Newspaper of Burlington Free Press, August 5, 1836, Page 1

Newspaper of Burlington Free Press dated August 5, 1836 Page 1
Text content (automatically generated)

BY JHf.Il. STACY. LOVE IS STRONG AS DEATH. Bernard From The Rediruaiy," by and Lucy JJarton, Tliey err who deem love' brightest hour In blooming youth Is known ; Ita purest, tendcrcst, holiest power In Liter life is shown : When passions chastened Hnd subdued To riper years nre given ; And canh nnd earthly things nre viewed In light that breaks from Heaven. It is not in the (lush of youili, Or days of cloudless mirth, Wc feel the tenderness nnd truth Of love's devoted worth ; Ufa then is like u tranquil stream Whirli flows in sunshine bright, And objects mirror'd In it seem To share its sparkling light. 'Tis when the howling winds nriic, And life is ike the ocean, 'Whose mountain billows brave the skies I.Hsn'd by the storm's cimmotion : When lightning cleaves the murky cloud, And thunder peals nround us, Tis then we feel our spirits bowed By loneliness nround us. Oh t llien.ns to ihe seamen',! sight The beacon's trembling ray Surpasses far the Inure bright Of Summer's cloudless day. E'en such to tried nnd wounded hearts In manhood's daiker years, The gentle light true loe imparls M id sorrows, cares, anil fears, lis beams on minds of joy bereft Their fiesh'ning brightness (ling, Atid show that lift! has something left To which their hopes may cling ; It steals upon the sirk at heart, The desolate in soul, To bid their doubts and fears depart, And point n brighter goal. Ifsuch be love's triumphant power O'er spirits touched by time, Oh ! who shall doubt its purest hour Of happiness sublime 1 Injouth 'tis like n meteor's gleam Which dazzles and sweeps by ; In its splendors stem Linked with eternity ! LETTER FROM GE.V. II4RRISON. The following lct'.or from Gen. Wit.. mam II. IlAnrttsoN wa written in reply to one addressed to him by t ho Hun. Slier rod Wtllinms, a member of Congress from Kentucky, requesting his views on several r the great questions which nnw ngitatc the'eountry. Il is full, frank and decisive, sound in doctrine and eloquent in expres sion, nnd must prove highly satisfactory to ,1iis friends and supporters : NoriTii Benp, Mav 1, IB3G. Sin: I have t ho honor to acknowledge (Vo receipt of your letter of the 7lh ultimo, in which you request me to answer the following Questions: 5ft. '-Will you, if elected President of 'the United elates, sign and approve a bill 'distributing the surplus revenue of thn U. .States to each Slate, according to the fed oral population of each, for internal im provement, education, and In such other objects as the Legislatures of the several States may see fit to apply the same.' ' 2d. "Will you sign nnd approve a bill distributing the proceeds of the sales of the public land to euch state, ac cording to the federal population of each, for Hie purposes above specified?" 3d. 'Will you sign and approve hills making appropriations to improve navi gable streams above ports of entry?" f.h. "Will yon sign and approve (if il becomes necessary to secure and save from depreciation the revenue and finances of the nation, and to nffnrd a uniform sound currency to the people of the United States) n bill, with proper modifications, charter 'ing a Bank of the Uniied States?" 5th. "What is your opinion as to the constitutional power of t he Senate or House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, to expunge or obliterate 'fron the journals tho records and proceed ings of a previous session?" From tho manner in which tho four first questions arc stated, it appears that you do iot ask my opinion a? to tho policy or propriety of the measure to which they respectively refer; but what would be my course, if they were presented tome (being in tho Presidcntal chnir of the United S fltesl In I lie slupc of bills, that hnd been xlnly passed by the Senate and House of .Representatives. From tho opinions which I have formed ot'llic intention of the Constitution, as to Jbe cases in winch the veto power 6hould be exercised by tho President, I would have contented myself with giving an affir mative answer to the four first questions ; but, from tho deep interest which has been .and indeed is now, fell in relation to all thr se subjects, I think it proper to express tnv views upon each one separately. 