Newspaper of Burlington Free Press, November 4, 1836, Page 1

Newspaper of Burlington Free Press dated November 4, 1836 Page 1
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NOT THE GLORY OF CSAIl ; HUT THE WELFA KB OF HO M E. BY II. K. STACY. FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1836. VOL-. XNo. 489. ADDRESS To the Freemen of Ike State of Vermont, on the rending of the 9th resolution, at the Vermont Stale Convention. BY THE HON. WILLIAM fLADE. Fellow citizens: The occurrence of 'nny great crisis in the affairs of n commu tifiy. justifies the assembling of its citizens 'to consult in regard to the common safety, jnnd concert measures for the common good. To do so in the existing crisis in our na 'tional affairs, is tlic purpose which ha "brought together the convention that now 'addresses you. One of the highest duties devolving on ."you as freemen is about to bo performed. 'As citizens of a great Republic, yon are to 'exercise the high prerogative of giving your Voice in'the selection of its Chief Expcii live Magistrate ; and we arc now ossein 'bled to deliberate upon the questions in volved in this election to exchange freely 'our views, and to express to you and to the Vorld, in the spirit and language of free men, the result of our deliberations. To mir apprehension, there has been no crisis inl!io history of our national govum mcnt, involving more directly than the present, the principles on which our rcpub lican institutions are based. The office of Chief Magistrate of the United States is armed with great power. That power is under the control of a single will ;'and thai "-will possesses the means of a prompt, efli- 'cicnt, and dangerous exercise. The dan ger exists not alone in the President's enn etitutiuual power of executing the laws. nor in his participation in their enactment; 'but it assumes its most fearful form in the influence which he is.cnabled to exert upon the deci.-ions of the other branches of the government. The independence of each branch forms the great cnuotvnlivt) prin ciple of the constitution. Let cither ac quire, by any means, a control over the do liberations and action of the others, and the balance of the constitution i destroyed. '(live that control to the Clnuf Executive .Magistrate, and the government is. in effuct, transformed from a Republic to a Monar chy. The recent course of our national ad ministration has strongly developed thi danger. The power of the President lias been greatly augmented, and the other branches of the fovcrnment gradually drawn within the vortex of Ins influence ; so that the question now to be decided in the selection of this ollieor, is not merely what mca-urcs shall be adopted during his administration affecting the current inter ests of tho people, but whether Ike Consli ititutiun shall be preserved iitiiolab!c-i! ther each detriment of the government shall retiiin ilsjii prerogatives, and move in in constitutional sphere, or the whole bo subjected to the ovcrshadnu ing influence of a single man; whether, in short) the pure republicanism of the constitution shrill be Tctaincd in its full vigor, or whether it shall, in the insidious progress of usurped p-iwcr. nml perverted iulluunce, be crushed and extinguished. Those are qiiostlofti which force them selves upon tho consideration ofihu people of the U. States at the approaching election. Subordinate to them are others which con corn tho policy of the government, in re gard to the various interests to be ininie iliately affected by legislative action isucli are tho questions regarding the col lection, safe keeping) and disbursi-mont ol the public revenue ; the niiuag"ineut anil disposition of the public laud ; pro'cctloo lo the iudntiy uf the country by an ade quate tariff; the facilitating of intercourse and Commerce by roads anil canals ; pre crvalion of a sound currency; and the fre' and unrestricted interchange uf opinion and feelings between the various sections of Uic country, which is necessary to con tinue us "one people." Fellow citizens we ask you to come to the decision of the great question of the Presidency, in full view of all theso high and commanding considerations. It is not a question to be decided by impulses ; nor to be controlled by the influence of parly names, ami the power ol parly prejudice, T'i'' integri rv or THE CONSTITUTION is involved. Tllll Constitution it is your business to under stand, to watch, with sleeple-s jealousy, every tendency to its perversion, and to see that no man is permitted to wield the mighty power of its chief Executive Magistrate, who has not given proof that lie loves its sacred principles inure than he loves himself. Who shall be selected to discharge this high trust ? Where is tho man who ha drunk so deeply into the spirit of the Fa thers of the Republic, and so thoroughly evinced, by a long coitrsu of service. Ins disinterested devotion to the public good, os to bo worthy the confidence of a nation of Freemen ? To deserve that confidence, lie must bo Eomcthing more than a cunning .politician. lie must be distinguished for service of n fur higher grade than can he