Newspaper of Burlington Free Press, May 31, 1844, Page 1

Newspaper of Burlington Free Press dated May 31, 1844 Page 1
Text content (automatically generated)

NOT THE GLORY OF CJ3SAR DOT TUB WELFARE OF ROME. BY It. B. STACY. BURLINGTON, VERMONT, FRIDAY, MAY 31, 1844. VO. XVII.:Xo. 52. SPEECH OF Mft. GEORGE P. MARSH, ok j in: TAitirr hill. HOUSI' OK HEPS. ADML. 30, ISM. The House licinff in Committed of tho Whole, on tho side, and commence their pilgrimage to the sun bdl reported bv Mr. McKay, from tho t'omiiiiilcc j y South or tlio mighty West. Prostrate nur riH of qj'i- Mr. MAtisir, of Vermont, addressed the com. mittec as follows : We have cause, Mr. Chairman, to congratu late the House and the country upon the temper in which this, debate has been in general con ducted. The gentlemen who have participated in it have confined themselves more closely than is usual to the real question at issue. They have maintained their respective positions with a cool earnestness of tone indicative of honest difference of opinion, and no discussion of the session has called forth greater ability or exhib ited more successful l.ihur of preparation. The controversy is indeed momentous mo. tuentous both in its direct bearing on all tho great interests of tho American people, and he cause it has already become the means of de termining conclusively a point of no small im portance, and hitherto much disputed. It has been asserted at the North, with confident ve hemence, that this is no parly but a sectional issue ; and that tho Democrats of the eastern and middlo .States arc as staunch supporters of the doctrine of legislative protection to domes, tic industry, as thoir political opponents. Hut the authoritative exposition of the views of the party in the majority in this House, from the Committee of U'avs and -Means, settles this question forever. Hostility to tho principle of designed protection, whether direct or inciileii' tal, is openlv avowed, and spite of the disclaim ers ot rebellious individuals, it must hereafter be regarded as an established arlicle ol faith in the ciecd of tlio party asMiming to he emphati cally Democratic. It is no longer the question, whether the dominant party on this lloor is or is not friendly to the industrial intoiests of their country, but whether certain of is refractory members can bo constrained by the foico of po litical discipline to bow tho liuee, and prefer the supremacy of their pirty to their own solemn convictions ol what belongs to their country's, good. It is a test of the stringency of pirty or ganization; and if, with a majority of mmo'than two-thirds, you fail to pass this bill, you will sup ply a new proof of what tho world already more than half suspec's, that the wand of the magic ian is broken, and that the spell hath lost its power to charm American industry will begin to feel that it rests upon a surer ba.-is than the I e - , - , , , , I shifting sands of party a.-cendaiicy, and the fun-1 ilamuulal policy of our country will come to be regarded as for a time at loa-t, res judicata. We of the North shall cease to fear the ca pricious South, having now outgrown the need of that protection which" has douo its office for her great staple, will a second time bo able to bubvert the course of our trade, and change the occupations ol our laboring community. It has been made matter of boast that the cit izens of a certain southern State, which has been at different periods within one generation most conspicuous on both sides of this great question, are the French of America. Gallant thev may bo, and, for aught I know, gallant aNo as Frenchmen ; hut it we award them this praise, they must pardon us for hinting that they are also, like the Fiencli, un jitxt vofigcs, somewhat fickle. Fickleness, in a certain sex, and under certain circumstances, may be even graceful, but in legislators and statesman it is. at best. but an equivocal attribute; and the people of me ouuni must even near with our more phleg matic tempers, if wo now lelish the diet they prescribed for us, and persi-t in acknowledging the value of doctrines which we first imbibed from their superior wisdom. That this is a question upon which sectional interests and sectional feeling have a very strong bearing I am not disposed to deny. Nor do 1 pretend that I can divest myself of their infill ence. Sir, I should be ashamed if I could. I dare not assume to be above the partialities which belong to humanity; and were I insensi ble to such considerations I should be beneath them. I cannot, nay, sir, I will not shut my eyes to the interests, the claims, ol my own re gion, of my own humble State. While 1 con Bcientiotisly believe that the policy of protec tion is demanded by the best interests of all her sisters, to her I know it is vital ; and so deeply rooted is this conviction among those whom I, with my colleagues, have tho honor to rcpre tent, that tho very agitation of this question -a question supposed in have been settled by l he great contest of IS 10, when the nation, with un paralleled unanimity, pronounced upon it in a voice of thunder has already produced a panic, whose inlluenco upon the price of our only sta pie will cost the wool growers of Vermont not less than half a million. We of the extreme North, Mr. Chairman, are obliged to contend with physical difficulties to which the more favored South and West are strangers. Our territory is mountainous our soil rugged and comparatively unthankful The bu-hel of corn, which tho labor of minutes produces for tho western fanner, costs us tho toil of hours. Our climate is of oven fearful so. verity ; the thermometer rises to niuety-live do groes above zero, ami falls to the congealing point of mercury. In summer wo s.v oiler un der the sun of the tropics, in winter we shiver amid Siberian snows. Kven now, while we have been for weeks luxuriating beneath an Italian fcky, my constituents arc hut just emerging from polar frosts, and even the broad bosoui'of our noble lake is scarcely yet free from its bonds of almost perennial ico. For a crcat portion of tlic year our highways aro rendered almost im passable by drilled mountains of snow, or tho alternate frosts and thaws of an early autumn and a tardy spring. Our summer teed time is not yet past when the south begins her harvest, 1 mid the DIollL'ii is oflen frono m t u fn rrvii- lwi- i f..-.,i .. i. . , i .nr.l, v f T , . """C earth. let SUch urn thn I Mil o fit r I' flirt iinlnr. ' i . . V -...- R , i l'CJf i e"Ur!"'y "r '7 '' '." W I pie, lha, spite of these accumulated dilhcul- ,es and discouragements, Vermont stands, ... point of production, as compared with poptila t on, if not first, very near tho head of the lis 1. 1 But the wants of man and beast in so rude a "li-, mate are so much greater, and their variety of supply so inucli less, that almost tho whole pro. duco of tho soil is required for domestic con sumption, and little surplus is left for tho pur chaso of necessaries of foreign irr.iwth. Do mcstic animals must bo both fed and sheltered for half tho year; and this involves not only time, labor, and direct oxpi'iiso to tho farmer, but the outlay of costly arrangements for storing and preserving the various articles of food re quired for the consumption of his stock. So tho quantity and variety of clothing needful to meet the changing seasons, the greater necessity for nutritious and stimulating diet, tho supply of fuel. nnn0,v lns of huilili.ur tr, uVr, ..IT' . the riL'ors of w ntor.and to nroservn for lomr un. the rigors of winter, and to preserve for long po- nods a stocK of vegctauio food ; all llieso un pose additional burdens upon tho farmer. On .!. ...l.o l...l 1,1. ..., nf ,.r,t,..l.. t;i. : I : " .i : . 