'I answer, then, 1st. That the immediate teturn of all the surplus money which is, ct ought to be, in the Treasury of the U S;ates, to tho possession of the People, torn whom it was taken, is called for by very principle of policy, and, indeed, of tnieiy to our institution!), aim i Know ui no mode of doing it better than that recom mended by the present Chief Magistrate, in his first message to Congress in the fol lowing words: "To avoid these evilt, il ap pears lo me that the most safe, just, and Jed cxal disposition that could be made of the i urptus revenue, would be its apportionment among the several States according to the I'atio of representation," This proposition has reference to a stale 'of things which now actually exists, with tho exception of tho amount of money thus to bo disposed of for il could not have been anticipated by the President that tho I surplus above tho real wants or convenient 'expenditures of the Government would be NOT como so large, ns that retaining it in the Treasury would so much diminish the cir culating medium as greatly to cmbarass the businesi of tho country. What other disposition can be mado of ti witii a view lo got it into immediate cir dilation but lo place it in tho hands of the State authorities ? S- great is the amount, and so rapidly is it increasing, thai it could not be expended for n vory considerable time on the comparatively few objects to which it could he appropriated by the gen eral government ; but t ho desired distribu tion amongst the people could bo inimcdi nlely effected by the Stales, from the infi nite variety of ways in which It might be employed by them. By them it might be loaned to their own banking institutions, or even lo individuals a mode or distrtbu. tion by tho General Government which I sincerely hope is in' the contemplation of no menu to ins country. 2d. Whilst I have always broadly admit ted that the public land were the com mon property of all tho Stales. I have been the advocate of that mode of disposing of incm wntcii wniuu create too greatest num ber of freeholders, and I conceived that in Ihts way the interests of all would be as well secured as by any other disposition j but since, by the small size of the tracts in which the lands arc now laid out, and tho reduction of tho price, this desirable situa tion is easily attainable by any person of micraoie industry, I am perfectly reconcil ed to the distribution of tho proceeds of the sales as provided for by the bill introduced into the Senate by Mr. Clay; tho interest of all seems to be well provided lor by this bill ; and as from the opposition which has hitherto been made to the disposition of ine lands lieretolore contemplated by tho representatives of the new States, there is no probability ot its being adopted, I think it ought no longer to be insisted on. 3d. As I believe that no monev should be taken from the Treasury of the United btatcs to bo expended on internal improve ments but for those which are strictly na tinnal, the answer to this question would do easy uui irom the miticuiiy oi detcrmin ing which of those that ore from time to lime prnpnscd would be oflhis description This circumstance, tho excitement which has already been produced by appropria tion? oflhis kind, and the jealousies which it will no doubt continue to produce il per sisted in, give additional claimstc the modo of appropriating all the surplus revenue of tnc united states in t lie manner abovo sug gested. Each Siato will then have the means of accomplishing its own.schcmcs of internal improvement, still there will bo particular cases when a contemplated im prnvment will be nf greater advantage to the Union generally, nnd some particular States, than to that in which it is to be made. In such cases, as well ns those in the new States, where the value of the public domain will be greatly enhanced by an improvement in the means of communi cation, the General Government should certainly largely contribute. To appro p'latinns of the latter character there has never been any very warm opposition. - Upon the whole, the distribution of the surplus revenue among! the States seems likely to remove most, if not all, the causes ol dissension nl which Ihe internal improve ment system has been the fruitful source. There is nothing, in my opinion, more sa credly incumbent upon those who are con cerned in the administration nf our Gov eminent than that of preserving harmony between the Slates. From tho construe lion of our system there has been, nnd pro bably ever will be, more or less jealousy between Ihe General and State Govern ments; but there is nothing in the Consti tution nothing in the character of the rc lation which the States bear to each other which can create any unfriendly feeling, if the common guardian administers its fa vors with an even and impartial hand. That this may be the case, all those to whom any portion oflhis delicate power is entrusted should always act upon the prin ciples nf forbearance and conciliation ; ever more ready to sacrifice the interest of their immediate constituents rather than violate the rights of the other members of ihe fumily. Those who pursue a different course, whose rule is never to stop shorl of i the attainment of all which they may con- eiuer their clue, will olien be found lo have trespassed upon tho boundary they had themselves established. The observations with which I shall- conclude this letter on tho subject of the veto power of tho Presi dent will apply to this as well as your other questions. 