found in the mere leader of a party. Ho must bo moro familiar with the cunslitu. (ion than with the construction and move ments of party machinery ; and have learn ed to value tho oflico of Chief Magistrate morn for its power of conferring benefits upon tho country, than of ministering to tho ambition ol a parly enter, anu Dinning to his interests, and drawing in his train. a host of mercenary dependants. Boforc answering the question, who is the man, we will say to you, lellow citizens, who, in our opinion, is not the man to bo aafely intrusted with your confidence at mis important crisis. And horo we sav at once He is not, find cannot be. the man who has been "The Father of the obnoxious measures nflhepres cnt administration," and pledged himself to "perfect what Gen. Jackson has begun." To the leading measures of this administration, whether "uutimasous," or under the dis tinctive appellation of "Whigs," wo have uccn untinriniy opposed. Our opposition has been based upon principles which do not change with tho winds, or ebb and flow with tho tides, Tjmo and usage possess, with us, no power to sanctify corruption. The policy which was disclosed by the ad ministration seven years ao, whereby tho vast Executive power of the government was perverted Irom its constitutional exer cise, to the purpose of building up a great executive parly, is just ns much at war with our principles, and just as abhorrent to our feelings now, as when its deformity was first revealed. Wo were shocked, and so wcro the great body of our fellow citizens in Ihi state at the groat inconsis lency between the professions of Gen. Jdckson in his first inaugural address, and the practico which immediately followed it. "Tho recent demonstration of public senti ment" said the President in that address- inscribes on the list of executive duties, in characters too Icmbloto bo overlooked, the task of reform, which requires, particularly, tile corrtction of those abuses that have brought the patronaso of the General Government into conflict with tho freedom of elections." Thus spake Gen. Jackson to the assembled representatives of the people, on tho -lib ol March, 1029; and yet, from that moment to the present, as you, fellow citizens, well know, it has boon the unceasing effort of his administration to fasten on the country as a part of its sot tied policy, the very abuses which it wasthu? pretended had been discovered, and thus promised should be reformed. Professions of retrenchment and economy havo been followed by the addition of hundreds to the number uf Executive officers, and millions to the amount of national expenditure ; while the vast array ol ollicers have been either silenced by the fear of removal, or rendered boisterous partizans by the be stowment ol executive favor, there is not a stale or county in the whole compass of this Union, in which "the patronage of the tederal Government which was to be restrained, in obedience to the pretended "demonstration of public s.nlimcnl," is not, at this moment, brought into direct "conjlict lottk Ihefrecdom oj elections," for the pur pose of elevating the President's favorite to to the President's chair. Their is not an election to cither branch of Congress, nor n prominent measmro presented for do liberation of cither, which docs not feel the power of this influence. Nor is this all. It is not enough that tho immense patron ano of the government should bo thus wielded to control the popular will. The President himself yes Ihe Chief Magistrate of this great nation, openly enters the lists, and standi forth the umlisguhcd champion of Martin Van liuren for Hie succession ! I This is the man; fellow citiizcns, whom von are urged to support for the highest office in the people's gilt; and this is the m in whom wu solemnly declare to you, wo cannot, and will not. support. Wo have seen him suddenly change Irom tho violent opponent, to thu ardent supporter, and ful some flatterer ol den. Jackson. Wuh.iV'- ieeu him working his way into Ins confi dence broking up his Cabinets proscrib. ing his early ond honest friends introdu cing to his confidence n corps of mercena ries, and obtaining possesion, through these means, of Ins immense influence and power, to aid in the consummation of his design of reaching the great objnet of his ambition. If (Jen. Jackson's maladministration Irul been the mere result uf his own impet uous ps..iuns, and habitual love nf power, we could have better borne it. Wu should have had, at least . thu coiHolatioti that it sprung from a spirit which had "done the tate some service, and might have been conceived in an honest pnrpoc, though executed in detriment to the public welfare. liui wo are compelled tn regard it in a far different light llun this. Tnu cautious cir-euiii-p 'clion which found its way into his Cabinet, in the person ol Mr Van liuren, and which should have found means to control tho veteran's strong passions, give their) a salutary direction, and guide them to safe results, was employed in ministering to Ins love ol praise in declaring that it was "suffir.icnl glory l serve under such a Chief and in moulding