper desire to save the Union. '-The Crittenden proposition has been endor ser! by the almost unanimous vote of the Leg islature of Kentucky. It has ben endorsed by the legislature of the noble old commonwealth of Virginia. It has been petitioned for by a large number of electors of the United States than any proposition that was ever beloro Con giess. i believe in my heart to-day that it would carry an overwhelming majority of the people of tuy tsfate: aye, Sir, and of nearly ev ery state in the Union. Before the Senators the Siate of Mississippi Chamber I heard one of them, who assumes at least to be President of the Southern Confederacy, pro pose to accept it and maintain the Union if that proposition, could receive the vote it ought to receive from the other side of the chamber. Therefore, all of your propositions, all of your amendments, knowing r s I do, and knowing that the historian will write it down, at any time be fore the lirst of January, a two-thirds vote for the Crittenden resolution, in this chamber would have saved every State in the Union but South Carolina. Georgia would be here by her rep rcsentauvesand Lonsiana. those two great States which at. least would have broken the whole column of secession."—page 1480, Globe. To show that this compromise would have saved us we quote the lamented Douglas at an early period: '•The Senator (Mr. Pugb) has said that if the Crittenden prnuo-itinn could have passed early i i 'he n*ssion, it would have saved all the States except South Carolina. I firmly believe it would While the Crittenden proposition was riot in accordance with my cnerished views, I avowed mv readiness to accept it in order to -ave the Union if we could unite upon it. I ran <• >ntir i t'.e Senator's declaration, that Sen ator Davis himself, when on that committee of th : r?vn. was icady at ail times to compromise on the Crittenden proposition. I will go farth er and sav that Mr. Toombs was also.—page 1481, GUe. Judge Douglas said in a speech in the Sen ate. January .>, 1801: | "I address the inquiry to the Republicans n* lane. for the reason that, in the Committee of 'i'hirtc, n a few days ago, every member of the South, including those from the cotton States, I (Messrs. Toombs and Davis) expressed their i readiness to accept the proposition of my ven ! erable friend from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) .is a final settlement of the controversy, if ten dered and sustained by Republican members, j Hence tr n sole responsibility of our disagree j rnent. The only difficulty in the way of amica ' ble adjustment, is with the Republican party.'" ! Judge Douglas has so often been quoted on this lloor as authority, I scarcely think any one • | will deny what he said. Then, sir, the present i Administration and its friends are responsible , for the non-settlement of our difficulties, and are equally chargeable with che secessionists for i very drop of blood which has been shed The j very acts of the opposition prove they did not 1 desire to have peace and tranquility reign, but j preferred biood-shed at the risk of national ruin j and bankruptcy. Hear the present Secretary of the Treasury: " Washington Feb. 9, 1861. "Dear sir: —Thanks for your note and expla -1 nation of that vote. It may be useful. There | i. a greater disposition to compromise than I like to see. But I hope the best. Half a dozen of the Border State gentlemen have been in our room to-night: Etheridge and Stokes, of Tennessee, i Adams and Bristow, of Kentucky, Gilmore of j North Carolina, and Qthers. I realy sympathize ! with them, but see no reason why we should sac j ruficc pennantly a large power to help them, for ; the pupose of gaining tempoanly a little one. "Yours cordially, S. P. CHASE." | There is a greater disposition to compromise than I like to see, says Mr. Chase. Certain Southern gentlemen had been in his room ask* Tag for compromise. He really sympathized with them, but his party fealty held him against a settlement. We hear it frequently asserted that the respon sibility of not quelling the rebellion in its in fancy rests with President Buchanan. If there, ever was a dear and satisfactory defence for any public man in times of great national danger, that defence undoubtedly belongs to Mr. Buch anan. That he exercised rare qualities of states manship and a most exalted patriotism is • proposition which 1 regard as beyond all con troversy, It is truo that he was of all men in the country the most anxious that our difficul ties should be settled without a resort to srm3— "For the field of the dead rhshed iedon his sight." In the Gulf States the excitement rsn high. Southern men, who, as Mr. Douglas testifies, were willing and anxious for a settlement, ee ft

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