4ih. I have before me a nowspnpo ifl which I am designated by its distinguished editor "The Rank and Federal candidate." I think it would puzzle iho writer to ad. duce any act of my life which warrants him in identifying me with the interest nf the first, or the politics of the latter. Having no means of ascertaining the sentiments of the directors and stockholders ol tlio liank of the United Slates (which is the ono, I presume, with which it was intended to associate me) I cannot say what their course is likely to bo in relation to the ensuing election ol President. Should they, how ever, give mo their support, it will be cvi denco at least that tho opposition which I gave to their institution in my capacity of representative rrom Ohio in Congress pro ceeded in their opinion, from a sense of du ty which I could not disregard. The journals of the second session of the thirtccth, nnd those of the fourteenth Con gress, will show thai my votes aro record ed against then) upon every question in which their interest was involved. I did, indeed, exert myself in the Senate of Ohio to procure a repeal of tho law which had imposed an enormous tax upon tho branch es which had been located in its boundaries at the request of iho citizens. The ground of 1I1080 exertions was not tho interest of tho Bank ; but to save what I consider the honor of tho Stntc, nnd to prevent a con trovcrsy between tho State officers nnd THE OI.OllV OF CJRSMi; BUT THE WE I. FA RE FRIDAY, those of the United States. In the spring nf 1034 I had also the lion or to preside at a meeting nf the citizens of Hamilton county called tor the purpose ol expressing their sentiments in relation to tho removal of Ihe public money from tho custody of the Bank by the solo authority of tho Executive. As president of the meeting. I explained nl somo length the object for which it was convened , but I advanced no opinion in relation to, tho re chartering of tho Bank, A most respectful memorial to the, Pres ident in relation to the removal of the tie poilcs was adopted, as were also resolu tions in favor of rcchartcring the Bank ; but, as I have already said, this was not the purpose for which the meeting was called, and not one, upon which, as presiding offi ccr, I was called upon to give nn opinion, but in the event of an equal division of the votes. As a private citizen no man can be more entirely clear of any motive cither for rcchartcring the old institution, or cro ntlng n now one tinder the authority of tho United States. I never had a single share in the former, nor indeod In any bank, with one exception, and that many years ogo failed, with the loss of tho cntiro stock. I had no inclination again to venture in that way, oven if I should ever possess the moon". With the exception nbovo men tioned of stock in a bank long since bro ken, I never put out a dollar at interest in my life. My interest being entirely iden tified with the cultivation of the soil, I am immediately and personally connected with no other. I have made (his statement to show you that I nm not committed to any course in relation to tho chartering of a Bank of the United Slates; and that I might, if so dis posed, join the popular cry of denunciation against tho old institution, and upon its misconduct predicate an opposition to the chartering of another. I shall not, however, take this course so opposite to that which I have followed through life, but will give you my senti ments clearly and fully not only with regard to tho future conduct of tho Government on the subject of a national bank, but in relation to the operations of that which is now defunct. I was not in Conrrcss when thn Iain bank was chartered, but was a member of the 13th Congress, after its first session, when the conduct of the bank in its incip ient measure, wa9 examined into ; and be lieving from the result of investigation that the charter had been violated, I voted for tho judicial investigation, with n viow of annulling its charter. Tho resolution for that purpose, however, failed ; and shortly after, the management of ita affairs was committed to the talents and integrity of Mr. Cheves. From that period to Us final dissolution, (although I must confess I am not a very competent judge of such mat ters.) I havo no idea that an institution could have been conducted with more nbil ity, integrity, and public advantogo than it has been. Under these impression?, I agree with Gen. Jackson in the opinion expressed in ono of his messages lo Congress, from which I make tho following extract: "That 'a Bank of the United Stales, competent to all 'the duties which may be requited by the 'Government, might be so organized as not 'to infringe on our delegated powers, or the 'reserved rights of the States, I do not en 'terlain a doubt." But that period for re chartering the old institution lias passed, as Pennsylvania ha wisely taken care to appropriate to herself the benefits of its large capital. The question then for me to answer, is, whether under tho circumstances you state, if elected to tho office of President, I would sign nn net to charter nnolher hank, I answer, I would, if