his wholu admin istration with a view to accomplish the ends of a scllish ambition. Tho calculating and corrupt policy which deliberately dictated this perversion of the executive power, wo wuuld fain see defeat ed, and consigned to public execration. Io give it thu popular sanction, by eleva ting its author to the station he h.is sought to attain by it, would ba virtually thu fomi ml; of a new constitution, founded in cor rupiinu, nml destined, sooner or later to bo the gruvu of public liberty. But supposing the country should con sunt to sanction this course of ndministra lion and submit to be ruled by thcExocuiive branch of the government, have the pen-pl-i any reason to hope it will give them a system of wise and beneficial laws, as n compensation for their virtual surrender nf the privilege ol governing themselves? We earnestly press this quest ion upon the at tention of the people of Vermont, in refer ence to the interests which they specially desire to eustain and cherish. JFhich of mem will be sqc in Uic lianas oj Van liu rcn administration. Among these interests, a leading one is, anil has long been, the protection of our industry by an adequate tariff. To that protection it is, now, well known that Mr. Van Huron is imposed. Resolutions iutro, duced into the Hou-e of Representatives at the lato session of Congress by one of bis Southern friends an inveterate opponent of the tariff, looking to the prostration of the prolcctiug system, wcro supported by nearly everyone of his friends in that body. The tame ground has been taken by him, since the adjournment of Congress, in hit published letter to Mr lFiltiams of Kentucky. And all this has been done in the faco of repeated declarations by his friends that his election wns necessary to save the tariff from destruction ! Another interest especially dear to you, is the distribution of the bitrplus revenue. The uct ol'Cungross ordering the distribu tion we arc about tu receive, was, it is well known, strenuously opposed by Mr. Van Huron's leading friends in both Houses of Congros; while his own opposition to it was openly nvowed. But for the imtiring efforts of his opponents, tho vast fund to be now distributed, would have remained in tho Banks, selected as the depositories of the public mnhey, with a special rclcrcncc to his political interests'! Nor nra we to expect any future distri bution if his influence can prevent it. Hear him in his letter tu Mr Williams above referred to. 'I hope and believe that the public voice "will demand that this species of legisla "tiun (a distribution of the surplus revenue) "shall terinlnato with the emergency that "produced it, that early and efficient steps "will be taken to prevent the concurrence "of a state of things calculated to furnish "any excusu for any measure of distribu tion." Fellow citizens of Vermont: give to Mar. tin Van liuren the power uf controlling, by influence, and by vetos, the legisla tion of Congress, nod if tho extravagance of his administration should leave any stir plus, there is no ground to hope that it would be again divided for your boncfit. But yon may ask Have wc not an im mense National Domain ? And may wc not expect that the States, by whose blood and treasure it was acquired, will he per mitted to enjoy the proceeds of its sales? and especially, Now England. whose wealth and population arc constunily"drain cd to purchase and pcnplo it? To these questions there is a ready answer. It is a well known fact, that the project of redu cing and graduating the price of the public lands, and finally giving them to the Stales in which they lie, has long boon a favoiite project with the present administration; anil that the report of the Committee on public lands, at the late session of Congress proposing such a measure, was approved by tho leading presses in the interestof Mr Van Burcn, am! his leading friends in both Houses of Congress. There has long been a settled purpose to withhold your rights in relation to the public lands, lirst man ifested by the President's veto of the "Lind Biil" in I (138, and now by the pro position to which we have just adverted. Wo ask you, to weigh well this matter before yon consent to give to the Presi dent's candidate the power to repeat his land bill veto, or carry into effect the policy of frittering aioay. and familu destroying, your rights in the National Domain. Finally: Do the people of tho North de sire tn address their Southern brethren on the subject of slavery ? How are they to make their appeal? Through what chan nel is it to bo conveyed to Southern ears and find its wav to Ihe southern conscience? Let the vnto of Mr Van Burcn, at ihe late session of Congrcs. in favor of a restriction upon the Irocduni of Post Olficc conveyance, answer. Give to the man who cavu that vote, the power, and "Mason and Dixon's line" would become a Chinese wall, beyond which, no messenger ol mtjrcyto the black man of the South would ever penetrate. Give him the power, and Slavery and Ihe slave trade in thu very Oupitol ol the lie public wculd find protection in a veto, which ho has declared he would interpose to any attempt to wipe that stain Irom the escutcheon nf our country. And how comes it that Mr Van Burcn, upon almost every question affecting the peculiar itnrosts of New England, is found in tho ranks of her opponents, even while claiming her snecial support? 