Fon rnrsiDENT, WE HENRY HARRISON VICE rRKSIDHNT. JOHN TYLER. Gi:n. IIauuikon. Tlio Rev. Timothy Flint of Siilum, gives tlio following de scription of this gentleman, which wo find in the "Recollections of tlio Lust Ten Year," published by him in 1827, before lie was thought of, or mentioned in con coction with the Presidency. I'rom t'linl'ii " Rrrollct'linns," "My duties and my travels occupied nie in such a manner, as to allow me few opportunities for taking individual esti mates of character. Chance brought mo iu contact, and afterwards into consider able intimacy, with a gentleman, of whom very difieront portraits havo boon drawn, General II. Of his urbanity, and general hospitality and kindness, 1 entertain the most grateful recollections. I could desire no attentions, no facilities for discharging my duty, which he did not constantly proffer nir. His bonso was opened lor public worship, lie kept an open table, to which every visitor was welcomed. The table was loaded with abundance, and with .substantial good cheer, especially with the difieront kinds of game. In these respects Ins house strongly reminded me of the pic tures, which my reading had presented me, of old English hospitality. He is a small and rather sallow looking man, who docs not exactly meet the as sociations that connect themselves with name of General. But ho grows upon the eye, and upon more intimate acquain tance. There is something imposing m the dignified simplicity of his manners. In the utter want of all show, and insig nia, and trappings, there is something, which finely comports with the severe plainness of republicanism. On a fine farm, in the midst of tlio woods his house was open to all the neighbors, who entered without ceremony, and were admitted to assume a footing of entire equality. His eye is brilliant. There is a great deal of ardor and vivacity in his manner. He has a copious fund of that eloquence which is fitted for the camp and for gaining partisans. As a commander, you know in what different lights he has been viewed. Having no capacity to form an adequate judgment upon this point, I can only say, that my impression was, that his merits in this respert had not been sufficiently appreciated. " HARRISON AT THE WEST. The great enthusiasm with which the nomination of Gen. Harrison was received at the West, is every day increasing. Eve ry newspaper wo receive from,tbat section contains accounts of overflowing meetings to respond to the nomination, and, in Ohio in particular, so united are the people that it is even said the old General will re ceive a unanimous vote. The log cabins of the prairies pour out their weather beaten, and toil-hardened monarchs. The men who fought under the old Veter an himself, in his memorable battles, who served under the gallant Perry on Lake Erie, and by whoso hardships and unwea ried industry Ohio has been made the Empire State of the West, have no idea of suffering farther injuries at the hands of the present party in power. They have already seen the products of their labor become worthless. Their well-filled barns and granaries arc valueless. They can endure the suflbrings and cruelties of war without a murmur. Hut the suffering and ruin which the present administration are inflicting upon them, they are deter-' mined to endure no longer. Troy Whig. SIGNS IN VIRGINIA. JJright and cheering as the prospects have been iu Virginia ever since the Harrisburg nomination, they continue to improvo beyond our most sanguine ex pectations. Every paper from the Old Dominion teems with accounts of Harri son meetings that have been holdcn, and with calls for others. Our readers will remember the assumed tone of indiffer ence with which the Richmond Enquirer announced the Ilarrisbiugh nomination. "There will be no scrious'contest in Vir ginia." "The nomination of Harrison is fatal to the cause of Mhiggery." "We want repose, and this nomination will give it to us" c. Such, a few weeks since, was the language of the Enquirer. How changed now from that tono of confidence is its present language ! The election of a Whig Governor, and tho spirit every where abroad among the Whigs, havo given an ague fit to tho En quirer. Having now found out that tho Whigs aro in earnest, that they mean to canvass tho State with their ablest candi dates for Presidential Electors, and dif fuse the light of truth iu every benighted recess where ignorance and Toryism can be found, its language of haughty de fiance is hushed, and we hear nothingbut the wail of one who will not bo comforted. " The Whigs are inundating the State toilh papers and periodicals, like the Vandalt, who poured themselves over the Roman Empire." " Jicmcmbcr we have a strong and wily enemy to