it were clcarlii after lained that the public interest in relation to mo collection and disbursements of the revenue would materially suffer without one, and there worn unequivocal manifes taiionot piionc opinion in its favor. I ihiiik, however, tho experiment should be fairly tried, to ascertain whether the firon- cial operations of this Government cannot be as well carried on without the aid of a national bank. It is not necessary for that purpose. It docs not appear to mo Hint 00c can bo constitutionally chartered. There is no construction which lean give the Constitution which should authorize it, on the ground of affording facilities to com' morco. Tho measure, if adopted, must havo for its object tho carrying into effect (facilitating al least the exercise of) some nto ofiho powers positively granted lo tho General Government. If others flow from it, producing equal or greater advantages to the nation, so much tho better; but these cannot bo made the ground for justi fying a recourse to it. Tho excitement which has been produ ced by tho Bank question, tho number and respectability of those who deny the right of Congress to charter one, strongly ro commend tho course above suggested. 5ih. L distinctly answer to this question, that, in my opinion, neither House of Con gress can constitutionally cxpungo the Re cord of the proceedings of their predeces sors. The power to rescind certainly be longs to them; nnd is, for every public Ic gitimatc purpose, all that is necessary.--The attempt to expunge a part of their journal, now making in tho Senate of the United States, I am satisfied could never havo been mado but in a period of the highest party excitement, when tho voico of reason nnd generous feeling ia stifled by long protracted and bitter controversy. In relation lo tho cxerciso of tho veto power by the President, there is, I think, an important difference in opinion between iho Chief Mogietra'.o nnd mvself. I ex press this opinion with leas diffidence, be causo I bolicvo initio is in strict nccordauco with those of all tho previous Presidents to Gen. Jackson. The veto power, or the control of the 1 Executive over tho enactment of laws by AUGUST 5, 1836. the legislative body, was not unknown in tho United Slates nrevinnslv in thn inrmn. lion of the present Federal Constitution it docs not nppcar. however, to have been in much favor. Tho principle was to be found in but three of the State Constitu lions ; and in but one of them (Massachti setts) was the Executive power lodged in me nanus m a single Ulner fllngistratc. One Other Slate (South Cnrnlinnl hnd in. deed, not only adopted this principle, but hud given its sihglo Executive Magistrate nn oosoiutc negative upon acts of tlio l.rtr isiuuuu. 111 an ouier insinncos 11 has been n qualified negative, like that of thn United Slates. The Peoplu of South Carolina seem, however, not to have been long plea sod with, this investment of power in their Governor, ns it lasted but two vpnrn ! hnv. .t.i.... 1.. n ., : .. . . ing bc3n adopted in I77G nnd repealed in 1778; from which time the nets of the liOgislntureof that State have been entirely treed (rom Lxecutivo control. Since the adoption ot the Constitution of tho United States, Iho veto principle has been adopted by several other States, and until very lately, it seemed to be rapidlj growing into favor. Before wo can form a correct opinion of mi- iiiuniiur 111 which mis power should be exorcised, it is proper to understand the reasons which have induced its adoption.-' In its theory, it is manifestly an innova tion upon tho first principle of Republican Government that the maioritv should ruin. Why should a single individual control ihe win ot that majority ? It will nai be so d that there is more probability of finding liruuiur wisuom in ine executive chair tlinn in the halls of Legislature. Nor can it possibly bo supposed that an individual residing in ine centre ot an extensive country can be as well acquainted with the wants and wishes of a numerous people, as those who come immediately from amongst themthe partakers, for n portion of The year, in ineir various labors and employ ments, nnd tho witnesses of the effects of iho laws in their more minute as well as general operation. As far, then as regards a knowledge of the wants and wishes of the people, wisdom to discover remedies for existing evils, and devising schemes for increasing tho public prosperity, it would seem that the legislative bodies did not require tlio aid of on Executive Magis Irate. But there is a principle, recognized by all the American Constitutions, which was unknown to the ancient republics. They all acknowledge righis in tho minor ity, which cannot rightfully betaken from hnm- Rfif.oricnoo had elioiyn that in large aesuiiiuucs tiresc rights v75r-not always respected. It would bo in vain that they should be enumerated, and respect for them eujMiiiL-u in me constitution. j popular assembly, under tho influence- of that spirit 01 party wnicti is always