7 r :rr ' uor short bv ou. rc-uit is HoMnnl'X. tho obvious severing toil of summer scarcely m.fikes toac-Uow. r.u,n,.l,. cmnlu f,ll,m, , C I.. and unproductive winter. A few horsos and . "ixiuiv, .-Mwi... . vuiiuum jbluii ui a u f MUle. a littlo of tho produce of tho ila.rv. n 1 Bmall and yearly decreasing quantity o. luinber and tlio llecccs (if our sheep, arc all wo have to spire. It ia upon these products that the north, cm farmer relies for the means to pay his tax. ef, educate his children, and give them a slen dor outllt when they ah.indnn tho paternal fire. manufactures, deprive us of tins one resource, and you plunge us into absolute, hopeless, irrc movable ruin. The subject, Mr. Chairman, is one of such vast comprehension and extent, it admits of such an infinite variety of argument and illustration, and involves such a mass of details, that not a single hour only, but days would be required for Its adequate discussion ; and 1 find myself en forced by the narrow limits preset ibod by the parliamentary law of this House, cither to con tent myself with presenting some very general considerations, or to confine tnysnlf to a very partial view of the question. I ought not to complain of the one hour rule, both because I voted for its adoption, and because in a delibera tive assembly of two hundred members, all of whom aspire to bo heard, while none is content to listen, the exuberance of eloquence must somehow ho checked, and such a rule may ho considered as a necessary evil, lint fortius evil, if such it lie, there is a ready remedy by appeal, ing to our Closer tho people through the press; and it is happily no breach of privilege to print as a speech that which never was spo. ken. Moreover, gentlemen who want the slen torian power of lungs required to fill the echo ing void of this vast Hall, may find consolation in the lelloctiou, that the still'sinall voice of the press will penetrate to nooks and corners where the tones ol tho speaker are never hoard. I shall, then, make no effort to compass an impossibility, by essaying a full discussion of the tarifl' question within tho spare of a single hour, and I shall limit myself to some remarks of a general ch meter. I beg, however, not to he understood as undervaluing tho importance of minute examination and precise dei.ul. None could have listened to the instructive speech of too gentleman Irom .Maryland, (Mr. wuthcrcd,) so replete with soundsonse and practical know I- edge, without being convinced of tho value uf such accurate statistics. Hut, sir, it has been my fortune to have had even a bettor instructor. I have been schooled in this matter by dear bought cvperience. Myself unhappily a manu facturer, 1 know too well the indispensable ne cessity of the ino.-t rigorous exactness in the cal- eulalii u of the numerous elements of profit and ios. l Invo l"arned how disastrously an appa rently insignili.-ant change in the arrangement of duties may effect a largo establishment, and " ' v .it-1 b u .3i.i ui lailiuc lu, it ill i,at a trivial modification of the tarijV, which shall not perceptibly vary the amount of rove iiuo, and shall scarcely save a penny to any nidi vidual consumer, may work utter ruin to the manufacturing capitalisls, and the hundreds w ho depend upon him. Hut, after all, this experi mental knowledge makes me suspicious ol the accuracy of statistical detail, and the reasonings fuundod on it, and I know not whether 1 have b"on more strongly moved to ridicule or to con tempt, by the ignorant assumptions and the pue rile calculations to which I have listened upon this lloor. Figures, it is said, cannot lie ; but this aplio rism, a more truism in its proper sense, is in its popular use a mischievous falsehood. In the rairo for what nro mniJrirli in this calculating age, it is astonishing how eagerly supposed facts and half truths aro caught at, to the neglect of the most obvious principles; and how readily these facts, by a I'rocriistcan process, aro forced into accordance with preconceived theories. So far has this gone that it is time for reaction. Men aro in danger of running into the contrary extreme of despising all statistical knowled"o ; and in all prolubility, "to lie like the inultipli cation table " will soon pass into a proverb. In fact, the unrcrtrinly of speculative esti mates in matters of political economy is such, that we arc authorized only to form general con. elusions from a priori reasoning. Wo may in for, in general, that the protection of domestic industry is, or is not, advantageous to the inter esls of a nation ; but it is impossible to deter mine, even approximately, the effect of a given duty upon either revenue or hum production, otherwise than by experiment. Hut the inter osts involved in those questions aro of such vast magnitude, that the experiments aro always in the highest degree dangerous; and when you have a tariff which satilies at once the demrnds of the revenue, tho producer, and the consumer, it is the very acme of madness to adventure up. on extensive changes, except upon such ctv'oht evidence as, in tho nature of things, is hard'y attainable. An alteration of the tariff, which shall add but a few thousands to the revenue may not improbably destroy a branch of business in which millions are invested. You may safely amend your tariff" by tho gradual and cautious change of the duties on single items, or narrow classes, but the sudden subversion of a comnleto system, a pa-sago jiir tullum from protection to .hi.iiu, is .ui aci oi ausoiuto political revolution. Sir, as I have said, there is in the specula lions of political economists a most remarkable uncertainty. The calculations of the keenest and most sagacious publicists have been more frequently disappointed than verified ; and there is no branch of human kllmvlnihrn in wlilel. ll. results of exiier.onco hnvn so fi-onin.iiii,. -.i it iii. .. .. . - ! """;.""' .....j i-uiiii.iuiciuu mo theories ot the closet. I ho causes which affect trade and manufac. lures are numerous, and oftentimes obscure ; -and the reciprocal action ofthc-e causes upon earn oilier, anil upon commerce and industry, complicated as it is hv tint CIIOWM ami nvnrfli!iiiir. ing influences, constitutes a problem harder of -...un,,,. KM,, .nai ol tun porluliatinns f the -.IK! lICi 0, Were we without the light of experience, it would seem to be a very obvious truth, that you must increase tho cost to tho consumer of every ;..,n.,..i...i ...... i i... ., ... ' imported arncle. by the an ... I .1 i. , amount ol tioin the doty iuu tno prom aim commission on commission t tho capital required to be advanced for tho payment o the I...1.. ii . ... I " 1 1111 miiy. jjui experience is to tho contrary, and y Mn 4 "to an instance in the hi'tory of any ,0,.,llr,f wllu?0 jmlusl u ,,, and unrestricted by Government, whore a pro- lortive'duty Ins not been speedily followed by an lml)ri,vo,not j ,ho quality, and a reduction tho price, of tho articles pr'otocted ; and of this yoll have '.ad numerous illust.ations i:. the ctlrs0 ,,r ,lis debate. The ,m nil . -t of such duties seems in "ouoral to lm i rmlnx. tiou in the price of the nnnufac.lurcd art.clo at the place of production, the foreign inanufactii rer submitting to a diminution of his profits, for tho sake of retaining tho market. At tho tamo moment, domestic establishments aro grnwui" up, and by tho double competition of those with each other and tho foreign producer, a furiher reduction of prices, accompanied by an improve mont in quality, soon follows. Various causes concur to produce this improvement in the qual- ." V"" . ! . " ""Ures, ueslUOH WO COII1. juiiuuii in wiiicu 1 have ust a oded i ., . . JU6t Jn"u-U' Tho scrutinizing habits of