encounter." " Every thing betokens a ficrceand spir ited campaign. " " The State is flooded with ncwsjiapcrs." "This proposition (that the best popular speakers shall be selected as candidates for electors and take the field in person) is a strange one, I and shows the desperation in which it is conceived." "The cause demands ex traordinary cjcrtions." Such is now tho desponding maimer iu which the leading Tory press in Virginia hasbsen induced, by tho siuns of tho times, to alarm tho faithful. This tono is not assumed. A change has, in reality, como over tho spirit of its dreams. It no omror talks of " repose. " Tho candi date whom it pretended to despise, has been found to have u deep hold upon tho alfection of tho great mass of the juoru: every where. They aro every whore rallviiiL' to his support, and even in tho Old Dominion tho pseudo-democracy is tottering to its fall. Tho Enquirer finds, that the attempt to cast ridicule upon tho ago and honest poverty of General Har rison, is recoiling upon the guilty of his calumniators. Hence these notes ot tre pidation and alarm. And well may tho Ennuiror be alarmed. Tho signs of tho times in Virginia are note to bo mistaken. Ho whorimsmayreadthem. From every section of her vast territory every mail toll's of fresh accessions of strcngh, and new demonstrations of zeal. The Richmond Whig in full of Iciici s from rc ry p.irt nflhe Suite, all breathing iho same spirit confidence, and all furnishing evidences nfsireiigih. In Riving i long ries of cxlract of tellers fioni the East mid West, die North nnd the South, that paper well says : "Tinlv, hn Ritchie good cause to exclaim 'Save the State V If the siuus do not proc verv deceptive, we of l lie Whig me declined lo repoe nt our ciipo, instead of the 'curious antique' of the Enmiirer. 'I'lie I'eniile nro inkinn tin our rattse. nnd will pave in further trouble. The vvnvo of llarritonirm is lolling mountain high. INDIANA AND OHIO. Tho following letter, which wo find in the National Intelligencer, relates to tho political prospects in Ohio and Indiana. lhey arc from individuals whoso opin ions aro entitled to great weight : N kw A ldam February 8. "411 that wo in Indiana have 10 regret Is, that our Ftirplus will be thrown away. I wish we could biing it into the general count, and elect the President by the majority of the whole People. From present indication?, Mr. Van Huken's poll in this Stale will lie hardly worth counting. The honest, tinbnught portion of his former supporters are mining about daily and hourly. In this neigh. Inn hood, wheio there are more ofiice-holders and oflire-srekers than in almost any oilier Stnte, and where lhey exert every ntt to hold the parly to getlier, the friend of tho Administrnton are daily enlisting under the banner of Harrison nnd Tv LKti. Many who have heretofore, from llie be ginning, Fiipportrd Jackson and the foolsten followe's,' aro either turning short about, or ro- solving to go no lurllier with I he party. I ardent- iv wish we nouiri give our surplus lo Tennessee and Pennsylvania. Those slates will in all likelihood vote the Whig tirkei. but, with Indiana's sur plus of from 15,000 lo 25.000. wo could 'make as. surnnco doubly sure, nnd lake :i bond ol fate." "Aslo noliticnl prospects in Ohio, it is imnos. sible for me adequately to describe the enthusiasm with which the nomination of our own beloved HariiI'ON has been tereived. Never have I witnessed before any thing like il. It has already rent asunder, iu many parts of the State, every parly shackle, obliterated every party line, and ah- sorbed every parly prejudice, in one common gen erous, patriotic, devotion lo tho early delendrr of their infant sctilcnienn lo ihe rounder of t licit in stitutions to the author of the subdivision of llie public. Inula to the pioneer and political fattier of the West lo the incoi rtipnble public agent to the honesi man and poor man's friend Masses of the Van Huron paily are wheeling round, and rally, ing bencaih llip bioad b inner of the Old Hero; ami the battle-cry of 'Harrison and Tyler' rings with luuil acclaim thtoiighout "all the broad boiders of llie wide spreading West. Last vear it was scarcely possible, with the greatest efforts, In get up a ipspeciablc coniennon ; now, a simple notice brins thousands together. We held our County Convention on the Cth crowded lo overflow-ins and were happy to tecnivn into tho fold several of Ihe ino"t hardened political sinnets in the land. The central power mav send foi ih, as hcietofme, its spies and official agenis ; but it will be in ain. Noihiut- can ai test the mighty levoluiion to be nchieu'd j and von and v our friend tnav put down Ohio safe for 15,000. I should not be surprised ill 30,000 majority