discoverable in greater or less degree in all republics, might, and would, as it was belioved.somc- times disregard them. To guard against this danger, nnd to secure the rights of each individual, the expedient of creatine n Department independent of the others, nnd amenable only to the laws, was adopted Security was thus given against nny pal pable violation of the Constitution, to the injury of individuals, or of a minority parly But it was still possible for a wilful nnd excited maiority to enact laws of the great est injustice nnd tyranny, without violating the letter ot their charter. Security was thus given against any palpable violation of the Constitution, to ihe injury of individuals, or of a minority party. But it was still possible for a wilful nnd excited majority to enact laws of the greatest injustice and tyranny, without violating thu letter of their charter. And this I take to be the origin of the veto power, as well in the State Govern ments as that of the United States. It ap pears to have been the intention to create an empire between the contending factions which had existed, it was believed, and would continue to exist. If there was any propriety in adopting this principle in the iiovcrnmcnt of a btate, all the reasons in favor of It existed in a tenfold deg'co fur incorporating it in that part of tho United Estates. J no operations of tlio latter, ex tending over an immense tract of coun try. embracing the products of almost nvn ry clime and that country divided too into u number nCseparntc Governments in nmnv respects dependent of each oilier and o'f 110 co iit.iun rtocrn! lca(li )eft bul )itte fii(J mub limy I-Olliu nlw.y. cnrrir-tl or, in harmonj. It could not be doubled that sectional interests would at all times pre dominate lOthe bosoms of the immediate representatives of the people and the States, and the combinations formed destructive of thn publ good, or unjust and oppressive to a mmorly. Where could n power to check thesi local feelings, nnd to destroy the cffeclff unjust combinations be better placed that in the hands of that department whose aujlority, being derived from the samo corimon sovereign, is co-ordinate with the fst nnd which enjoys tho great distinctiorof being at once tho immediate representative of the whole people as well as of encj particular state ? In tho'brmcr character, tho interests of tho wholi community would be rigidly sup ported, adin the latter, the rights of each member itcadfastly maintained. Tho re nrcsentaion from tho State authorities in the Elcciiral Colleges, I consider ono of the mostehcitous leaturcs in tlio consti tution, tt serves as an eternal memento to the Clicf Magistrate that it is his duty to guarl tho interests of the weak a gainst Ihe unjust aggre66ions of the strong 'nd powerful. From these premises you will conclude that I consider tho quaflicd veto upon the acts nf tho Le gislature conferred by tho Constitution up. on tho President as n conservative power, intended only to bo used to secure tho in Btrumcnt iw'elf from violation, or in times of high party excitement, to prevent the rights of tho minority and tho wcakor mcin hers of tho Union. Such, indeed, is my opinion, and euch wo must behevo to he OF ROME. Iho opinion of nearly all Ihe distinguished men who have filled tho Executive Chair. If 1 were President of the Unilnd States. an act which did not involve cither of the principles above enumerated, must have been passed under very peculiar circum stances of precipitancy or opposition to the known public will, to "induce ino to refuse to it my sanction. If tho opinion I have given of the mo tives of the framers ol tho Constitution, in giving the veto power lo iho President. 11 ioiiows that they could have expected that ho who was constituted the umpire between contending factions should ever identify himself with Ihe interest of one of them, and voluntarily mice himself from tho proud eminence of lender of a nation to tho chief of a parly. Icon easily con ceive the existence of a state of things hv luliinl, n.n r . o.-. -.,.. mi. wiiiui in utsuuiu ui u oiuie may be forced to act upon parlv nrincinlcs: bul such a course is entirely opposed to all thn obligatitns which tho Constitution imposes On n Prpsirlpnt nf thn TTnitnrl Slnln. 