thn roriditiimi. limit chanical ingenuity in the artisan, his bettor a n huwiuujju oi i no tastos and wants of h vyma" ""-vo an ti,0 readiness wi.h which ZTFT"t?W? W -P'-o- Now machines or " 1:1 "" """"""' "f II1CC.I niu nrn li t t i - uuuiuilld- ,1 nJ. .7 ' ... . ' 'T1.0111? I!'lws- .T.i .. . Ti ! J u 1,10 "uuits of ' I'ooplo, 3 " 0, . Z 3S"r' ! "T r.wVVUwv uiuiuu aim laruy. Tlio American loves change for its own sako and Is keen in the appreciation of improve mcnls : and a new machine is no sooner paten ted and tested, than I ho old process is abandon, cd, thrown aside, and supplanted by the now. Tho consequence is that every manufactory is. at all times, near tho highest attained point of excellence, ami wore is an incessant struggle for precedence in the inarch of improvement. It is extremely hazardous to argue from Ku ropean precedents, and perhaps there is no coun- try from whose conditions it is more unsafe to draw conclusions than from that one which is, unhappily, almost the only one ever referred to in our debates, for the obvious reason that com niunity of language, frequency and facility of intercourse, and tho extent of our commercial relations with Knglatid make us more familiar with that country than with others, from which vyo might draw quite as valuable lessons of prac tical wisdom. Tho apparent analogies between our national character and institutions and those of Kngland are so numerous and striking, as quite to conceal from the view ol the superficial observer those less obvious but more deeply rooted and most important features in which thoy differ. Sir, in genius, habits, and condi tion, the American people, and I thank Heaven for it, are as diverse from the people of Kngtand as they are from any Christian nation. Our most cherished and valued institutions are based on principles fundamentally opposite to those of the civil and political systems of Knglatid ; and apart from community of speech and historical recollections, and those habits of thought which a similarity in the forms of language necessarily implies, we are a radically disiinct'peoplc. We, sir, are the genuine representatives of that glo. rious race who overthrew tho Stuart dynasty in the middle of the seventeenth century, and the principles of Cromwell and Milton, which have now become extinct in thoir native soil, and no longer marl, the English characler, flourish here in their lull vigor. For thesu reasons, argu ments from F.nglish practice areas inaonlicnhl,. as if drawn from the policy of the Celestial r. ii ,i ' ..... r . ., . .Hinii. i nuiu is, wieruioro. no jorce ill thai argument which would dissuade us from protec. ting our own industry, because Knglatid, which protects hers, exhibits so fearful an amount of ignorance, pauperism, and crime. There is no pirallel between the cases. Vou find the same abandoned vice, tho same unenlightened iguo ranee, and tho same object povortv, in every European country cursed with a hereditary aris tocracy, a law of primogeniture, an established church, and to crown al1, a national debt of such magnitude as to weigh like a millstone about the neck of tho people. So vast is the public debt of England, that, for the payment of its interest alone, a popula.! tiou but once and a Inlf as largo as our own is taxed annually a sum equal to the total amount of the debt ol all the American States; and in order that the burden may not fall ti o heavily on the rich, the entire body of lands, iu which the poor have no direct iiiierest, is taxed hut five millions of dollars, while the other taxes, which press most heavily on tho poor, amount to no less than filty times tint sum, or two hundred and fifty millions of dollars per annum. This is in dependent of tithes and church rates, parish charges, and the thousand other Government exactions, which crush theopeialive to tho very dust. Tho Hritish laborer is (ollowd by tho tax gatherer from the cradle to the rave. His food, his physic, his fuel, his cloth'ing, the nn plcnients of his trade, the humble furniture of his cottage, his windows, his chimneys, the very air and light, and even his shroud, all these are subject to direct taxation. His bread he divides with his temporal and spiritual lords, and the ruler takes the lion's share. His children are pinched and starved, that the younger sons of tuo aristocracy may tie pensioned, ami bo toils, ami suivors, anu suiters, mat the sell. styled sue cessor of the Apostles may ndl in gildid chari ots, and dwell in sumptuous palaces. It is not, then, the protective system of En". land that oppresses her people; no, sir, un the contrary, it is that system, and that alone, which enables her laboring classes to bear up stagger ing under such a load as was never elsewhere laid upon the shoulders of humanity. Her pro toctive system is not tho burden, but it is tho elastic spring which alone renders that burden supportable. Let Knglatid abandon that svs torn, and adopt the insane doctrine of free trade, would her humble classes gain by the exchange? Admit that their bread stuffs might cost them less, would their taxes bo lightened bv the loss of a hundred millions in duties! Would their wages be raised, or their opportunities of em. ploymont bo multiplied, by the dcstriiiMion ut her industrial establishments! Would other nations supply them with iinnufactuned goods at cheaper rates thin thov obtain them now? ftir, it needs no u-. funis to answer such nucs lions as the.-o ; and the man must ho mad who traces the wretchedness of England's enslaved laborers to the protection of her industry, or supposo that their miseries would be relieved by its sacrifice. Again, sir, tlio Hritish statesman may confi. dently calculate, where tho American can but liazud a guess. The extent and relative capa. ciues oi me agricultural ami manufacturing in. terests aro known with great exactness of do. tail, and tho sudden extension, or essential modification of either is difficult, if not imnrac. ticahle. Charges are slow; now nnnufact urea will nut spring up like Jonah's gourd in a single niglit; aim capi'al is so abundant, that those already established will not bo ruined or bus. ponded nn account of a trilling fluctuation in the demand for goods, or in tho cost of the raw nn terial. It is quite safe to assume, that my lord will not irivu un lo rnliivation n much of his forest as is required to breed a covnv of run. ridges, harnly to save from starvation some Inlf a uozen families who pine fur tlH! bread which thoso few acres would yield. This would both curtail his lawful and laudablo sports, and more, over injure the grain-growing interest by in. creasing the supply. Such destructive policy is not to bo apprehended from tho prudent and patriotic landholder, and the extension or modi filiation of rural husbandry is very slowly and cautiously permitted. It is, then, known what quantity of land will be cultivated, what grain, or pulse, or roots, will ho grown fiom year to vear. and ilm ammnii ..I produce is subject to no uncertainly hut that of ,nu P..-.ISWII.