for Harrison !" AN OLD STORY. The old story about Harrison's voting to sell men is revived, by the Van Huron papers, perverted, and intended to leave a false impression. A portion only of tlio inn is published, jiut taking tlio story as it is, all that can bo made of it is that when an individual should bo guilty of t criminal offence, and should bo adjudged to pay a fino therefor or costs, and the prisoner not being able, his services should bo sold to any individual paying uiu nne, uu no nad earned it Such a provision probably was not considered I very unmerciful in Ohio 20 years ago, .before civilization had reached its present (state. Much more merciful would such , a law be than the laws of many States I which imprison a criminal till he pays his I fino, poor tho' ho may bo. Then, tho proposition was better for tho criminal 1 than that he should lay in prison without , a chance to earn any thing with which to pay his fine and thus go free. As tho story goes it is a perversion of tho intent of the law. This, tho paper in which it ; originated, states, and it is a cruel slander upon Harrison, than whom a more honest lover of his fellow men never lived. The , New York Evening Post, one of tho most determined and unrelenting in its hostility to Gen. Harrison, wiling to make amends for tho injury it has done to his fame. lliat paper lias just published tho follow retraction : Prom llie New-Yotk Evening Poil, "A lettorof Gen. Harrison's has been lately published, from which it appears that in our remarks on tho subiect of bis the States of Ohio, wo did him some unintentional injustice. The lettor is dated Dec. 2, 1821, and appears to havo been drawn forth by a newspaper attack noon his course in tltn TrwrUhttnrn in ro. I lotion to tho same Jaw. Wo aro glad to , see, that according to Harrison's expla nation of tho matter, neither ho nor tho gentloniiin who voted with him, were in favor of soiling human beings for civil dobts. " CtountgggfpHj So.ibcmb, TUB HI (HIT OF "PBTITION. Washington, Friday, Fob. 14. The Political Abolition 'debate in tho Seoul a yrstordny, was produced by n very trivtnl circumstance. Mr. C'ny nf Ken tucky, presented n petition from one man, a Clunker nftlio town of .ToriHolom, Stain of New-York, praying for the nbnlilion of slavery In the District of Columbia, ntitl in Ins mild and pleasant tnnnnor, tun tie n few cnrcless remarks about referring the pet i tion to a cmnmitte, while indulging in n pinch of HtiiifT which he had just burrowed from a neighbor's box Mr, Calhoun then roso and congratulated tho Abolitionists, in an ironical style, upon tho accession to their ranks of such a distinguished cham pion as tho Senator from Kentucky, nnd added some bitter & contemptuous expres sions about the right of petition, which brought up Mr. Tallrnadgo of New York. Mr. Tnllmadge was speaking when I entered tho Senate chamber. He stood in tho centra aisle, boldly erect, and deliv ered his sentiments in a manly and fearless manner, accompanied by animated and appropriate gesture, fie is n very fair debater. Mr. Tollmadgo maintained the sacred and universal right of petition with much ability. The federal constitution, he said, gave the citizens of the United Slated no now rights. Tho right peaceably to assemble nnd petition Government for a redrcs-t of grievance, was n nntutal, ina. lienablo right it went behind t lie written compact, and was founded on n firmer basis than the constitution itself. Rut under the constitution he believed tho people hnd a right lo petition Congress on any subject, whether Congress has iho power to grant tho prayer of tho petition or not. Ho had a potion on his table praying for that which he was satisfied Congress had no right to grant, nnd ho should present it. If the Senate denied the right to petition on one I subject, they might, with equal propriety, deny the right on any other subject, or on all subjects. He rerouted, he should pre sent atiy and every petition from his con stituents, not disrespectful to the Senate ; and he should not sit in his scat and lienr the right of petition denied by any Senator, without rising to vindicate it. Mr. Calhoun rose again, nnd said be was desirous of bringing this matter ton point nt. once. He would put a single question to the Senator from New York, nnd he wanted n direct answer. Suppose a petition should be sent to him, praying Congress to abolish the christian religion, would ho present it ? Answer me that, said he. Mr. Tallmadge said if a petition should be sent U him defaming the Senntc, or couched in disrespectful language, be would not present it. The right of self, defence, lie thought, would justify him in refusing to do so. Hot if he should receive a petition praying Congress to abolish the christian religion, be thought ho should present it-he saw no harm in it. He would move to give it to a select committee, of which the Senator from South Carolina should he chairman, and he thought that would settle the matter. Mr. Calhoun replied, in a triumphant mannor, Well, let the Senator go home and hold that doctrine, and see what tho effect would be see what the effect would be. He dented the right of the citizens or the people of the non-slavcholding States to interfere with Southern institution to petition about a matter which is no griev ance to them. If the constitution gnve the South the right to hold properly in slaves, did it not give them the right lo enjoy it in peace nnd quietness .' Is not the agitation of this abolition question n viola tion ol rights guarnntecd by the constitu tion? Why, said he, the presentation of these petitions only shows that the people of the North have far less sympathy for their fellow citizens of tho South, than they Imvc for a handful of abolition painpli lets. That wns the sum total of it. The right ot petition gavo tho people no such latitude ns this. Are wc, said he, looking round upon the Senate, are we masters or servants? Who are the masters, in this country? Why, the sovereign people they aru the masters, and the Senato arc the servants. Now is there any right of petition from Iho master to the servnnt ? Is that the right of petition? No. The right of peiitton was from the subject to the sovereign, from the servant to the mas ter. Il was in borne degree superseded by a representative government by the ballot box nnd tho right of instruction. The people of the United Stnlos could elect representatives who would obey their will they could instruct them command them ond tho right of petition was thm in some degree superseded and done away Senators were not bound to receive pel i- lions they wore not bound to present them. Tho Parliament of Great Britain received or rejected them, nt their pleasure These petitions, ho repeated, were a viola' lion of Southern rights, and an insult to Ins constituents. Mr Brown of North Carolina, n thoro' Loco Foco demagogue, then took tho floor, n ml encouraged bv the sophistical argu ments of tlio great Nullifior, prepared to give the poor right of petition a finishing blow. He alluded to Ihe infamous gag resolution recently odoptcd in the Hot'se, and declared that it received tits Hearty sanction. He thought it was a rule called for by every motivo of patriotism, and by every sentiment of regard for Southern rights. The period had arrived when the agitation of this odious subject must cease. The right of petition, he eaid, had been perverted to subserve the most iniquitous political purposes. He thought Congress liad the clear and unequivocal power lo receivo petition or to reject to refer or not to rofor. He then repeated that the abolition question had been used ta aid Ihe vilest political purposes and he proceeded lo show Hint the Whigs ot the North wore abolitionists, and that tho Looi Focus were tho friends of the peculiar inititutions of the South. This part of his argument sounded mora bko a violent pot-house harangue, or a gross stiinip-spcccl, rather thun an appeal addressed lo tho crave and reverend seigniors of tho Americi Senate. An old man near mo whispered fib friend, with a sigh, "that tho Senate hid sadly degenerated within a few years." Mr Tnllmadge said ho must be indulged a few momenta longer in reply losome re marks of tho Senator from South Carolina. Ho reprinted what ho hnd said before, that ho would present nny petition from bis con stituents, that should bo couched in respect ful language. Ho considered tlio rights of the South oo sacred ns his own personal property. Yet if somo of tho Loco Foco Agrarians in tho city of Now York should send him a petition praying for a general division of property, his own included, ho would present it. Il would bo no insult lo him. One thing ho knew, they would not got much from him in these sorry Loco Foco times. Tho Senato had formerly settled the question, with regard to those abolition petitions, by laying tho motion to receivo on the table, and he wns disposed to submit to that decision. In tho first Congress eevernl petitions pray ingCongress to abolish slavery in the Stntcs, woro re ccivedand relorrcd to n committco of which Mr Madison was chairman, and ha reported thai Congress had no pnwer to grant tho
prayer of the petitions, nnd that ended the mnttor. And so it might bo now, if tho Senato would pursue tho same course. But when the question was brought up in do bnto, and Senators denied the right of po tit il ion, he would be one to raise his voice against that denial, on all occasions, as long ns he hold a sent in that body. It bad been said by ono Senator, that tho people were tho masters, and that Senators wero their servants, and therefore thcro could bo no right of petition from tho master lo tho slave. Ho thought it was unccsssary for the Senator to introduce his flimsy meta physics into this body. Every man could soc through such arguments, nnd expose their baseless character. No, Sir, said he. these are not petitions from the master to the slave they are petitions from the people lo their representatives, to whom they have given power to grant their re quests. They were petitions for a redress of what they consider public grievances ant) if the Senator from South Carolina desired to niako abolitionists by thousands, let him deny the right of potion. But it' they would do as Madison did, receive the petitions, and tell tho people they had no power to grant their requests, no se rious consequences would ensue. This would satisfy antl quiet the North, and relievo tho fenrs of tho South. The Sen. atnr from North Carolina, ho said, had endeavored to prove that the Federal party a9 no called il, in New York, wero nbo litionists. and that llio Democratic party, (that is, his owe party) bad always' been tho true friends ef the South. Why, said he.it may admit of a question which is the Democratic party at tins day. Ho wouiu tell that Senator, lhat in his opinion, the true Democratic party wns now in the ascendency in the Empire State, and the real Federal party had been put down ; and he would warrant them the Democratic party would not interlero with Southern rights. Yes, said ho, the Democratic party in New York is now in the ascendency, and the old Federal blue light party, and their doctriocs of high Executive concen trating power, havo ben put down and he appeared in tho Senato ns the reprcsenta tivo of the Democrntic Republican party. The people of the Empire State had deter mined to exterminate these old Federal doc tnncs, and he believed that on Ihe 4th of March. 1 04 1 , tho good work would be completed. Mr. Buchanan of Pa., said ho considered this a most unprofitable discussion. All the Senate wanted was peace on this sub ject. He moved to lay tho motion to re' ceivc the petition, under consideration, on the table ; thus culling ofT further debate. Mr. Webster was then on the floor, and at tho request of several Senators. Mr. Buchanan finally consented to withdraw his motion. Mr. Webster said ho should not have risen to speak on this subject, but for the singular opinions advanced by the Senator from South Carolina, in relation to tho right of petition. Ho considered thnt right sacred and undeniable, and he fell called upon to hiv a few words in defence nf his views. The Senator's notions, ho added, were very peculiar. Ho said that our representative form of government superseded, in a great degree, the neces sity of the right of petitions. This was very singular that our fathers should have taken so much pains to procure an amend ment to tho constitution, after it had been adopted, making provision for the security of tins right of petition, if it was supersed ed and rendered less necessary under our form of government than under othor forms. This amendment was in the nature of a positive prohibition. It declares that Con gress shall make no law abridging the right of potion Now bow could the Senator arrive at the conclusion that there was any thing in our form of government wich rendered tho right of petition useless, The framers of the conslition had guarded this right with peculiar care. A representative government was, in truth, the only gov eminent under which the right of petition was good for anything. Under a monarchy the people might crawl up to the footstool of power, and ask for favors: thoy had courts of request, and offiaes of request, about tlio ihroncs of the old world to re ceive these petitions : but tho monarch paid little regard to the requests of the people. The Senator said tho right of petition wns superseded in a representative government, by establishing the right of instruction, tho ballot box, and the tree dom of elections. Ah! said Mr. Webster, I won't trust these frail fabric : I will hold on to the constitutional provision, which establishes tho right of petition, and let the Senator amuse his fancy by discussing tho right of instruction. But how, pays the gentleman, shall the servants be pelu tioned by their masters ! Why, il one individual in Massachusetts petitions Con gress, 6hall ho say ho is master of Congress? Can he order, and must tho Senate obey Surely not. Wo say tho pcoplo aro t ho mnstcrs of Congress, and we are their public servants, but wo do not expect all tho people in the United States to petition Congress on one subject, at the same time. They hive another and an easier way of signifying their will. II the feenalo should deny ihe right of petition on one subject, tlio manor would not end there. Manu facturcra petition for a redress of griev ances, and artisans petition, and tho might deny their right also. No, be should maintain the great constitutional provision tho only safeguard of tbe pooplo's rights ; nnd leava these novel, fantastic, mclophy sicn I doctrines to others. Mr. Brown ofN. C, now took nnothor opportunity to urge Ins fnvoritt! notion that thn nbolitioniits of the north, nnd tho " Fedoral Whig party " aro united. Il was poor atulT nntl I took no notes of his remarks. Mr. Talhnudgc replied Ho showed tho Senator that in Now York nt loast, no such lenguo existed as he had spoknn of. When ho was nominated for tho placo he now occupied, in tho Lngislaturo of his State, the most bitter opponent ho had was tho editor of tho lending abolition paper in Western Now York Garrett Smith. This" friend of man, " this Federal Loco Foco, bo said, did his utmost to detent the candidate of Iho Democratic Republican party in tho empire Stale, And when tho candidates wero nominnted in tho Legis. Intiirc. the foremost lender of tho Fcdornl Loco Foco party, which is now in the mi norlty in that State, voted for this same (lorrctt Smith and united with this Fe deral Loco Foco abolition organ, to defeat his election. The Senator, he said, had taunted him with a change of opinion. Ho would inform that gentleman that this was not so - ho bad never chnoged his political creed. When ho was noting with that gentleman several years ago, the Pre sident turned off from thn benten path which he had hitherto travelled, into nnother rond ; but he kept straight ahead Tho President abandoned the good old republican doctrines, but be adhered to the true faith, rim President, nnd his ndhcrcnts wore the real old Federalists. Ho hnd known so much of these Federalists that he sometimes fancied when ho stood in their midst that he smcllcd brimstone real blue'light. Mr. GVayofKy., tho great pacificator, now roso to calm this angry debate. He said he had no idea of producing such a lengthy discussion, when he presented the petition from a single honest Quaker, io the morning, and he hoped it would be terminated as speedily as possible. Lot us inquire, said he, wherein wc agree, and wherein wo disagree, in relation lo this matter of abolition petitions, and eco if wo cannot settle the business without so much ill-feeling. All, he said, united in mam. taming iho rights of the South ; there was no difference of opinion on that subject; all agreed that there should be no attempt to disturb tho institutions of the Sooth, which, right or wrong he believed were incurable. The only diversity of opinion, as ho understood it, was about ihe dispo sition of these petitions. And he put it to the Senators, who desired lo preserve the peace and harmony of the Union, undis lurbed, whether it was right, politic, ex pedicnt, to send forth this question, abnot which they entertained no difference of opinion, connected with a question opon which both the North and the South fell much sensibility, and which was calculated to do much injury every where. When he heard of the adoption of the rule rejecting petitions, in the other House, he had so. rious fears about its operation, because instead ol a single issue, it sends forth to the country two or three collected issues. And in fact, that House has created a now issue, on thi9 important subject : they hnd declared that they would not receivo nbo lit inn petions rti all, and they had adopted this ns a slnndinir rule, a law nf t.'ift nn'up. He feared that even where thero were no Abolitionists, before llie passage of this low, the people would take up the subject, and from llie earnest discussion of the right of petition, would rationnlly bo led to thiol; and act with the Abolitionists. Congre.n was a sort of safolyvnlve, through which might be discharged all the superabundant steam, generated by the mass of the people shut this safety-valve, and you endnnger the safety of the body politic. Reject their abolition papers deny thn right of pell tion and you may well apprehend the rapid, fearful growth of abolition sonii tnents throughout the length and breadth of the nnn-t-lave. holding Stales. Mr Calhoun said ho was opposed to granting t hat right, on the eubject of Slavery he was opposed to granting one inch. It was impossible for two races of men. as different as the whites and colored race, to live together without one becotn ing in sorce degree tho slaves of the other. He set that di-.vn as a political truth. Grant the right of petition, and this, and the other House of Congress would bo converted into Aboliton debating clubs. The Senate had not met the question as it ought to have dune. When the subject first came up, he took a bold position, at once, on Iho frontiers, not to receive, or entertain ihe papers at all. Tho other branch of Congress hnd recently given a noble example of devotion to tlio interests of the country, and tho Senate ought to do thn same. If the Senoto yielded one inch, the Abolitionists would push beyond the mark, in their demands. The only way for the South was,lo take high ground or they could not resist this lorrent at all. Ho had declared that the right of petition was in pari superseded by our representa tive form of government, and he would maintain that assertion. It was n self evident truth. The right of petition wns tho right of redress not tho right of assault He ai-ked whether the Abolitionists con tended for the right to potition for a redress of grievances or the right to assault and insult the South ? If lhey had the right to hold property in slaves, they bad the right lo enjoy it in peace. Ho hoped ihe Sen ato would never yield an inch to these Abolitionists : ho hoped they would close the doors upon their petitions forever. Mr Wright of N. Y. roso and made n few remarks in explanation of the Gcrritt Smith affair, alluded to by Mr Tallmadgo, and in his insinuating, complacent manner ontrcated his colleague not to interrupt the amicablo relations which had existed between them, since tho commencement of their political career, by referring to pri. vato and porsonal matters. Mr Tallmadge replied lo bis Locofoco colleague with great power and most un expected freedom. Ho said he had boon sont to Iho Senate by tho Democratic Re publicans of New York, to defend their interests, nnd to combat tho acts of this corrupt and reckless administration, and ho should speak tbe views and feelings of his constituents, regardless of personal consid erations. Ho admitted lhat the social re lalions botwecn himself and his colleague had been such as bo had stated, and they would not be interrupted by him. But tbe country was embarrassed nod distressed ; our institutions are indangcr,nnd ho should speak freely on all subjects. Hundreds of his constituents wore suffering from tho effects of the dial-administration of public atlairs : children were crying for bread, which their parents could nnt furnish, and duty to tho pcoplo demanded that he should speak out. Mr. Wright mntlo some further expln- nations about persona! mntter, but eodu luiiMy avoided the main subject. Mr Ifubbardof N. H. then enmo up to the work, in support of tho Administration and his Southern friends, nnd declared that he heartily approved of the gag resolution adopted in the other House &c. Sic. Such n mofc party tool is not worth reporting,, and I lot him pass, without further notice. After n few remarks from Messrs Hen derson of Misp,, and Clay of Ala. tho pe lition present by Mr Clay wns laid upon the table, and the Senato adjourned. I have no space for comments. Corrcpon' dencc Boston Altai, Washington, Feb. 18,1810. It enn cenrcaly ho doubted, that the Treasury will he found destitute of ineiins, in a very tliort period, if it bo not now, iibsoliilelylii a b.inkmpt condition. 'Iho reduction of tho Turin', dial look place oil tho 1st of Juntt.iry, 18 10' has already been felt in nnliclp.ilion ; Il will he fell lit reality on tho 1st of April, It is nm only tlio reduction ol tho I'm r iff, that ln. produced this repi'l', hut tho gen eral decline of cotinneicc, lias had a vast effect on the revenue of the nation. Il is believed that tho Secretary of the treasury will waul tit least $10, 000,000 of funds nficr tho 1st of April, ulilch tho revenue of tlio ivholo union will not nfford ; nnd b"lween April nnd llie ll nf inn. 18-11. ho will want ami additional etini of 810,000,000. Tho sales of the public lauds nie upeuded. by reason of the general embarrassments of the whole cur rency and tnonelaiy oyatcins ! nnd Ihif, is nne of tho tnont important tributes of revenue, almost an nihilated. "The king wnnts money, and must have it:" anil it only remains lo ascertain how that tnonev is to be obtained. The one party, as il did in 1837, re commend a loan ! the other will insist on replen ishing the coffers by ifPtiing Treasury notes t Which way is the more desirable 1 It appears to mo and 1 confess lhat I am no financier that llie issuing of Treasury notes is to be preferred in raisin;; money by a loan. In either case you do hut issue a bond, uiili this differenre : ih.it in tlio case jou raise money on Ihe faith of the Republic by issuing 6ojk lh.it at tho same lime act as n nominal currency; whilst on the oilier hand, if you come lo a direct loan, jou issue bonds that will be hoarded up, and cannot he used as a kind of currency. I'lie proposition either to raise money by a lo.ih or by llie istiius of I'tesniiry noies, how evor.will give ri.-e tu a violent controversy between llie uhigs and die ft fends of llie ailininisiiatinn ; nnd such an one as will lead to a world nf acrimony. In the me.in time, the war will be waged against the bjnks witii unab-iled atdor, and lhey will in nine cases out of icn cet the worst of die b.trcaio. The war against the banks will not be closed lilt every vestige of the present banking sysiem is ob literated. Today. Mr. Davis, of Indiana, asked leave lo move a resolution to extend die time for receiving petitions lo tho first day nf Alairh next. Objection being made, Air. Davis moved a sus pension of the rules, to enable him to take his resolution up, anil demanded the nyes and na, which were ordered, and dm motion to cu'pend was last ; ayes 101, noe-) 104. Mr. Cave Joattson called up n resolution, sub- milted several days ago, lo permit llie Committed on Elections to print sundry p.ipers anil documents in Its possession, lor llie tuloriu anon ol the House. Alter llie suggested an amendment. Gen, Campbell, of Soiuh Carolina, Chairmnn of llie Committee on Elections, look llie floor, tinil made a long explanation of t lie cau-es il.at had led to the delivery of a report on llie New Jersey care. lie staled al length how the committee h.nl stood n.. ...-lr.il. ..r-nnnjtlllJllS ; Uu,. I. a J I Cllt frillll II inami'cript before him, and ns I did nut distinctly understand all ho said, I cannot utieinpl to teport him. In concluding his rcm:uk-, lie said that, if the Committee on Elections, had been intiucted lo report simply to the House, winch of the two setn of claimants from New Jersey, llie vvhigs or thn democrats, had a majority of the suffrages of llin Stale, il would not havo hesitated to report in fa vor ol (lie latter. There was evidenre lo be relied on lhat lhey had a majority ol the votes. Hut die committee hail other facts io report on, and it did not choose to act on th.it part of its duly alone. The morning hour liavtog expired the special order ol the day being the annual pension bill, was now called, and Ihe bill was taken up, and opposed w Ih great vio, lence, by Messrs. Rice Garlnnd, White of Kentucky, TiHingbast of Rhode Inland, Mr. Wise of Virginia, and John Bell of Tennessee. The main opposition to tho bill rested on theground that there were funds enough to meet tlio pension payment that fell duo on the 4th of March, provided those fundi were properly distributed ; nnd that to meet the payment that fell due in Septem ber, it would be better to postpone the ne cessary appropriations till tho first of May or Juno. Tho debate bad not been con eluded at 5 o'clock In the Senato, nothing of nny consn quence was transacted. As soon as tho ordinary business of the morning hour had been disposed of confined principally to petitions and memorials Mr. Grundy's re' port, I5enlon'8 non-resumption resolutions, with Mr. Crittenden's proposed amend' ments, was taken up, and Mr. Hubbard of New Hampshire, took the floor, and held it a 1 1 day, in speaking against tho proposed amendment. FLORIDA WAR. As a military train, consisting of 12 wagons, when reluming from station No. 13 to Garey's Ferry, on Wednesday, tho 5th instant, nnd when within 3 miles nftho 7 mile house and 10 from tho station at Garey's Ferry, ono of lite principle milita ry stations in Florida, they were attacked by n party of Indians that In in ambtisli in the grass near tlio road, and fired on killing ono of the drivers and six mules. As soon as they commenced firing they set up'.thoir yelling as usual, and frightened the mules so that they became unmanage able, and the teams scattered in all dircc lions ; generally, however, running but a short distance before bitting the wagons against trees. Tho drivers oxtricacd themselves from their teams as well as they could, and made the best of their way lo the 7 mile house, and tho waggon master proceeded to Garey's Ferry, coming up 5 miles from the placo of attack with Maj. Bennett, who with bis escort of 10 or 12 mounted men. turned immediately back, and reached tho place within one hour after the attack was mado but the Indians had plundered thn wagons of all articles of value to them and made their escape. Colonel Twiggs, on hearing lha intelli genco, ordered Lieut. Darling, with a do tnchment of Dragoons, who proceeded to tho placo of attack, but night coming on they returned to their quarters, to spend the night, and toko a now start the next day, but with what success was not knowo on Friday. Savannah Georgian.