'Pl,n immense influence ho possess will always give to his party the preponderance, nnd the vory circumstance ol Us being nn Ex ectitive will bo the cause of infusinr more bitterness nnd vindictive feeling in these domostic contests. Under these circum stances, the qualified veto given by the Constitution may, if the President should think proper to change its character, be come ns absolute in practice ns that passed by the King of Franco and England. From the great variety of local interests acting upon the members of the two Houses of Congress, nnd from the difficulty of keep ing nil the individuals of a large party tin tier the control of party discipline, laws will oltcn be passed by small mntonties ad verso lothe inlercstsoftho dominant party; but il tho President should think proper to use the veto power for Iho purpose nf pro moting the interests of his party, it will be in vain to expect that n majority so large as two thirds in both Houses would be found in opposition to his wishes. In 1 1 1 hands of such a President, the qualified veto ot tlio uonslituiion would 111 practice become absolute. I have, upon another occasion, expressed my views upon tho danger of dominant Executive party. It may. perhops, be said that tho Utiiel Magistrate will find it im possible lo avoid the influence of party SDi nl. Several of our Chief Magistratcs.'how- ever, have been able to escape its influence or, what is the same thing, to net as if they oiu noi icci it. as ono inouo nl avoiding it it would bo my aim to interfere with tho legislation of Congress as little ns possible, Tho clause in the Constitution which mokes it the duty of tho President to give congress information of tho state of the Union, nnd to recommend to their ennsid oration such measures ns he shall judge necessary anu expedient, could never be in tended to him the source of legislation. Information should always be frnnklv n-iven and recommendations upon such matters as como more immediately under his co" nizance than theirs. But there it should end. If ho should undertake to prepare inc uusiness 01 legislation lor tlio action o Congress, or to assume the character of code maker for the nation, tho nersonal in terest which ho will take in the success nf his mcosurc will necessarily convert him into n partisan, and will totally incapneiate ntm trom performing the part of thotimpor liol umpire, which is ihe character that I havo supposed the Constitution intends him lo assume, when thn acts passed hy the Legislature arc submitted to his decision. I do not think it by any means necessary that ho should take the lead ns a reformer, even when reformation is, in Ins opinion. necessary. Reformers will bo never want ing when it is well understood that the power which wields the wholo patronage 01 the nation win not oppose tho relarina lion. I have the honor to be, with great con sideration nnd respecl. sir. vonr humble servant. W. II. HARRISON To Iho Hon. SitKnnot) Williams. CORN SUCKERS. Somepersnns, without understanding the natural hUtory of the plant, nt tho la-t dressing pull off tho stickers, which Is ruin lo the crop, as thev nro nbsolutely noces- uirv. not only In (lllinc "' "lo cn's of iiioi nftho first cors. but to filling out of tho late cars in nny degree. The time in which tho mnlo blossom on the main stalk remains in vigor is not more than six days, when the season is good lint it the weather is very lint nnd dry, or is stormy, it is not so long. And this length is only enough to fructify the earliest rars in winch the lemale blnsiom comes out first from tho germ of tho lowest grains, and present themselves in circles nt the ends of the corolla or husks, nnd ns they come out, nro impregnated, nnd thus they are every day and bour prcfcn'ing new circles of female blossoms, until the whole are thus impregnated. But if the heat is so excessive as to kill the malo blossom be fore the whole of tlio femalo blossom has como out ol (ho corolla or husk, then if there are no suckers to supply the deficien cy of pollen, there will bo a portion nf tho upper end of the car thai will be barren ol grain. To supply this deficiency of pollen Providence, 111 organizing tho corn plant has ordered that tho threo lower joints should produce sucknra dint should come up in succession, to supply continual source of tho fructifying principlo to the whole succession ol ears thai may come but for tho space of at least three weeks, after that on tho main stalk has been ex hausted. And on this succession of male blossoms tho greatness of the crop depends And the land should bo so rich as to force out al least two suckers on every stalk. or no very great crop should bo expected, Hut if tho land if so rich as to produce these, then instead of having tho usual ctnpofnbout 3.ri bushels to the acre, the VOIi. X No. 476. careful farmer mny expect from f)0 lo 120 bushels, Willi very little extraordinary px pense, nnd this laud will be prepared for other crops. You will please to indulge me further to observe, on Ihe culture of corn, that la manure poor land in Iho lull is had cultiva tion, nil hough, it t true that by this mode, the early growth of the corn is promoted ; out 1 lie moment the roots ot thn plants ex tend beyond the manure, the growth of thu crop is checked, at tho most critical season. when the suckers nnd ears nro selling, by which it often happens that the stalk still rues up, and the tnalo blossom conies out nnd is spent before tho female blossom ap pears nt nil. But if the shovel full of ma nure that hnd been put in each lull, had been incorporated with Iho soil, the early growth of the crop would not havo been so rapid, tint then Iho growth would hav! been equal in all parts of tho plant, and n crop