1 ho answer is obvious. He thinks to carry tho North and East by party maciiineiiv. while he abandons their inUrcsls to court tho favor of their Southern and Western opponents It. is a policy worthy of tho man! ond, we trust, it will meet a rebuke which such a policy deserves a pohey which wo are sure, r.n portion cf our cutiutrymcn-iiinrc p-jrlecily appreciate, and more heartily de test, than the people of Vermont. It is, we know, said ond gravely urged by some of Mr Van Buren's friends, that whatever rrrouud he may have taken to sc cure southern and western support, ho is still a northern man, and will take care of northern interests: That is, that ho will falsify his professions, made to secure tho support uf Ins countrymen lor the highest office in their Dill! How an advocate for Mr Van Burcn can look an intelligent Vermonter in the fucc, and urge such an argumen', wo enujiot comprehend an urgumonl resting on the assumption, (perhaps, indeed not n very incorrect one) that Mr Vun Burcn has no fixed principles of political action, and can not be depended on to redeem any pledges he may make. But have wo. after nil, nny reason lo en tertain such a hope for the security of northern interests? wo tlitnk not. i no 6ame party machinery now relied on to se cure tho support of tho north in this elec tion, will continue to bo relied on to secure its support for a second; while the same disregard of northern interests will continue lo be practised tosccuru southern and wcs. lern favor. As it now is, so wo may ex pect it will be. hereafter. Every other in terest will be made lo yield lo the grand controlling interest of the party the party ijniej,and trie candidate Jor ins successor, whom he may designate.'1- Amplo confirmation of Mr Van Huron's devotion to southern interest may be found in iho following recent declaration of llio Richmond Enquirer, tho lead'uiir Van liuren paper in tho Slato of Virginia. Addressing tho pooploof that Stalo in buhalf of M; Van Huron, ho says "If you desiro a candidate who has adopted your creed and vindicated your strict con struction principles in tho Senate of the U. Stales ouo, who i:,-n'bi8 on such a modifica tion of tho Tariff, ns will produco a reduction nf tho icvcuuo to tho economical wauls nf tho Oovermcul ono who, in his lullcr to Slier rod Williams declaims a systematic distribution of the surplus revenue, but prefers "iho only natural, sal'o and just romody for an excels ol'rovenuo, a ridui lion of the taxes" Ono who

maintains "lliat Congress has no Cuiislilu- Felbw citizens, can you give your sup port to Martin Van Burcn for the Prcsidcn cy ? Is there a single feeling of your, hearts, or conviction of your understand-' ings, which gives tn this question an affir mative answer? We nro confident there cannot be, upon a full examination of alt the coisidcrntions connected with this sub ject. No where, wo fully believe, can mere tie louiid a people tnoro ready to give to sua a question a decided negative than the defendants of the intelligent, Inflexible, slraigit forward men, who laid the foun dation, of Green Mountain Independence. To whom, then, shall be confided the high trust ol Chief Magistrate of the Re public? We answer To a man who is not the rather of the abuses of the present ad. ministration; who is pledged neither by promise, noi consistency, nor interest, nor offic'al attachments, to perpetuate them; who has too much independence to say that he will tread in any man's footsteps, and a soul too targe to find its "sufficient glory" in any service but that of God and his coun try. Such qualifications, united with sound, practical sense a thorough knowledge of men experience in matters of government and tried fidelity to his country, will in sure an administration which shall revcr. ence the constitution, seek support in the virtue and intelligence of the people make talents, uprightness, and fidelity the test of qualification for oflico rebuke the spirit of political speculation, and yield back lo the people, and thoir Representatives, thu power which this administration has virtu ally usurped from both. And is it too much to hope that such a man may be found, who is sufficiently known to command the public confidence? No, fellow citizens. Such u man is found. His name Is wafted to your ears on every breeze; and millions cf his countrymen arc ready to unite with you in proclaiming to ihe world that WILLIAM HENRY IIAlt. RISON is worthy to preside over tho des tinies of this great Republic. This is the man, whom wc now commend to your confidence and regard. His name is associated with some of the most impor tant events of tho last forty years. He has served tho country in her battle fields, and in her public councils every where cvinc ing tho same stern virtue unbending in tcurity respect for the constitution ro- gard for the rights of his follow citizens, and devotion to the interests and honor of thu Republic. The Administrations of Washington, of Jefferson, of Madison, and of John Quiucy Adams, have each confid ed to him high nut! responsible trusts: while his immediate fellow citizens, intimately acquainted .villi the qualities of his mind and his heart, have honored him with seals in both branches of the National Legisla ture. Having thus served tho public for thiity years, it was reserved lor tho present nd ministration lo make him one of Ihe earliest victims of its pretended reform, by recall ing him from a foreign mission to which the discriminating mind of John Quincy Adams had selected him as his country's ilcprcscntativc. Willi tho means at his command through ibis long course of public service, of ainas sing millions, his proverbial generosity, and devoted patriotism have left him but a bare competency, whose rcscourccs he is compelled to sustain by the cultivation ofn lariu. and the patient labors ol a County uf ficc. With talents of a distinguished or der, matured in the school of experience, and thereby fitted lor a beneficial apphca lion to the duties of a high public trust, he unites the independent Iraukncss, and un ostentatious simplicity of a cultivation of tho soil. lie is emphatically, ON IS OF THE PEOPLE. Ho has mingled much with them participated in their hardships and perils and is capable of appreciating their wants, understanding their interests, and entering into their views and feelings. Ho comes before you, fellow citizens sustained by no official patronage. No ad. ministration, with the offices and the mou ey of the nation, has been, by u seven years labor, paving the way for his elevation. The energies ol no parly organization, act ing with mechanical prccion and cfhcion cy are wielded in his behalf; &. no Exccu tivo Chief, with an unbounded popularity, enlists his personal and official influence in hi support. Ho comes nt the people's call, to lend them to a contest with the disciplined legions who are in possession of Iho Liitnuel ol rower; and wo ask you. fellow citizens, to unite with us in sulain. ing Ibis unset, which, wo trust is destined to terminate in a signal and glorious tri. uinpu. lioual powor lo mako roads and cnnals in Iho respective slates," and has uniformly voted against every measure calculated to extend a national system of Internal Imnrovmcnt, ox. cept tho Cumberland road,ur which solitary role lie lias made a public recantation ll you desire a 1 resident, who has proclaimed "an unqualified and uncomproinisin;"war against anv Dank if the United Stalls ono, who litis declared hnnselt tho "inflexible and uncom promising opponent cf any attempt to abolish slavery in tho District of Columbia: who af. firms thai Congress can have no power to meddle with slavey in Iho Stales, even icilh the consent of the slaitliolding States, without a "change of the constitution," who has but ro. cently stamped his friendship for the South by his casting vote in the Senate ; in a word, if you dosiro a I'rcsiaenl who is n friend of lite South, an. advocate if the Stale Rights' School, and "who will find it his interest, as well as his duty, to give a tone to public opinion in that quarter alone, from which the only danger can arise lo our southern inlerals,'' one, who has stood by our side in Iho support of Crawford and of Jackson; who lias done moro than any other man to support tho best principles of the prcsont administration, and moro than any other man has been icvih-d and persecuted by his opponents; then wo do not hesitato lo say, that Martin Van liuren is that man." This ucllconcfpoml wiih I lie declaration fa id lo bate been in.ule by Ilr V.in Uuren, at Washing ton, last wiiilci-"VVe jinul c.iiry lliu Sou lli n V TALL I NO IN WITH SOU rHK UN 51 1' ASUIIUS, UllJ Old Nllllll, by I'ARTY MACIIINEIIV." But wo ask you to do this, not as the fol lowers of a man, but as champions of the rniNctrr.Es ho is pledged to sustain. We aro contending not for the man nor "Ihe spoils"; but for a restoration of these prin ciplcs lo their rightful supremacy in the ad. ministration of our national affairs. Do you ask us, what those principles are? We answer The principles of the genuine Democracy of 'OB and I CO I a Democracy which, disdaining Executive dictation, overturned an administration whoso patronago was used lo control the popular will a democracy which could not, and cannot, live in ihe atmosphere of Flreritllvfl in(tnpn?p whinl, liril.tjfltn nOt.An in the President's giu, not as the "spoils of victory," but as the property of thu whole people; and regards their incumbents as - ...vfi, iiuiu3 ing UitiLB responsible to the Constitution and laws, and not to the President, as a Parly Chief A Democracy which sturdily maintains lliat the Laws should be surnEME, bonding to the will of no man, hownvor high his authority, ond submitting to tho control of no secuet and iimuspo.Nsinr.E power a Democracy which loves lirht rather than darkness straight forwardness rather than indiroction--orincinlo mom than men, and country moro than party. K,,M, lo ii, n.,..... r ' ii' ... son; not of his professions merely, but of " I'jo, in mat mo wo novo mo surest plodgo that he will sustain the Democratic Republican principles wo have described. His first political lessons wcro learned in the JefTerson school. Ho was sternly op- poseu 10 inejeacratism ot thai day, as ho is to the same federalism now. The federal ism of '08 consisted in a disposition to en large the Executive powers of the federal government, at the expense of its other departments, and iho States. Tho "prin ciplcs and policy" which Mr Van Burcn has been the main instrument in establish ing, and which ho bus promised to "carrv out," is Iho precise federalism of '00, en larged and improved. Jefferson Democracy contended against the one, ond Harrison Democracy is now struggling to put down the other. Fellow citizens, While wo have, in the established personal and public character of Gen. Harrison every thin!? to insniro confidence that ho would give the country a pure, peaceful, and republican administra tion wc have the satisfaction to know that he is spccificially pledged to sustain the icauing interests which Vermont is special ly solicitous to secure. The interests de pendent on the continuance of a protecting tariff, areadminilted to be safe in his hands; while ho has openly avowed, and that too. bclorc the passago of the late law of Con gross distributing the surplus revenue, hit decided approbal ion. both of that measure and of a distribution of tho nrocccds of the public lands. To this latter question the people of Vermont cannot turn their atten tion mlh too deep a solicitude. The inter. csts it involves, are of incalculable niagni. luuo. llio policy in rcgord to it, which shall be developed within the next four years may, and probably will, civc a per manent direction to this nrcat nucstioti, the decision of which will reach lorward, in its influence upon llio moral intellectual and physical condition of our Stalo. long--very long, after wo, and thosa whom we now address shall have mingled with the dust. How then, fellow citizens, stands the account between tho men whom you are urged to support at the approaching elec tion? On the one hand, Mr. Van Buren is pre. scnted in ihe odious, and, to republican leel. ing, revolting altitude of the president's candidate; in whoso footsteps ho has con descended to say he would generally walk whose service he has declared to "be his sufficient glory.and the principles r.nd policy of whose administration he has furmally pledged him-elf to carry out. This pledge involves a commitment, among other things. To a system of extravagant expenditure; Tn an increase of tho uumber of execu tive officers; To the use of iho power of removal and appointment, as an instrument uf political aggrandizement; To an abuse of the veto power: To a system of Executive I.m-i.uenci: which shall control thu legislation uf Con gress, (he elections of its members in both branches; and the cleclions in the States; and To the erection uf a great National Executive Party which shall gradually draw all the other branches of Ihe general covernnent, with the State rights and State governme.ts into its sweeping vor tex. As n part of this system of National Executive Agiiamusement, Mr Van Huron is pledged against a distribution to the States of the Surplus Revenue, nnd a like distribution of the proceeds uf the sales ot the national Domain. uen. Harrison, on Hie oilier bond, is no President's candidate, and derives no aid from Lxcculive pulronago and influence. He comes directly krom among the i'Eople; and is pledged not to carry out. uut to relorm the abuses ol tins ailministra. lion; By introducing a system of economical expendilure; Uy arresting ihe increase uf Executive officers By using the power of removal and ap. pointmunts for the fair and legitimate pur pose ofsccuriug a faithful execution of pub lie trusts; By restricting the exercise of Iho velo power; nnd By disarming the President's oflico ol its wide spread and dangerous influence, und restoring, and rnslruiuing it, within its appropriate constitutional function. As part of a system by which Ihe Execu tive government nf the United Slates i thus lo bo restrained within Us j list limits and Stale rights, and Slate governments respected. Gen. Harrison i? in Invonr of n distribution to the Status of the Surplus revenue, nnd Iho proceeds of the sales of the National Domain. Tho account thus stalod, you, lellow cilifcens, nro now called on In settle by your verdict a verdict which, wo trust, will bo controlled by an enlightened regard to this rights anu interests oi vcrmnui, ino iiiiug. rily of the constitution, and the purity and permanency of our Republican institution?. Fellow citizens we want a nEronM ft, real, honest reform. Not n reform which shall glut the vengeance of party, or make nbuses the pretext for still greater ones. liut a relorm whtcli shall lay open to tno most rigid scrutiny, and probe to tho bot tom, every Department of the Executive Government a reform which shall restoro correct principles to its administration; which shall arrest the tide of party pro scriptionallay tho biitorness of party strife respect virtue, intelligence, indus try, fidelity and conscientious patriotism spurn the host of fawning sycophants and greedy ilaltcrers fcnoio no candidate Jor the succession and exhibit a president leB solicitous to build up an executive party. to upplaud his adminis'ratior, right or wrong, than to commend lumsell and all his measures to llio calm and rational judg ment of nil his countrymen. ouch a roTorm we think that Uen. Har rison is peculiarly fitted to accomplish. To give him Ihe power to do it, we shall givo him our cheerful and decided support. Wo ask, ynu fellow citizens, to co-operate with us in this good work. Wc do not aim to inspiro your energy and zeal in this effort, by shouts of anticipated triumph. There is inspiration enough in tho principles wo advocate Those principles wc commend to the sober consideration which yon owo it it lo your country to give them. They de serve success, and it shall not be on our part, as wo trust it will not be on yours, that they shall not be successful, and even signally triumphant. Thus far, we have dwelt exclusively on the question of the Presidency, The elec tion ot tho Second Officer in the govern ment is one of great importance, and de serves great consideration. The contin gency may happen which shall place him in the chair of State, while in bis ordinary functions os President of the scnatc,ho possesses the power of exercising an im portant influence over the proceedings of that body. The casting vote of Mr Van Buren, lo which we have referred, admon ishes in lliat tho power of giving such a vote should be entrusted to no ono, in tho soundness of whoso principles we have not the fullest confidence. In considering Iho claims of Richard M. Johnson to that office, we cannot for get the declaration made by him imnp'di ately after ihe election of Mr Adams, that " hii administration mast be put down, " though it should be pure as the angels at " the right hand of the throne oj God" a declaration which, aside from the profliga cy of the principle involved it, carries on its fac, sufficient evidence that be is unfit to preside over the deliberations of tho L'ravest body of legislators upon earth.--His support of "the most obnoxious meas ures of the present administration," and among them, the systematic attempt lo prostrate at the feel of the Executive the Senate of the United States, the very body over whose deliberations, ho is, if elected, to preside, crowns and renders insuperable the objections wc have sgninst him. Nor can we feel indifferent to Aw icell known domestic history, evincing, as it does, a strange disregard of every thing which gives interest and endearment to tho most sacred of human relations. Wc can not overlook such a consideration in select, ing on incumbent fur the second office in the gift of the nation. In FRANCIS GRANGER we have a candidate uf distinguished talents amiable deportment, sound principles, and pure life devoted during his whole public career tu the advancement of the genuine republican principles of ancient days heartily and linnestly opposed to tho misrule of Ibo present administration, and pledged to sus tain all the great interests which are dear to the people of Vermont. Fellow citizens, you are aware that there has been a diversity of views among those who compose I lie convention which now addresses yon. It consists of men who have belonged lo two distinct parlies, and who havo at some periods, been found ar rayed in political hostility against each oth. or. Wo nro brought together, not a a formal coalition of discordant political prin ciples, lo effect a specific object but by theforceqf principles, which whatever may have been our diversity of views on ono subject, linve long been held in common by us all. The present crisis gives to those principles an unwonted importance. Wo rally lo support them in ihe perfons of WILLIAM I1ENRV HARRISON, and FRANGIS GRANGEH. While iheirop. position to thu oiiti-republican doctrines and practicu of the present ndminUlrnlicu renders them acceptable lo us all, their op. position to Freemasonry rendurs I hem pe cu'iarly so, to those of this convention who have been organized In oppose that nislitu lion. Tho great principles on which that opposition has rested, are fundamental in nur republican institution.. They yet live, and will continue to live, long after Freu Masonry shall have been forgotten. Thu Antitnasnns ol'ihls convention while apply lug those principles tu Masonry, have also applied them to the misrule ufthe present administration, and must continue thus Id apply thoni. They cannot bo gmlly of tho inconsistency of publicly declaring' as the) entire Antimnsotiic parly uf this stalo did two years ago. that the principles uf Iho party necessarily lead il to oppose llio mis. rule of the ndiniuistrnlion, und now when the country is called on to pronounce a delinilu judgment upon lliat misrule, and io soy whether its Author shut! hove a formal licence from Ihe people in porpetti ite it, shrink I'miu the support of ilioeo principles, nnd sustain the very misrule i hey havo denounced. They will nnt per nil ihcm?eivcs to be thus made,