-. in... iiiauiiiaciuring establish, ments aro precisely guaged, and, though theso aro progressive in themselves, yet they may be regarded as stationary and constant when con- trasted vyitl. ouro vn ever changing industry. Unwearied pains are taken to ascertain tho ex. tent of doniiiid for Hritish goods abroad, and the quantity and probable cost of the supply of the raw material. With all these elements an ap. proximate calculation maybe made. Tho effects of a givon policy may bo to s 0 extent fore. seen, and tho causes being known, it is safe to argue that like causes will produce like effects. With us the picturo is reversed. Our stalls, tical details aro loose, slovenly, and unreliable, not to say faithless to the very extreme of in. accuracy. Tho modes and objects of our bus. bandry, and all our industrial employments, are incessantly fluctuating. New sour'cos of pro. ductton aro opening every hour. The amount of any givon article produced iiiono year scarce ly furnishes ground for a plausible conjecture as to tho quantity lo bo expected the next ; and tho most sagacious statesman must throw down his pen in despair, whenever ho attempts to re I i i i iu uuuiipts to re- ' duce his anticipations of the future to even ap proximate calculation. I repeat then, sir, with us all experiment is but a leap in I he dark. Let us be content with present prosperity, and sutler not ourselves to bo bewildered by the fear of evils, which may be fancied but cannot be foreseen. It is worthy of notice, while on this point, that, whatever the practice of England may be, the teachings of her popular writers tend to the very doctrines inculcated by this report. Au thors arc subsidized to manufacture free-trades theories for the foreign market, and Urge sums are raised to carry on this new missionary en tcrprise of disseminating through the world those ductrincs of political economy which England is wise enough to repudiate at home. England spares no pains to acquire an influ ence here. She aims to dictate cur economical theories, our commercial system, our legislation. She commends herself to the North, by boasting of her achievements in tho great cause of the abolition of human slavery; and to win fivor al the South, she holds out the delusive hope that her influence will be thrown into tho scale of universally free and unrestricted trade. "Hut, sir, are we never to be in fnct, what near tlircvacorc nnd ten years azo our fathers declared us to bo of right, indenendant of Knelauu"? Have we, in that lomr space, p inned nothing fioni our own ex perience, and is the utmost period uf Ihc hfo of man too short to tench anylhing to a nation 1 Arc not the counsels of Ihe wise and cood, ihe dead nnd the living of our own hnd, sufficient for our guidance? Forme, sir, the examples and tho teachings of our fathers suffice. 1 look fur no instruction in thn sci'-nce of our government to Hritish writers n home, or to British rencL'ndes, or alienated Americans here, and I prefer the palpable prosperity that I can we and I iei-1 lu uie airy visions ui uie niosi persuasive llieorisl. mil ii is lime io inoit n nine mole closely at the lull under consideration, and lo enquire intuits real ihnr atier nnd purposes. It is s-arcely possible to cast n kI.iiicii at it, without discovering that both its argu ments nnd its facts are derived from sources unfriend ly lo American mtero-ts, nnd morr disposed loco or. Idislort, or suppress, than candidly to disclose the wuoie iruin. l on are ncarm; i lie nrxumcuts nnd as sumptions of Ornish importers from tho mouths of American statesmen. Tlio hostility of the bill to do ineslio labor is so thinly disguised, if, indeed, there boanv nttcmpt nt concealment, that it seems a work of supcierogalion to point it out j but so far ns llio pohev it inculcates can no referred lo nny intelligible principle, it is this; io make a show of protection to tlio raw material, by a slight reduction, or, as in the case of wool not grown in this country, a increase ol the duties imposed by the ex sling law, and then to neuirah.o this protection, by a limiting the manufac tured article nt a much lower rile. Tho manufactu rer can be induced to purchase the law material on ly by the hope nfptnfil un the .Manufactured goods. Hut if vou admit the l-ooJs al such rates that tho for eign manufacturer .can undersell him in our market, hu will suspend his operations, and buy raw material no longer. It avails nothing to the American produ cer to protect his wool by a duty of thirty per cent., if you admit woolen goods nt the same, or a lower rate of duty. Vou destroy bi marl.ei, by destroying the inducement uf the domestic manufacturer to bov. This is loo palpable lo require any elucidaiion bcymid niu siiupie si.iuiuent. inueeu, souneqtntocally is the hill characterized bv unrelenting hostility to Amrri. can industry, thai it in general reduces the duties im posed by the land' of 1912 on foreurn manufactures just in proportion to the amount of lurcigi labor ex- pinned upon them. 1 his is a point of so great im portance that I desiro to draw to it the special atten tion uf the Committee, lly the tariff of 1312, the highest duties were iinnosed on those wares in which the value of the raw material bore the lowest propor tion io ineniiiouiii ui tno labor required lor Ihcir tau riealion, and so far the duty operated ns n tax on for eign and n bounty upon domestic labor. The bill now under consideration proposes to abolish tins just and salutary discrimination, and in' effect lo gio a premi um to lliutorei.'ii laborer. Thus, the duty on raw silk is reduced three and a half per cent.; the duty on iron four pur cent., on manufactures of iron from four to uuo hundred and seven percent. The duly nn common wool, thno cents per pound, on woollen goods from five to fifty-seven per cent. The duty on the simpler glass waics, one per cent. ; if partially cot, sixty-two percent i if cut from ono-ihird to one half tho length, one hundred and fifty-six per cent., and upon the largest sizes of crown glass two hundred and thirty per cent. To what principle, I ul humility lo uomesiiu labor, can wo refer a system of duties which favors the admission of foreign wares, in pro portion as their value has been increased by th em ployment uf foreign capital and foreign labor 7 The avowed principle of the bill, that, namely, of providing for revenue alone, is not merely opposed to the doctrine of legislative protection it goes beyond this, and wars direc ly upon thoso interests which most require protection A revenueduly must be so framed us to invite importation. If you discourage the importation of a particular article, you diminish or destroy your revenue from il, and if you aim to draw the greatest amount of rcvenuufrom each description of goods, you must so regulate your tarilfas to induce tho greatest importation uf those goods. This vou can do only by giving the toreign producer a prefer ence over tlio domestic in our own market. A reve nue tanlf, then, is s ich an arrangement of duties ns

will enable the foreign manulicturer lo compete sue- ressiuoy wim uie nauve. anu is consequently antago nistic, not only lo that which is imposed for the spel cific purpose of protection, bit tu that more ratioua ststeui so happily exemplified in Ihe tarilf of 1312, which, wilh singular fehcitv. comb nes increase of rev vniic with competent protection to most branches of iiomesiic inuusiry. I am aware that northern democrats, in general. dare not openly avow hostility to home tabor. Like the chief priests and scribes of old, ibey "fear the pco pie," nnd even profess friend, Hip for ihe cause. Hut Inn bill comes from Ihe democratic oracles. Sooth siyers, of higher rank than lie magi of ' House, have been taken into council, and a mi'dity astrulozer has pronounced upon the horoscope. Doubtless tho report speaks Ihe real sentiments of Ihe parly; and its policy is destined In be carried, if the scattered and dispirited lesions of the democracy can vet be rallied in sufficient strength lo wrest ihe victory from ihe growing and gathering forces of "dial army with banners," which ha already .imllen them with panic tenor it is in vain lo iicny that the lull is uotn cal ciliated ond desmnated to ovathrow Ihe whole nro duciivo induslrv of our peoples and iho friendship of i no sen-styled democrat for tie laoorer is thai al the it'iaker skipper fur the cnemys captain who hoarded Ins vessel. "Friend," said Iclnbud, fliniiing his braw ny arms around him, 'I will not hurl ihee, but I presume thee can swim," and, so saying, threw him overboard I do not propose lo inquire into the constitutional power of Congress lo legislate with u view lo pro (, ,u , f,r I li.vo nil obocnc.1 ihnt constitutional scr.'plcs opjo-e any very serines obstacles in gentle men s way, when a favoiitc project is lo be carried. Rsides, theso scruples aro pariicularly rife among the very same class of politicians who entertained no doubt of the right of this sinalo House lo exercise a power, in restricting the riaht of petition, which Ihe express wotd of I lie Consiituiion deny to Congress, nnd who, in Ihe ciso of tin four recusant Stales, oi iiooiioeo too power oi I tie IIoikc or Itepresenlat.ves lo nullify a solemn act of the national legislature, passed in strict conformity wilh the letter of the Con stitution. Sir, I have no fear that gentlemen who swallowed those camels will ever he turnnpled hv so smillngnal as this. The constitutional cholic, is indeed, a grievous complaint, nficiitimes nn excrucia tingly painful disease, but, happily, it is never luorinl. Oentlfiiii'ii nro frequently attacked by it ibey sicken, lliey stiller. In tho words of ihe law, lh?y languish and languiihingly do live, but die never. In the long rows uf our departed predecessors, in yonder cemetry, yuu find llio monuments of Ihxe who have fallen a pray to death in all his varied shapes. Gout, niio- alexy, consumption, fever and even ihe hand of vio. ence, each hath had its victims, hill ennslitulionnt scruples, none. For such n disorder, il would seem superfluous lo nre-cribe. Heidcs. ha very rii mtili catrix u( nature sometimes originates tni'der forms of disease, by whoso action Ihe peccant humors of Iho system nro corned olf, nnd dangerous organic or chronic complaints nro prcventel or healed. Who noows uui ims constitutional inaiauy may serve some like prophylactic or medicative numose in our noliti- cal system 7 These scruples nre nfien of excellent use, by way of apology for voting with our party, and against the plainest reasons of general uood, or ihe in terests of our own constituents. Moreover, it! debate, they are n good ml, for the whale, nnd serve in a party siege lo divert the attack from the weaker points, the salient angles, of the fortress. It would thetcforo be hardly fair, were il practicable, lo deprive gentle men of so convenient a retreat when pressed by ar guments which they are unable la answer. Hut however serious genllemen may he in insist ing on constitutional nhjeclions, it con hardly be ex pected that the country will now abandon as nncon- titutional n system sanctioned ny tn very irantrrioi ,hf ,Conli,J1,l,on !'' lh0 p0""?! 17S9 "nd "P'iro.v" td Dy emy President, from Washington down to the immortal successor of bis own "ilhi.trious nrcdeces -or," who has been, and is, on both sides of every supposablo question but two the abolition of slavery in mis Lisinei, iiiinieiy, nuu uie c.ipeuieucy i iiiu se lection of n certain favorite son, actrtnin northern man with southern principles, who shall nt present be nameless, as tho next Democratic candidate for the Presidency. On the former of these points 1 believe he i committed ) and I rather think lucre arc gentle men hereabouts, who, if they saw good cause, could tell huw and why he became so. As to the other question, I have never understood that he entertained any hesitation, unless it may bo a trilling doubt, whether the people, upon "sober second thought," would confirm the nomination which Ihe convention ought to make) nnd whether they would not, under the inlluenco of ancient prejudice or new delusion, re ject I lie cashiered p.lot who okcd to be reinstated, and prefer rather a more experienced and trusty helms man. There nre certain kinds and branches of industry which, as nil men ncrcc, lawfully may be, nnd ns mat ter of expediency ought to be, protected. Vou secure to the author Ihe copy-light in the coinage of his brain, nnd you giMrnntco to tle inventor of a new process, or machine, the exclusive right to his inven tion nRainst every compeliior, whether native or for eign. Here is protection, in tho odious form of nn ab solute monopoly : yet no man questions its juslico or its expediency. I am well aware tint, in the caso of the celebrated cotton el i, southern chivalry thought fu practically to nullify the patent law, arid to deny to tho meritorious inventor all substantial reward for his valuable machine; but in genual the policy of the law is approved. I Mr. Holmks hero intcrno-ed. and observed, that South Carolina h id purchased the rizht to theusunf the cotton gin. And Mr. Rhett added, thiit the same State hnd nftcrw ards made a voluntary grant of S20, 000 lo theinvcnicr. It was also susjesto I that Nonh Carolina had acquired the right lor uso of her citizens by fair purchase. Protection has. ns I have before remarked, already done its work for the great staple uf the south) and no man familiar with the history of manufactures, ond particularly of mechanical invention, can doubt Hint legislative protection has been the indispensable condition of the gleat prosperity and extended amount of the cotton trade. The encouragement early afford ed to thearowth nnd working of cotton, induced in vestments in this lirancb uf manufacture nnd it soon attained a considerable degree uf importance. The mechanical ingenuity of thiscountry. and of I'ngl.and, now besan to exert n reciprocal infl icnce. Tho ad mirable construction of our machinery, copied nnd j improved from that of Kngland, nnd iho nlvantages enjoyed by uur manufacturers in the abundance nnd cheapness of water-power, compelled the Kng!ish to Improve their spinning and wcavinL' apparatus. This improvement reacted upon us, nnd, in like manner, led to new contrivances i nnd the w hole process of converting cotton into cloths has been more than oncecompletely revolutionized. Thcconscquencchas been a vastly facilitated and cheapened production of cotton goods, nnd of course a proportionally incrcos cd use of them. Cotton has, to a great extent, sup plained linen,, which is more costly of production, mid far less c.anntile uf elaboration by machinery. Cot tons have also been larsely substituted fur woollens, in the shape of cotton flannels, and other thick fab rics; nnrtilicy are interwoven wilh linen, with silk, with wool, with tho fleece of the cashmere goal, nnd in fact with every textile substance Cotton is used in vast nuantities for balling ond padd iiL', for canvass, and innumerable other nurnoses.lo w hich none thnimht of applying iluniil within the last few years. Hence there is a demand for this product almost without limit, nnd the planter both buvs cheaper the manu factured article, ond sells a vastly increased quantity ot the raw matcnai. Such nro ihe elfeets of protection ; nnd I cannot forbear lo nonce in this connexion a remarkable in stance of tho intcrdtpendence between different branches of industry, and of 'he unforeseen collateral benefits winch How from tins eminently wise nnu pa ternal system. Tho enlarged consumption, nnd wear of cotton goods, has proportionally increased tho sup ply of rags for the paper market, and the raw material for the most important of ail manufactures tho handmaid of thai art which is the conservator of all art ond all knowledge is furnished in inex haustible abundance, ond at greatly reduced cost. Il lustrations of this sort might lc multiplied without limit, for there exists between the various branches uf productive industry the same common bond, which, according to an ancient philosophical or.Vor, unites tho entire body uf the hbctal arts into one harmonious whole. But, sir, is not thvj very bill designed lo protccl a particular branch ofVipitM nnd industry, nod that nl the sacrifice of all others 1 I t is hinted that roriEics trade is largely interested in the overthrow of our protective system, and for that very trade protection is demanded. Hut in w hoso behalf is this protection asked, and for whoso benefit nre we called upon to sacrifice our own productive classes? We learn from unquestionable source, that of the importations from Gieat lln'tain sixty-five per cent, ison Hritish ac count. Of those Irom Krniice,and other continential countries, not less than righly-thice per cent, is nn foreign account; and of course nearly tho whole profit on this euotmous proportion ufour trade goes into the hands of foreigners. Shall we legislate for the subject- of Great Hritain and of France 1 Shall the foreign importer himsclfdeterminc ibeduty which ho will condescend lo pay 7 Aro his interests to hu chiifly regarded in the legislation of this Hall 7 Hut were it otherwise were the advantages of ibis great commerce Ihe proper gain of our own citizens is this object of the promotion of foreign trade worth not only its present cost, tint oil tho sacrifices which nre naked for It 7 lit 13.16, nil men abandoned their regular occupations, and set themselves to buy, sell, and getgain; and such was the neglect of ngricullure, that even oals were imported from the hanks of the Kibe lo feed the burses that pastured in the valley of III" .Mi. hawk. The excessive trade of 1S3G was fol lowed by lhc convulsion of 1337, nnd there has been no lack uf li enors Iroiuour Democratic brethren upon the causes of that convulsion. The crisis of 1337, aid they, was not owing lo the specie circu lar. to the removal uf the deposits, to the refusal of the Govern ment lo recharler the Uni'ed States Hank, to the multitude of State banks chartered by Democratic legislatures to fill the place of that dead monster, lo ihe derangement, in fine, of ihe currency of llio coun try by tho action of Government; No, it was none of these things, nur the combined action of all these tilings, b it it was Ihe excesive isironTATios the s?ibit or ovEnTiiAiuNa which caused nil that ruin. Is then the spirit, which in 1336 was a spirit uf dark ness now become on augel of light 7 If the foreign importations of 1836 involved the whole land iu bank ruptcy, ruin, nnd shame, is it now wise to stimulate importation lo lliu highest extent to which legislation can carry il l Again, sir, is not the maintenance, protection, ond accommodation of ibis foreign trade one of the heavi est items in ihecost of our national Government 7 l o what other end do you maintain a navy, at the expense of lix millions per annum, lo disp'ay your protecting nag in every sea rurwuai otner pur pose ani your foreign embassies, your costly custom, house establishment, ontl a vast proportion of your civil list 7 Sir, I argue not against these things as un necessary, but to draw ntlentiun to Ihe faet. that trnde loo has il s protection, nnd to suggest the inqui ry how much mora we can allbrd to pay for its pro motion. Kvcry gentleman who has studied lhc history of the origin ol this uovcrnment, Knows iiiaimepro lection of properly, ns well as life and personal liberty, against both ihe violence and the policy of foreign powers, was the chief end sought lo he attained by the establishment of the confederacy.. The power of granting such protection as domestic industry re quirts, has been surrendered by the individual States, and unless it h is bulged in the peopleuf the Union, lo l by ihein exercised, through us, thiir representa tives, it is irrecoverably gone. Tho surrender is valid to pass the power out of tho hands uf the grantors, Ihe Statis. but not good to vest it iu Congress, llio grantee. Strange anomaly and yet to this rctluctia ad nbsurdum yuu nie inevitably brought, if you deny tho power of Congress lo impo-e n protective duly, Hut if Congress may legislnie for tho protection of capital invested in trade, why not also for that ofcapi tal invested in manufactures 1 The buildings, Iho machinery, ihe stork, in its various stages of elabora tion, the lauds, whose value depends upon the suc cessful employment of tho capital thus invested, nil these are property, as much as the stocks of the capi talist, the ships of the merchant, the lands of Iho planter, nnd, viewed simply as properly, wilhoul re gard to higher considerations of national palict, nru just as much entitled lo legislative favor and protec tion, i lie .'iiuencnii cnpiiai iiivt'sicu in 111 iiiiiiai--lures and the mechanic arts, is believed to amount to no less a sum than four hundred millions of dollars; and one-fourth of our population is dependent for bread on the prosperity of those arts. To Ibis vast sum, and ihe increased value of lands in the vicinity of nourishing mantifactoiies, and you have nn aggre gate scarcely inferior to any of ihe items which mnko up iho a im total of our national wealih. liesirny mo protective system, nnu you nnmnunie nt a btnw this great nccuumlnlion of wealth, this im menso proportion of our nalional resources. In re gard to Ihe property invo led in manufaeltirfs il is to be observed, that ihft destruction involved by its sacrifice has no compensation, it is annihilation, nolirnnsfer Thousands are impoverished, none are enriched. Vou moke your country poorer, by the amount both of the capital uircctiy invesico, nnu toe uiiierencc iu vaiueni the lands nnd'uther properly nllected. I.el n flourish ing factory spring up, with its capital of 8100,000, nnd it adds to (ho silcnble value, nnd actual ptuductitc ncss uf the lands in its vicinity, nt least ns in ich more. Destroy it, nnd nil tin.- wealth has evapora ted. In the case of tho removal of public buildings, and the construction of works of internal improve ment, there is oflo i an apparent loss, which is, how over, balanced by a compensation in the increased value thereby given to properly tlsewdierc. Construct a canal, passing three miles from a country village, instead ofthioiigh it. Its prosperity is destroyed. One by one, its most cnttrpning inhabitant-desert il, and the nged nnd the poor alone nre left. '1 he cheerful din of its industry is hushed. The grass grows in the streets, its cottages are no longer the home of man, nnd Iho fox looks out nt the window. Here is ruin, here is desolation melancholy cnuugh no doubt but there is another side to, the picture. On the banks of that canal there arises o new village, which, in its rapid growth and improvement, far out strips nil thai the most sanguine fancy had ever ho ped lor its older rival. Here i in leed a destruction, hut Iheioi- nlso n creation of wealth. It is a trans fer, not an annihilation of piosperity, ond though in dividuals may sulfer, the sum of national vveallh is undiminished, nnd even iiurcascd. On the other band, strike down a great branch of national indus try, ond where is your compensation 7 Do southern gentlemen imagine that the ruin of tho manufactures of Massachusetts will raise the price of cotton Do the forgemen of Pennsylvania hope to si II more iron, when the busy industry of Now England shall be still, nnd thu clanguf the anvil and tho hum ol the wheel shall no more mingle with tho roar of the waterfall 7 Does the western former suppose be shall in crease the price of his lands, or the profits of his bus handrv. bv compelling his eastern brethren to devolcl lo Iho growing of grain and the feeding uf cattle the millions of acres which they now occupy for sluep - walks, and for the cultivation of the tiazlo nnd other vegetable products required for the use of Ihe tuanu- j cottager enjoys more comforts than an emperor of facturerT New Kngland is able abundantly tu sup-, Home in the days of her greatest splendor. Know ply her own population with bread-stiilf. and meat i ledge, too, literally runs down the streets like a liver. Her soil, though inferior to the prairies of the West , The power press sends forth its slueis by thousands in fertility, is superior in variety. Sir, llio West can in the hour, nnd books now cost less lhati did the pa produce nothing, absolutely nothing, which tho sod of per on w hi Ii ibev nro printed within the memory of New Knglaud cannot also ho made to yie'd in super-1 members of this House. These arts arc emphatically lions abundance. Kven in fertility, tho difference be- the nns of peace; these nre the truo philosopher's tween the Mast an I West ha- bten greatly e.xaggera-1 stone, that turns nil to gold; these ale the means ted. Sir, on this subject 1 do nut spi nk without book. ' through who-e aid alone llio philanthropist can hono I have seen the principal grain-growing Slates of the. West in the ir harvest, and being pincticnlly familiar with ngricullure, I claim lo be able to judge of their productiveness. The western people, with all their virtues, nnd I accord them many, arc little prone to talk in Knits' vein; nnd I have heard un thcprairics some gascondauiiig auont crops, winch wuul I hav done no dishonor to Ancient Pistol. We of the I'.asl, ns manufacturers nnd slupbcrds. nre, to some extent, dependent on you uf the West. Destroy our industry, compel us to exchange the loom for the plough, the sheep for the ov, turn us from consumers into produ- ccrs, nnd you have lost your best customer wo buy of you no longer. Of the forty millions of the pro- duceof other States which Massachusetts consumes, she will require not a dollar. Add to this the sup - plies demanded fur the manufacturers of other I oi otner states, and you have not less than one hundred millions of American produce, lor which a market will no longer exist. Where do you look for compensation for this loss'l Vou have not the smallest reason to expect that the Hritish corn laws will be repealed no other Kuropean notion will take your produce, and when you nre ready to sell, none vvill be found to buy. Let the wcstim farmer examine this bill, and cal dilate lb? saving which ho supposes ho would make by the operation of this nuti-labor tarilf. How many dollars would he save on bis cloth, how many on bis ironware, now many on his glass, tus groceries, ind other imported goods 7 Kven admitting the truth uf the talso principle assumed by tho report, that a re duction of duty is n reduction of price to the consu mer, he will find that few families would save fifty dollars, the laborer, probably, not ten. Hut, on the other hand, would not this pain be more ihnn over. bolnnccd by the inevitable reduction in the price of ms proouce, rc.uinng irom tlieioss ol a market which consumes, onnunlly, S10O.00O.000 of the producls of the non-manufacturing Slates? Sir where thewesi ern Slntes would save one million, Ibey wool I lose ten. Hut, I repeat it, il is not truo that a diminution ofihednty lowers the price. Keduee them so as to destroy domestic manufactures, and do you think lhat Iho Hriii-h nriisnn, whin reliv(.d fioin American compelion, will sill you his wares nsehenply ns nowl Will he not rather take advantage of his monopoly of the market, nnd compel vou both lo buy nnd to sell at ms ow n price I Attemnts hovehecn made to excite lhc iealnn.i. rl Iho Souih and West, by inflated statements in regard to Ihe prulils ot the iiianul icturers. It lias been pro ved, by calculations, omitting only the use of capital, wear and decoy of machinery, fixtures, and buddm?-. taxes ond insurance, and the numerous contingencies to which these establishments are pre-em.nently lia ble, lhat the eastern manufacturers mui have cleared not less than twenty or thirty per cent, pi r annum for o series of years. We have thohcstaiitbority for say ing, that the profits of the cotton manufacturers have for years not exceeded on average uf six tier cent.: nnd ns to woolen mills, it is within my personal knowledge, that there t scarcely a woollen factory in Now Kngland, which has not lust a sum conn I lo its entire capital, since 1BJ7. under the tanll of 1312, these establishments can live, but they con never be a means of the rapid accumulation of wealth. I wish to present another general consideration. I refer to the importance of domestic manufactures, ns on essential element in a svstein of national indepi n- Hence and iletenee. licntletuen need not lobe told, mat uuring ino late war Willi ureal Hritain, the Gov ernment was forced to connive at an illicit trade with the enemy, as iho only means of supply of such arti cles ns neither Government nor people muld live with out. Shall we again subject ourselves lo the incon venience and shame of simu'elingfroin a hosiiv. coun try the very blankela which cover our soldiers ; ami while slacking fire, tint the smoke of uur loms onv clear away, shall we negotiate with the enemy for the purcnase oi powuer i I am sorry to say. Mr. Chairman, that I am not amoiigthoso who discern in the signs of the tunes sure tokens oral iding peace. The age of conquest, it is said, has passed away ; but at a moment when our own administration is meditating n war of conquest, ami uas mrcauy virtually tu iio-iiiiucs in that unholy cnuse, it lies not in our mouths to s i v. .hat such wars nre no longer possible. Sir, I hive too much respect tor the cool juilgmiul or our stale-men, nnd loo much confidence in the regard uf our people for Iho pnoeiples ol justice, nod the integrity of the Union, to believe that they will asse nt to the cousu illation of a project, which, tinder the circumstances can only be characterized as supremely unwise, and pre-eminently lligitious, and winch must necessarily result, not in dissension, but'in disruption. I do not therefore apprehend a conflict with .Mexico, or its tie cessary corollary, nn immediate war with Kngland; but I cannot be blind to the fact, lhat we are in con stant danger of a rupture wilh the most formidable power upon earlb. Great Hritain, sir, holds Canada on Ihe North, her fleets c imiuand the .lll.iulicon ihe Kast ; on the South, 6he has extensive possessions in the West Indies and on the conlinetil; and she occu pies, to say the least, nn t qui vocal position on the West. Hot this is not all. Her ships are traversing every sea, and stizing upon every advantageous post tiou, which is cither unoccupied, or whose possessors ate loo feeble to resist her encroachments ; on Amer ican w holer can scarcely bring olf a keg of water, or a boatload ofcocoannls, from a coral ritf in the wi !e raeifie, without paying tribute In iheouiposts of Kns land. I know, indeed, ibal she has disclaimed dial atrocious outioge, the forcible suzureor the sovereign ly of thu Sandwich Islands, but I have not yet heard, lhat she has bung, at the yardarin of Ins own ship, Iho piratical lordhng whoperpetratulit. Sir, I charge not l. real lilllain Willi clicrislnmi dreams ot wide. spread conquest, or mining nl universal tiupire: Ion he must be Win I, who does not see that she is striving fur no less a prize than tho control of the comim rce or the world, America too is ambitious, -She dis putes wilh Kngland the sovereignty uf iho northeast ern shoroof the I'.aeilie ue nre rivals in the same branches of trade, and the red crossand the stars and stripes float side by side in every harbor uf every sea. Willi all these points of contact, dire wohope that we shall always escape collision; nnd is it wi-e to doll our armor while our adversary is lacing his helmet 7 ir, uu this sutijecl lit nic not he misunderstood. No man can morn cordially dcltsl the iiroctu e. or de plore the necessity, i a resort io arms; none can moro deeply abhor the hellish passions, the awful crimes, that con-titutc the very being of war, than myself: and I am not prepared to sav .hot an v. or even oil, of the pending ut mlj turned questions between us nnd Great lltitain are worth a war. Hut, sir, 1 know lhat Kngland is regarded wilh nnsry and in flammable jealousy along tbu whole frontier, nnd n small spatk may at any moment kindle) that tinder lo an appalling flame, I tuts silualed, I hold it to be tho part of wisdom to foster ond strengthen our own domestic resources, i other ihnn to cherish and reward! Ihe industry of the alien nnd the stranger, mil 1 am wandering from the express mv surprise, who dread the intcrti slavery, nnd fear the West India possisstour, subject, nnd I will only pause ia ',' uuor ste.l that gentlemen of the l-ouili. ui a ci'iiain provision store llio oilier ilav. SStiKi:- No. ol exacly hu. I know where they should yet advocate a policy, uhl ill. sausages ! was thu reply. which necessarily implies much more intimate rela tions with that formidable rival, nnd probnblc incmy. Destroy our manufactures, nnd subvert that revenue sjstcm wliu b has, frum our national infancy, been the soul of our finance, nd we nre nt mice practically reduced lo a slate of colonial dependence upon our ancient oppressor. was not lor this that ur fathcis fell at Hunker Hill, ol Hcniiingtoii, and ot Sa ratoga, ond that yours bit the dust in the hundred pariiau conflicts which, nt a Inter period of the war ol independence, dyed your sands with the best blood of iho South. , There Is another point of far deeper, though less ob vious, interest than the mere question of revenue, or the present pecuniary gain or loss lo the consumer, ond which is most worthy ihe profound considerotion of the philosophical statesman. I refer to the influ ence ofsuch manufacture ns nre carried on bv ma chinery, upon the progress of mechanical improve ment, nnd the consequent multiplication and dilfusion of both Ihe physical comforts nnd elegancies', and ihe higher refinements of hfc. The cncourng-nienta which inventive gmius has received al the hands of lhc, manufacturer, is the principal suurte of the OBtun tshitig advances that half n century has witnessed in practical mechanics and manipulations, in the nppli catinn uf science lo the oris, ond even in lhe prngiess ami dissemination uf the physical sciences them selves. The wants of thedvrr. the blencher. lhc sinar-rcfin. er, have led to curious investigations and most impor tant resiuis in scientinc analysis; the necessities or the mechanist have prompted impruvemeuls in smelt, ing, refining, casting, ond forging metols, and to belter knowledge of their ores, constitution, and propel tics; the demand of Hritish mamifacliirts are the parent of improvements iu mining, ininerolugiool reseanh and geological science; to them we owe the invention of Ihe reciprocaline stcom-cnirtne. and the introduction of railroads, bv means of nil ulueh nm ,,ili , nil , the operations of government immensely facilitated, , but the conveniences of life nre so tniillipied and I cheanened. ihot. n UtL.n u. tl a.H it,,. l,,,,l.l.. to level up sullering, depressed, nnd debased humnni- ly. Machinery must supply the pbysicnl wants of ihe indigent; the power press must furni-h the pop ular instructor with bis textbook the missionary with his bibles. To llio improvement in the mcchnnienrts we have cooiriuu cu our lull snare, wo have then a proline- lar), n paternal interest, in their prosperity. To them ' we, of all the nations of the earth, nre most deeply indebted, nnd from them we have most to hope. Shall we lay then.xe lo the root of tho tree which has borne such noble fruits, nnd winch is still rich with tn blossoms of fiuurepromisu7 What does not lhc Sou'h owe lo the cotton gin and the power loom? and what would now he the condition of that mighty 1 West, to which wo have so oflen appealed, without i canals, railiontls, am . nnd sleomhoals. which derive both the motive and Ihe means of their creation from the progress ol inaiinlaeturis 7 Sir. she won d still re main a howling wilderness, inhabited only by savages anil wolves nnd the gome on which they prey. Sir, let us have no more idle speculation upon the future consequences of the existing tariff. Let it be nidged by its fruits. Show whnl evil il bath done. Prove that it b is ougme tted the current price or di minished the supply of onv foreign arlicle of necessity or extensive use. Show that it has reduced the pneo or curtailed llio snle of any important article of do mestic production but terrify us nni with prophecies of future evil from the operation of lhat cause which has crowned the past and the present with abundant blessings, BE UP AND GO AHEAD. 'Then you have got llio blues! Foolish man? Wlmt is it that troubles you?" 'I shall come to want.' 'Nn, you never will, so long as you bare industrious habits.' My friend lias greatly prospered in lii bttisiness.' Wli:,tnfii? n,v,.', .,., i.: ;,....: i.... . V 'W a"u""l , 00 con,t'nt -Vur lot 'Hut I feci dull and stupid.' 'Rise early and drink the fresh air.' 'We have so much foggy weather.' 'Keep nt work , and yuu won't think of the fog, but enjoy the sunshine more.' 'You don'l know how bud it is In he afflic ted with tlio he.idaclie, and freijuenlly I havo a pain in my side.' 'So do I, but I keep atwork, and il passes away. Nono aro free from pain.' 'I have a large family to support.' 'Fiddlestick ! wlm not that has been a fallier tin-si) dozen yearsT So much moro reason that you should be more diligent and iii'live.' 'I have no friends.' 'Anil you never will have, till you leave off whining, and look up ant) exert yourself. You do not deserve to liuvn any triends while you pav so little attention to them. You appear liko a shadow in the graveyard, moro than a human being living; in tin; light and sunshine of Heaven. Talk, laugh, act, and you vvill have friends enough.' 'Mr. spoke against me, and his neigh bor has sliiudeit'd nil'.' 'A snap for their talking and slandering. If wo attend to all thai is said against ns, wo shall have nothing else lo do. " Live down their lies, if lies I hey ho ; nnd if truth, go and do holier in future. This is llio only way.'- 'I don't think 1 shall live long.' 'I trust you vvill not, if you eternally repino lor you are now hut little heller than" u living corpse' Thousands nre wasting tho dream of exis lanco in sorrow and doubt; full ot fearful apprehension and melancholy foreboding. ohaiiie on them, when by studying thn philosophy of life, they might hecoiiin useful citizens, ornaments to sorii-tv, and blessings lo il le world. A drop of sorrow completely unnerves lliem. A lentoof. a harsh word. a suspicious look, puis llioni into a world of trouble. Shakp off the blues' all ye of little faith ; ho men aclivo persevering and the shadows that overhung you vv ill disperse, iinil tno glorious suiisliinu ot prosperity, life, uui i lyni, miiiiu upon paper. you, Exchanse Political Stkamiioat. Colonel Pres ton, in a recenl speech at Charleston, ob served, lhat " Mr. Tyler had done his best though not quite a Daliimirus, In su-er her little barque into lite Presidential harbor. He has struggled hard against tlio head winds lhat heat upon it, the counler currents in which ho was ran it'll atltili, the shallows and ll.its upon which it had thumped, the mud in which it hud repeatedly stuck. Ho hud freighted h with all sorts of piinciplci and manned it in vain with all kinds of crows ; and now, as a Usl resort, ho had rigged Mr. Calhoun for a juryiiiast." ' II ivo you found your dog which was