would have been received in propor tion to tho goodness of tho soil nnd prepa. roiion and attendance guen lo it. On Sttcltcrinz Corn. 1 had the nlflasurn oboul five years ngn, to spend n day in company with old Mr. Macon of North Carolina, when our conversation was prin cipally on the subjects of agriculture ; nnd among others the cultivation nf Indian corn. After having inquired whether I hod the suckers which grew from the roots of tho corn pulled off, ns is the common practice. and received my answer in the nfiirmativc, ho informed tne that ho had suffered them to remain, having from repented experi ments, ascertained that they did not injure the corn, but on the contrary, the suckers, more frequently than otherwise produced good cars of com : and that if they failed to do so, there wns nn increase of fodder. I havo since tried the experiment, nnd wit nessed tho following results : that nftcr carefully examining the cars of corn on the stalks producing suckers, they were found to be ns good as the ears on the sur rounding stalks not producing them ; that a large majority of the suckers produced good corn, though the ears generally wcro smaller than those on the mother stalk, nnd that (of course) there was an increase of fodder. Without entering into nn in quiry, whether corn ought not to be plant ed so thick 09 to prevent its producing suckers of which I am not sure iT thick planting will prevent it, or whether the pulling 1 hem off may not injure the corn by inflicting wounds on the stalks. I ran now safely recommend Mr. Macon's proc ure, as saving Ifir lime nnd labnrnf pulling off suckers, nod what is of more conse quence, as producing an increase of the crop nfcorn and fodder. I ought to odd. that none but the suckers growing from tho root ought to be suffered lo remain. Fur. Jirg. Gama gratt (Tiipsncum r4ctyloide). We observe that this grass, which, en pas sant, has really heen fodder for a long tinio for the editors of our numerous agricultural and horticultural periodicals, has at last renched England, where Loudon, in tho last number of Ins Mnguzine, recommend? it for trial. He, however, is nuite nardon- able for so doing, as ho has doubtless drawn Ins information regarding it from the Amer ican accounts. Nothing can be more non sensical than 1 lie praises lavished upon this grots, in our papers for the last two or threo years, as n crop fir culture in tho northern states, ns all intelligent cultivators who have tested it themselves nro now fully aware. The gamrt grass, in the southern slates, tinder 0 burning sun, and in situa tions where the common pasture grasses of the cooler slates would perish in a month, yields abundant crops of coarse herbage, and 1 s really a plant of the greatest utility; but to endenvor to cull i vale it in the north ern states, where the finest nJ most nour- snn" "rasses nr indigenous or perfectly natornlized, -- something like exchanging; for drv corn stalks the fin-t verdant grou tli of red clover. It will be still more amus ing nnd ridiculous in England, where the moist climate nnd tntld summers contribute to the productioo of the closest and finest turf, and most tender and -uccnlcnt herhagn for mule, to be found 111 the world. A. J. I)., liolnnk Garden and A'tirscnj, Vcic- bur-rh. A". Y. June, 1!I3G. A Mark-smith's wife become a Queen. It in n curious nirrorii-tance t hat tho present Queen nfthc Sandwich Islands was form - orly. or rnthcr nt tins timo. the wile of 11 Rii-.-inu Blacksmith. An Mnr. vessel lying off, what we usually call tho Fox Island, several years ago, one nf the officers be come enamoured ofn fntrf-pnuso nfn ,qii of ulcaii there ; nnd. Ins passion being re turned, contrived to smuggle her on board the vessel, nnd keep her thorn concealed without iho knowledge of his captain, who being highly enraged al such a breach of faith and discipline, kept her confined till they arrived at the Sandwich 1-laniN, whom she was put on shore. Tho forlorn A riodne, however, found a Bacchus, for her Thesans, a royal lover 111 the place of her lost Lieu tenant. Thu King of the Island became enamoured of the lair Russian, made her his wife nnd raised her to his throne. Ho was no every day King. He was n stales man and a hero, though wo t-hould call him a savage. Ho progressively created a re spectable navy of several well built frigates, taught Ins subjects In be excellent sailors, raised armies, subdued tho surrounding Isl ands,and nl tlieclo-e ofn prosperous reign, his posses-pinna ami Ins sovereignty to hix loft Qureii.who now reigns as In- successor. Shu is well obeyed by her subjects ; pos sesses grent wealth in flocks, herds nnd rico grounds, nnd sends frequent presents to her former descried husband, who still con. tinucs lo hammer horse shoes in a Russian colony, while Ins faithless, hut it seems not quite iingrnleful spouse, stretches her seep, tre over several prosperous isles. About 10,000 have been subscribed to rcnxinblish ihe Mcihoditt book concern.

Other pages from this issue: