Newspaper of Chicago Daily Tribune, May 9, 1873, Page 4

Newspaper of Chicago Daily Tribune dated May 9, 1873 Page 4
Text content (automatically generated)

4 TERMS OF THE TRIBUNE. vjoms ov sußßcnimos (payable in abvance). Bl £Bßl Parts of A year at tho same rats. To prevent delay and mistakes, be aura and airs Pott Off.cn address In (oil, including bulc and Coant/. Remittances may bo mode elteer by droit, express. Post Oibcc order, or la registered letters, at oar risk. TEBIIS TO COT BUBBCBIBEJIS. Dally, delivered. Sunday excepted. 25 cents per week. Daily delivered, Sunday included, 30 cents per week. Address THE TRIBUNE COMPANY. Corner Madison andDearborn-sts,, Chicago, ill. TO DAY'S AMUSEMENTS. MoVTCKER’S THEATRE—Madison street, between Dearborn and Slato. Lucca-KeUogg Italian Opora Troupo. "DonGiovanni.” AIKEN’S THEATRE—Wabash arenas, comer of Con gross street. Mrs. James A. OsWs' Comic Opora Comps, ny. “ Daughter of tho Regiment. HOOLEVS THEATRE-Randolph street, between Clark and LaSalle. “Risks.” l ACADEMY OF MUSIC- Halstcd street, between Madison and Monroe. “An Odd Trick. MYERS’ OPERA-HOUSE—Monro© street, between gut* and Dearborn. The Kitty Blanchard Burlesque Combination. * ‘ Bad Dickey.” AMPHITHEATRE—CIinton street, between Randolph nnd Washington. Vanek, the Preztldigilaleur. CIRCUS AND MENAGERIE-State and Twenty-sec ond Etrooia. BUSINESS NOTICES. government artificial limb MANUFAC tory. DR. J. E. GARDNER, corner §Utecatb-et., «no Wabaah *▼., is the only one in Chicago authorized by the Government to tomlah soldiers artificial limbs and apparatus. , Uht C&ibnm Friday Morning, May 9, 1873, Tho American Medical Association, meeting at St. Louis, ask the General Government to estab lish a Medical Sanitary Bureau, Stokes will bo ro-scntonced by the New York Supreme Court on Monday next, a proceeding which will give him'an opportunity of going to the Court of Appeals. A motion for the establishment of reciprocal trade with the Sandwich Islands has .heen made in the Canadian Parliament, in the hope that by some snch legislation the growing commerce of the United States in that quarter may ho sub verted. Citizens of Aurora, in this State, have resisted the payment of taxes for bonds issued by the town to the Ottawa, Owcgo & Fox River Valley Railroad. This, on the ground among others, that the law authorizing the issue of the bpnda is not constitutional. An injunction has been granted to prevent the collection of the taxes, and the case will ho carried to the Supreme Court for final decision.. When the Farmers’ Convention at Centralis, yesterday, waa about to make its nomination for Judge of the Twenty-third Judicial Circuit, can didates were informed that they wore to he sub jected to a preliminary examination. Upon this, announcement, Messrs. Watts and Stoker, of the candidates, withdrew, on the ground that they would answer no questions upon matters to come before them for judicial decision. Mr. J. Pony Johnson, of Randolph, waa then nomi nated. Inspector Harper, in a letter published in our commercial column, denies that the Grain In spection Department of this city is discriminat ing against grain shipped by the Illinois & Mich igan Canal to Chicago. Tho law compels him to grade' all grain in accordance with the lowest quality found in the lot; and he says that, when ever a boat-load of canal com has been graded rejected, it has been so graded because of the presence of damp and dirty com. When con signees of com have expressed any dissatisfac tion with the first inspection, he has it repeated . carefully. . Jp Canada gave us the epizootic, and we have given Canada tho Credit Mobilier. Canadian newspapers are publishing heated editorial arti cles about tho Canada Pacific Railway Investi gating Committee which might have been copied almost word for word from American newspapers of a few months ago. The Toronto Globe talks fiercely of “ The National Scandal,” and says that the attempt to keep the proceedings of the Committee secret is proof not only that the Government is guilty, buf that it knows it can he shown to bo so. Comptroller Green, of Now York, is in the awkward position of having to provide for the' expenses of tho costliest city government in the country out of an empty Treasury. The Courts have declared the tax-levy of last year, for the purpose . of. supplying the deficiency, in tho Treasury, to be unconstitutional. This deprives tho Comptroller of $7,000,000 of revenue. He has no means for getting any more; and will be compelled to submit, as he has done before, to the reproaches of unpaid workmen, contractors, and officials, who shower on him the maledictions that should fall on Tweed, Connolly, Hall, and Sweeny, Gov. Kellogg's opponents have taken to shoot ing at him, and his friends offer no other con solation than advice that ho pack his carpet bag and leave the State. When, after the at tempt on his life, day before yesterday, he fled in helpless terror to an acquaintance and former supporter, he was told that his violation of every pledge he had given had alienated the" re gard of every white man in the State; even the negroes, had ceased to trust him. Other at tempts, some of them likely to be more success ful, were sure to bo made to kill him, and his only hope of escape lay in at once abandoning the hopeless attempt to govern a people that hated him. We are informed that the action of the South Park Commißßionera suspending the ordinance which prohibits fast driving on the Grand Boule vard, on Wednesday, between the hours of 5 and 7p. m., is intended to apply to every Wednes day during the season, and was not especially designed to give President Grant an oppor tunity to attend a trotting-match. The or der, as printed, applied to only one day. It is gratifying to know that the city is spared such an exhibition of toadyism as would be implied by a suspension of the ordinance. for the pur pose of gratifying the President's penchant for horse-racing. The impropriety of hm absenting himself fdr .weeks from his public duties, while affairs of thegravestmoment are transpiring, and at a time,too,when ho and a greody Congress have doubled their salaries, remains ail the same. John Stuart Mill is prostrated by serious- ill ness at Avignon, a resort for invalids on tho coast of Prance. Mr. Mill is now in his 67th. year, and is full of honors, * hut it is to be hoped he may yet live many ; years to enjoy and increase the scholarly reputa tion he has won. Prom his earliest youth ho has been an incessant worker. He had tho advantage of studying under the direction of hia father, the most distinguished of the English Utilitarian philosophers alter Bentham. His studies were severe and wide, and even his vaca tions and • holidays were used only to diversi fy his researches. Compelled to support himself, he has filled a responsible position in the Government service while en gaged in economical andmetaphysioal researches, which of themselves would have been an ex traordinary life-work. But oven such exhaustive literary labor is, in many cases, accompanied by great longevity, and Mr. Mill we hope will not be an exception. The Chicago produce markets ware less active yesterday. Mess pork was dull, and 10c per brl lower, at 517.10@17.15 cash, and $17.30@17.35 seller Juno. Lard was inactive and unchanged, at B%c cash, and S}4fi seller June. Meats were inactive and dull, at for shouidere, S%o for short ribs, 9o for short dear, and for sweet pickled hams. Lake freights were doll, and lo lower, at 7J£o for com to Buffalo. High wines were in good demand, and %o higher, closing at 890 bid per gallon. Floor was more active at previous prices. Wheat was lesa active, and . steady, closing at 81.27@1.27j£ cash, and sl.2Bj£ seller Juno. Com was loss active, and unchanged, , closing at SB% @390 cash, and 40X C Boiler Juno. Oats. were lower, at Slo seller the month, and 33% c seller June. Bye waa more active, and %o high er, at 69K@700. Barley was in fair demand, and X@lo higher, at 76@830 for No. 2. Hogs were active and firmer, with sales at $1.90@5.40. Cattle were dull and unchanged. Sheep were inactive; THE WAS IN LOUISIANA. The reports from Louisiana during the last two or' three days indicate a condition of civil war, the extent or limit of which cannot now bo foretold. The Adminietration journals speak of the uprisings of the people in several parishes of the State as “ the now Bebellion.” To prop erly appreciate tho justice of this appellation, it will be well to recall tho loading incidents in tho political controversy which has led to tho pres ent mtnation in Louisiana. In the last election in Louisiana there were two candidates for Governor, Kellogg running on the Administration ticket, and McEncry on the Fusion Opposition ticket. According to the law of Louisiana,. the. election returns must he counted by a Eetuming Board of five mem bers.' There were two vacancies in this Board as conatitutod,7-ono on .account of candidature for office, which waa a disqualification, and one by a removal from the office of Acting-Secretary of State, by virtue of which office Mr. Herron held his place on the Returning Board. Herron, after having been removed as Acting-Secretary of State, organized an independent Betumingßoard, which declared Mir. Kellogg elected, although no legitimate election-returns came before this Board. The regular Board declared Mr. Mc- Eneiy elected, after having canvassed the returns. Both factions proceeded to organize s government. Thereupon the Kellogites applied to the United States Court for an injunction against tho McEnery party, which-Judge Unroll granted, in defiance of the Constitution, the law, and all precedents. Upon informal application to. the President, Gen. Grant gave, orders that Judge Durell should be sustained, and Gen. Emory,' in command of the United States troops at New Orleans, was commanded to use liis forces to enforce the injunc tion. Thus provided with a show of authority and the power of bayonets at the back of it, the Kelloggites secured the possession of the State- House, the Legislature was organized, and one of its first.measures was to reorganize the Su preme Court of the State with material favor able to the Kellogg faction. It waa only after this had been done that the Kellogg faction went into a State court, according to law, and they were there sustained. In other words, the Kol logg faction first organized outside of and con-, trary to law, and then, in this lawless condition, created a court to sustain what it had done. All this is a baro"suhimary of -what cams up in evidence before the Investigating Committee of the United States Senate. That Committee, after carefully and laboriously going over the ■whole ground, in which they, collected the most disgraceful exhibit of frauds, condemned the conduct of Judge Dnrell as infamous, and re ported in favor of sending a United States Judge into Louisiana as a Commission er to organize a new election. The In vestigating Committee consisted of Repub licans, and several of its members were the most active supporters of Gen. Grant’s Ad ministration.' There was no difference between the majority and minority reports of the Com mittee in regard to the fraudulent character of the Kellogg Government, and the usurpation of power which placed it in the ascendant; but, in the subsequent boated debates of the Senate in whichtho party lash was exercised unsparingly,' there was a split on the ■ question whether or not the Kellogg Government should hold over until - the new election had taken place, and • the Senate adjourned, leaving the whole matter in the hands of the President to pursue the wrong-headed course which he had inaugurated, and to which he formally announced his intention of adher ing.l The ground-which the Administration now assumed was, that’the Kellogg Government must be sustained because it had been declared legitimate by the Supremo Court of Louisiana, and mot because of - the interference of the United States Court, which’ the Senate had con demned so unqualifiedly. In other words, the indorsement and approval of a creature of the Kellogg Legislature, brought into existence at a time when the Kellogg Legislature was a lawless mob, became the excuse for persisting in a mis taken policy which Con. Grant hastily and rashly adopted. During the Senato.discussion of Louisiana af .fairs, the people of Louisiana gave in a passive acknowledgment of the. Kellogg Government, hoping and believing that ah election which a Senate Committee of. Republicans had found'to bo fraudulent would be sot aside. When the Senate adjourned and left the President to carry out his policy, Kellogg became encouraged to conduct the affairs of the State with a high hand. Ho insisted that the McEnery Legislature, which hadboon guilty of no overt act against his de facto Government, should bo dispersed at the point of the bayonet; he brought charges of treason against Mr. McEnery with the purpose of prose cuting him to, the fuU punishment under the law; and, with these and similar proceedings calculated to arouse the indignation of . a people Buffering under a consciousness of having been defrauded out of the Government they had chosen, be goaded them on to resistance, which has broken out spasmodically in various places. The Kellogg Legislature passed a law authorizing the summary seizure and s sale of property for taxes, without THE CHICAGO DAILY TRIBUNE: FRIDAY, MAY 9, 1873 any intermediate process of law, and for the purpose of collecting a tax levy of extortionate proportions. The Kellogg Government then proposed that the local offices throughout the State should likewise bo committed to the hands of the Kellogg partisans, regardless of the re sult of local elections. Hence the resistance re ported from various parishes in the State. Hence the aspect of war, and the organization of the Metropolitan Police force of Now Orleans to do service as a State army to put down the in surrections throughout the State. Every fair-minded man who shall go over the history of the Louisiana troubles will find it dif ficult to regard the outbreaks in that State in the light of " a now Itobellion” against the United States Government. Gen. Grant is per sonally responsible for the embarrassing-posi tion which the United States Government holds, by having sustained the unlawful and infamous conduct of the United States Judge who exceed ed his powers. It is for Gen. Grant to work tho Government out of the dilemma in which ho has placed it. There are only two ways in which ho can proceed—either to recode from tho false position which ho assumed in tho first place, or to exercise the .authority he possesses to put down an insurrection, after tho recognized Government of Louisiana shall have applied for assistance. Tho latter course would be to sustain an error of the Administration, and mr injury against Louisiana, and could only bo justified on tho broad principle of govern ment usually expressed in tho aphorism, “The King can do no wrong,” In putting down tho Louisiana insurrections, Gen. Grant will prob ably be forced to call out volunteers. Tho United States troops located in the South would not bo able to successfully combat outbreaks that are distributed throughout the State, and no troops could be called from tho Indian frontier at this time with safety. Whether Gen. Grant will allow Mr. Kellogg and his bogus Government to struggle alone with tho popular uprisings against his usurpa tion, or whdthor he will make a call for volun teers to put down a rebellion against what a Bopublican Committee of tho United States has declared an unlawful State Government, is a matter which he will probably decide at hie good leisure. THF LATE CHIEF JUSTICE, Lincoln, Seward, Fessenden, Collamor, Stan ton, Grimes, Bates, and now Chase—conspicu ous in the public councils daring the most event ful period of our history—have passed away. Among them all there is none, except Mr. Lin coln, whom the country will remember longer or more gratefully than the late Chief Justice. The fitting successor of Hamilton in the Treasury, and of Jay and Marshall on the Bench, he stood among us as a statesman of the truest typo, as a citizen of the highest integrity, and a man of the broadest and most helpful humanity. The late Chief Justice sought the truth for its own sake, and, believing that truth ra on the side of the slave, he made the cause of the slave his own. Mr. Chase was never an Abolitionist of the typo of Garrison and Phillips. Ho re spected the law os he conscientiously interpreted it, and bo demanded for the slave escaping to a State where slavery was not recognized the rights to which be was entitled under the law. Hie prompt and vigorous refusal, at the Buffalo Convention, to vote that the clauses of the Con stitution respecting the rendition of fugitive slaves were null and void, and not to bo obeyed, marked the distinction between the man gov erned by law and the one controlled by feeling. Ho judged of the law os it was, and not as he would like to have it; and he addressed him self to the cultivation of that public sentiment which wouldchange the law rather than violate it. By his exertions more than anything else, the Democratic party of Ohio was made for the time being essentially an anti-slavery party, and, at the meeting of the Legislature in ISI9, ho was elected to the Senate by the nnanimonftote of the Democrats with a few Frcc-Soil Whigs. He entered that body when the country waa excited over the question slavery in. the territory acquired from Mexico, and when the slavchold ing States .were represented by their ablest men. It was attempted by the Southern Senators to treat all anti-slavery Senators with contempt; a.year before, even Hr. Calhonn had declared that, except in the way of official recognition, he would have no intercourse with any such Senator. Mr. Clay’s compromise measures were before the Senate during that long ses sion, extending from December to September, and throughout that session Mr. Chase took an active part in the proceedings. He was a man of unusual dignity. Never extravagant in language, never indulging in personalities or indecorum, ho overcame the relentless hostility of the Sqgthem slaveholders by the fairness and frankness of his manner, by his unques tioned ability, and by the impressiveness of his arguments. They learned to respect the man who was never craven, and who over maintained his dignity. Four years later, ho passed through alike struggle on the Kansas-Nebraako bill, and from these conflicts came forth recognized by all parties as one of the foremost statesmen of the country. Hitherto ho . had boon acting with a comparatively small following. The Kanshs-Nebraska act, which waa designed to crush out anti-slavery agitation, had the contrary effect. It carried the Whig party to the dust, and produced that other party which m 1860 elected Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency. The efforts of Mr. Chase in the cause of human liberty wore far more ef fectual than those of the Abolitionists generally. He addressed himself to the intelligence of the country, maintained the necessity of conforming all laws to tho Constitution, opposed violence, and presented the cause of justice in its strong est light; and, when the Republican party was organized, it adopted substantially the doctrines that Mr. Chase had presented in his argument before the courts twenty-five years before. Mr. Lincoln was fortunate in the selection of Mr. Chase for Secretary of the Treasury. To that office he brought the benefit of long study of political economy and strong convictions upon all questions of fiscal policy. Tho issue of a paper currency was a necessity; the issue of bonds was a necessity; but tho making of greenbacks a legal tender was a measure opposed to hia judgment and to his convictions of sound policy,* and he -assented to it with relnctanco. Mr. Chase, however, will be remembered as Sec retary of tho Treasury chiefly through tho Na tional, Banking System. It was the grand suc cess of his administration. It replaced the State banks, and their general irresponsibility, with an uniform system, in which a security previously unknown was given to all holders and deposit- • ors, equal value imparted to all circulating notes,* and ample protection afforded against counter feiting. At the same time, agents were secured for financial aid in the necessities of the Government, and our banking system placed upon a responsi ble and permanent footing. To Hr. Chase tho national gratitude is due for substituting this grand financial establishment in place of the heterogeneous and cheating system which pre ceded it. Mr. Chase, however, found the fitting crown to his public life in the office of Chief Justice. Here he was peculiarly at home. A learned and able lawyer, with a mind always alive to the claims of justice, with a judgmoutfree from par tisan bias, and personally familiar with the leg islation ho was called upon •to expound, he held a higher place in the confidence and respect of the people than ho would probably have enjoyed had ho been elected to the Presidency. It Is true he would have adorned the Presidential office, and given to it a higher dignity than it pow possesses; but the office itself cbuldhavo added nothing to the esteem and confidence which the country universally conceded to him as Senator, Secretory, and Chief Justice of the American Republic. In hia- high office he was every inch a Judge. He was inflexible in his de votion to Right. With clear mind, honest con victions, and clean hands, ho began the race of life. To the preservation of these he owed his great success. The history of Salmon P. Chase teaches that true greatness is not an accident, nor a purchasable commodity. It teaches that industry, perseverance, devotion to principle, and unswerving integrity shall not ho without their reward, even in this world, where the op posite qualities too often command an apparent success. • TRANSPORTATION AND THE TARIFF. Readers of The Tiubuhe will recall a series of articles which have boon presented from time to time in these columns, directing tbe attention of tbo farmers in particular to the important part which'tbe protective tariff playa.in the transpor tation question. These articles have taken up the separate materials which enter into the con struction and stock of railroads and are “ pro tected" by an average duty of 60 per cent, and the purpose has been to bring to practical view the manifold subsidies which the fanners are thus forced to pay under the item of transportation. In an article published in the last number of thb Nation, which calls upon the farmers to concentrate. their efforts in some solid, consistent, and tangi ble shape, the broad ground is taken that the tariff lies at the bottom of the wholp question, and that all side issues are either evasions of the question or calculated to remove the disease by strained and ■ unnatural remedies, leaving tbo seeds to bring it forth again in some new form. Tho Nation condenses Its statement of tho trans portation problem as follows: In other words, tho question of transportation is part and pared of tbo tariff question, and cannot be dealt with apart from It. Transportation ia made dear by tho dearness of supplies; that is to say, tho rail roads are taxed enormously, and, through tho. rail roads, the farmers, for the benefit of special indus tries. There can bo no cheap transportation without cheap Iron, cheap cars, cheap stations; and, what Is more, there can be no markets for American produce abroad bo long as the sale of all foreign commodities, except gold, is madoas difficult aa high duties and vexatious custom-house regulations can make it. Ag ricultural produce at the West is now a glut ;-it must become more and more of a glut, if either more railroads ore opened or tho cost of transportation on tho present roads is diminished, as long as new mar kets are not provided, or, in other words, as long as access to tho crowded regions of the Old World is ar tificially impeded. Of course there may come a time when there will bo population enough.in tho West to eat up all its corn and pork; bnt, at tbe present rate of agricultural and railroad devel opment, this will .not be witnessed by either the present generation or the next, and the cry of tbe “ Granges" ought to be for a clearing of tho outlets to tho Old World in nil ways. this, it ia not enough to cheapen transportation; we have to offer a market to the foreigner for bis commodities in order to get him to take ours. There is no doubt that the question must ul timately resolve itself into this condition. The longer it is deferred, the more serious will bo the evils and the more difficult will be the remedy. Yet there is a disposition to evade the consider ation of the tariff as the primitive cause, and to secure a cure-all through legislative enactments and judicial representatives. In the effort to bring this important phase of the transportation question to the direct atten tion of the fanners, the Nation incidentally points ont the consequences of that gen eral policy which proposes to “ reg ulate” railroads by State authority.. The people do not stop to consider the enormity of the contract which they desire the State to un dertake. If wo concede the right and power of the people to do just what they please, we must look to such a reduction of rates as will satisfy the majority of the community. If such a re duction under the maintenance of the tariff renders it impossible to make a profit on run ning railroads, wo must also look to the with drawal of private, capital from railroad enter prises. Capital will naturally and inevitably be diverted into the channels where it can earn the current rate of interest. This diversion of capital will at the same time divert the brains and experience which it com mands, and which, of late years, have been engaged more generally in railroad, management than in any other business of the country. A change of this kind will, bring about two un favorable circumstances against which the people will have, to "combat; 1. An abandonment of

railroad extension throughout the country, and a necessary limit of facilities for transportation, while the demand will constantly increase, fi ll will devolve upon the State not merely to regulate railroad charges/ but to manage and run the roads. It is not probable that thinking men will look forward to either of those results with confidence or satisfaction. It is only necessary to institute the comparison which the Nation suggests, between the capability of the men who are now engaged in managing rail roads and that of the men who are engaged in the public service, to understand how much more recklessly, expensively, and. dangerously the railroads would be managed when they should become a part of the public service. It is safe to assume that, the power once con ceded, State Legislatures or State Commission ers would fix railroad rates according to the no-, cesaitiesisif the people, without any regard to the tariff or the enforced and unnecessary out lays by railroad corporations which it involves. Such a course would lead t(f the results that have been described. Under the Common Law, requiring Common Carriers to re-' strict their charges to rates that are reasonable, their enforced payment of 81.60 for what they could buy for 81 if there were no protective tar iff would bo credited to their aide of the case. It would be hold that the railroads may not be made to boar the burden of a system prescribed by the Government. The idea of legislative con trol of rates insists that they should bear this burden exclusively. It has been intimated at many of the farmers' meetings that the railroads are largely interested with the manufacturers who are benefited by the tariff, and that their, cause is common. Very likely. But this only shows that the people will strike at two monopo lies which make common cause against the pub- lie interests, when they puncture the protection fallacy. The difference is, that in reaching'the railroad abuses through the Legislatures instead of. the courts, they adopt a course that la unau thorized by law and justice, while, in the rever sion of the tariff, they would take a lawful and reasonable method for removing tbe cover under which the railroads build up their excessive charges, and thus prepare the way to enforce them to adopt reasonable charges under the law. THE LATEST CREDIT-MQBILIEB. None of the Representatives or Senators from Vermont in Congress appeared on the pages of Oakes Ames’ memorandum hook aa partici pants in the groat Credit Mohilier swindle. But Vermont, it appears, has had a case of its own of no inconsiderable magnitude. It appears that the Vermont Central Railroad Company, started out some years ago, under the govern ment of Gov. Smith, with a debt of $4,848,- 000, and now owes $12,953,000. All the persons connected with the road have become immensely rich. The Legislature has from time to time passed all the acts that the managers needed. A year ago, somebody made public some vouchers of the Company, showing the pay ments of large sums of money to members of the Legislature. An investigation was forced, and is now going on. The evidence taken develops that there is a corporation known as the National Dispatch Company, which carries through freight from the West. This Company 5,000 shares of SIOO, on which SSO had been paid. : Tho stock was held by the officers of tbe Vermont Central Company. This Company divides 12 per cent dividends on the whole stock, or 24 per cent. on the money actually invested. Another corporation, was the Vermont Iron and Car Company, which has a capital Qf $1,000,000, of which'ssoo,ooo was paid up. The stock was hold, by the officers of the Vermont Central, The cars were built at the shops of the Vermont Central Railroad Company for cost. The cars thus built earned enough each year to pay their entire cost and 10 per cent in addition. The Vermont Central Company hired these cars to do its business. It has also appeared that the Rail road Company had a largo fund on band, seques tered from the earnings of the road, which fund was called the Secret Service Fond. Mr. J. D, Hatch, who had the disbursement of this fund, testified that he paid to a large number of persons named, mem bers of : the Vermont Legislature, leading Republicans, a Judge of the State Supremo Court, and others, sums of money duly record ed iu his vouchers. The object sought by these payments was precisely that .sought by Oakes Amos—the prevention of adverse legislation. The result of all this is, that Vermont is in a high state of excitement. The Vermont Central Com pany has added many millions to its debt, while through the Dispatch and Car Companies the managers have been reaping immense fortunes. Considering the eizo of tbo State, tbo Vermont Credit Mobiher Is a greater fraud tban that of Oakes Ames. Tbe Springfield (Massachusetts) Republican gives tbe credit of tbe exposure to tbe former Secretary of Gov. Smith, Mr. Eugene Perkins, who, it says, is now Treasurer of Pull man’s Palace Car Company, Chicago. He la said to have mode a full statement of tbo whole cor ruption expenditure. AMENDING THE CONSTITUTION. The action of the Senate of the Ohio Legis lature in ratifying an amendment to tho Consti tution, submitted by Congress in 1789, when there were but cloven States in the Union, has led to a discussion of the question a» to whether an amendment once submitted by Congress is to be considered as always pending thereafter until itisadoptod. There is no such thing as a rejection of an amendment. It may not bo ratified, but it lives forever, and no statute of limitation over begins to run against it. There has been no time since tho original ratification of tho Consti tution that an amendment of it has not been soughtby some portions of the country. Many of the States accompanied their acts of ratifica tion of the Constitution by urgent requests for tho submission of various amendments. -The First Congress, therefore, in 1789, submitted no less than twelve amendments to the Constitu tion. Ten of these wore adopted, and are now parts of the Constitution. In 1794, Congress submitted another amend ment, which was ratified in 1793, and is known as the Eleventh Amendment.. Tho Twelfth Amendment was submitted in 1803, and was ratified in 1804. There was no other amend ment submitted by Congress until March? 18C1. The Thirteenth Amendment was submit ted in 1885, the Fourteenth in 1886, and the Fifteenth in 1869, and were all ratified. Thors are, therefore, at this time, three amendments which have never boon' ratified, and are now pending and submitted to the Legislatures for their approval. These amendments are, in tho order of their submission, as follows : First —After the first enumeration required by the first article of the Constitution, there shall he one Rep resentative for every 30,000 until the number shall amount to 100, after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress that there shall not be less than 100 Representatives, nor less than one Representative for every 40,000’persons, until the number of Repre sentatives shall amount to 200, after which tho propor tion shall bo so regulated by Congress that there shall not be lees than 200 Representatives, nor more than one Representative for every 60.000 persona. (1789.) Second— Ko law varying the compensation for the services of the' Senators and Representatives shall take effect until an election of Representatives shall have intervened, (ITSO.) Third—tS o amendment shall bo made to the Con stitution which will authorize or give to Congress tho power to abolish or interfere within any State with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State. (Submitted in 1861.) - Thin last amendment was ratified by a number of States, including Illinois, but not by a suffi cient number to adopt it. In tho interval from 1789 to 1801, besides the amendments adopted in 1798 and 1801, there have been repeated movements to have the Con stitution amended. These have been pressed upon Congress by conventions," State Legis latures, and other bodies. Conspicuous among thoso were the scries proposed by the Hartford Convention iu,1814-T5, which, as historical curi osities, we reproduce, os follows: Fint-~ Representatives and direct taxes. shall be ap portioned among the several States which may bo in cluded within this Union, according to their respective numbers of free persons, Including those bound to serve for a term of years, and excluding Tpdinnq not taxed and all other persons, : Second—"So new State shall be admitted into the Union by Congress, in virtue of the power granted by the Constitution, without the concurrence of two thirds of both Houses. Third— Congress shall not have power to lay any embargo on shipa or vessels of the citizens of the United States, in tho porta and harbors thereof for more than sixty days. Fourth—Congress shall not have power, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both Houses, to interdict the commercial intercourse between’the United States and any foreign nation or the dependencies thereof. Fifth —Congress shall not znahe or declare war, or authorize acts of hostility against any foreign nation Without the concurrence of two-thirds of both Houses, except an eh acts of hostility he in defense of the Ter ritories of the United States when actually invaded. Sixth— No person who shall hereafter he naturalized shall he eligible as a member of this Senate or House of Representatives of the United' States, nor capable of bolding any civil oihee under* the authority of the United States.' ... Seventh —The same person shall not be elected Presi dent of the United States a second time, nor shall the. President be elected from the same State two terms in ■accession. -Borne time after the War of 1812-15, the leg islature of Pennsylvania recommended to Con gress to submit an amendment prohibiting the incorporation by Congress of any corporation with banking powers, unless its offices and oper ations were confined to the District of Colombia. . Vermont,, about the same time, urged Congress to submit an amendment providing for the elec tion of members of Congress and Presidential Electors by districts. Kentucky, about 1819,-revived the amendment of 1789 relating to the compensation 'of mem bers of Congress, and asked Congress to submit it in the'following form: That no law varying the compensation of the mem bers of the Congress of the United States shah take effect until the time for which the members of tho House of Representatives of that Congress, by which the law was pssaod, shall have expired. According to the custom of these days, each State communicated its action on National mat ters to all the other States, and the Legislature of Illinois, hi 1821, passed resolutions indorsing the propositions made by Vermont and Pennsyl vania, hut protesting against that made by Ken tucky. There ware also, from time to time, vari ous propositions mode In Congress to submit amendments. The majority of those related to the election of President • and Vice-President. In 1861, these propositions were numerous, all of them being expedients to prevent a war, and none of them, save the one we have quoted, re ceived the requisite two-thirds vote in either House of Congress. SECRETARY BICHARDSOH’3 CITIL-SEBTICB EEFOEM. It is announced throngh on Administration journal that Secretary Richardson has an idea of his own about reforming the Civil Service. It is inferred that Secretary Bichardson baa con cluded that the resignation of the original Civil- Servico Commissioners means an abandonment of the principles which these gentlemen advo cated, and tho rules which they prescribed. As Ur. Richardson’s plan is stated, however, we should say that it , meant simply a resumption of: the old system, if that can be resumed which has never been abandoned. Ur. Bichardson proposes that competitive examinations shall be discon tinued, that the Government clerkships shall be equally distributed among the several States, that the Senators and Representatives shall have their quota of appointments, and that these gentlemen shall bo hold “strictly responsible” for the character, capability, and conduct of the clerks whom they appoint. This is precisely the old system of appointments, with the infu sion of the idea which proposes to hold Senators and Bepresentatives responsible for their can didates. This feature is novel and peculiar. In the first place, it involves the idea that the Presi dent shall appoint whomsoever a Congressman shall nominate, which virtually places the ap pointing and. confirming power in the same body, and deprives tho President of his pres ent constitutional authority to appoint. This much, however, has been the practice hereto fore, but Secretary Bichardson should explain how tho Congressmen are to bo held "strictly responsible” for their candidates. Besponsl billty includes the notion of some punishment for a failure in duty. How are tho Congressmen to bo punished for the failure of their nomi nees ? What dire retribution- ia to overtake the Senator from Nebraska or the Representa tive from Oregon if one of the clerks of his appointment in the Treasury Department turns ont to bo an ignoramus, a drunkard, or an incompetent of any description? Of course, Secretary Bichardson is opposed to the Civil-Service Buies. Ur. Curtis has stated that the Administration generally has no sym pathy with them. Ur. Richardson's objections to competitive examination are: That they do not test tho character of applicants; that the cramming process frequently defeats genuine scholarship and qualifications; and that it gives the great bulk of Government clerkships Jto those who reside at or near Washington, aj those living at a distance cannot afford to bear the expenses of a _trip to Washington at the risk of not passing the examination. These ob jections aro not new, and it is needless to discuss them t seriatim under tbs present Administra tion. There is one general answer to all of them: Tho Civil-Service Rules have never been fairly tried in any particular, and they cannot, therefore, be justly or reasonably condemned. In the meantime, It is likely that Secretary Rich ardson's “plan” will bo strictly followed, leav ing out his notion of " responsibility.” Moncute D. Conway, in his last letter to tho Cincinnati Commercial, seta at rest the report that Spurgeon, the famous Baptist preacher, is coming to this country to lecture. Mr. Spur geon received an offer of $25,000 for twenty-flyo lectures, nut positively declined the offer, upon the gronnd that be was a minister of the Gospel, that he never lectured for money, and that ho never should go to America, except to preach in an American pnlpit. Ur. Conway, ■ commenting upon the refusal, says: •• I am very sorry that Mr. Spurgeon is not go ing to' America, and is not to have the goodly sum dangled before his invincible eyes. For lam soro, in the first place, that he would put the money whore it would do, if not the most good, yet a groat deal of good ; and, in tho second place, I think be would raise the whole standard of preaching among a certain class of American preachers.” It is sincerely to bo hoped that he will come hero to preach, if not to lecture. The sight of a man who has the courage to refuse $25,000.w0u1d be refreshing in. these times. Massachusetts is a large consumer of eggs, and it is alleged that of late years-there is an in crease in the proportion of small eggs produced and imported in that State. The purchasers, not deeming that a dozen of eggs now fairly represent a dozen, have sought Legislative pro tection, and tho Legislature has enacted that eggs shall be sold in that State hereafter by the pound. ... NOTES AND OPINION. The Ohio Legislature (Bepublican), in de nouncing the Congressional salary steal, did not forget the censure that belongs also to the Pres ident, and did hot hesitate to call for a repeal of so much of the salary increase as relates to Con gressmen. The Legislature also revived and ratified the constitutional amendment of 1789, providing that no law varying the compensation of members of Congress shall take effect until an election for Bepresentatives shall have inter vened. The vote in the Senate stood 25 to 4; in the House, 60 to 1. —The Harrisburg (Pa.) State Journal doubts if there will be a political convention of any kind, this summer, that does not denounce the increase of Congressional pay, and demand its repeal. —The Wheeling Intelligencer, organ of tho Be publican party In _Weat Virginia, goes farther, and says: As popular sentiment shows itself. In the lapse of time and progress of events, it 'Till bo found, we be lieve, that the,most.sweeping -condemnation of the' ■alary-grab, and of everybody from highest to lowest In any degree responsible for it, from Prudent down, will be demanded as the platform for the times. The Congressmen who - are on the outlook for this 1 ‘ storm to blow oyer ” may as wall begin to pass in their checks. —Time was that the name of Charles A. Eldridge was as honored as it was potential among Wisconsin Democrats. The Milwaukee Sentinel (Republican) now boars witness that— The Democratic cauldron ia getting so hot for Gbarloy Eldridge, that the case begins to eictta the sympathies- of all generous-minded persons. The Democratic papers of the State are going for Mm with sharp sticks, while the prominent men.- of his - party begin to look upon him as a nsed-np and played-out politician. Mr. Eldridge voted for the salary-grab and pocketed hla share. —The Bookford Register (Republican) insists; that Winnebago County must not accept its div idend of SBS6 from Gen. Farnsworth, and says: If the Supervisors do not refuse this money, they thereby indorse the stealing of it from the Govern ment. Snob sn indorsement involves the responsi bility which it la not wise to sssnme in the face of tho universal public condemnation of this back-pay fraud,. The communications wo bare received from varlons citizens show pretty clearly what the public sentiment in this county is about it. —Tho vote of Indianapolis, May 6, for Mayor, compares with the Presidential vote, last Novem ber, aa follows: President, Mayor, Greeley 6,231 Mitchell, Dem....,'. 6,873 Grant... 7,017 Wiles, Eep.......... 6 500 Eep.msJ 1,786 DenumaJ jyg Tho Indianapolis Journal says: It Is not worth while now to enter Into an analysis of the causes that operated to produce result. • —The Winona Republican calls over the roll of gentlemen who aspire to places on tho Republi can ticket in Minnesota, this year, and reads them this warning: The temper of the public mind is not Jnst now very pliant or yielding in political affairs; “ managing pol iticians ”as such, do not possess the power to control which they have in times past exorcised; “trading” candidates ar» justly looked upon with suspicion; and any commercial arrangement or understanding be tween candidates for Governor and United Btatea Sen ator will be fraught with peril. —Tho Connecticut Legislature met at Hart* ford/ Wednesday, and the Hon. Charles B. In gersoll, of Now Haven, was inaugurated Gover nor with tho usual pomp and circumstance. In bis address, Got. Ingersoll recommends tho call of a Constitutional Convention, hut whether to the extent of adopting the revolutionary idea is not stated. The call of a convention has annu ally, for twenty years, received majorities in the Legislature, without over being seconded by a two-thirds vote.'. Tbs urgent popular demand to make an end of the rotten boroughs, this year, has suggested a short-cut, or revolutionary, pro cess of going at once to the people on a majority vote of the Legislature, and that the whole busi ness of constitutional reform bo done before another election.. —The St. Louis Globe (Republican), recalling the fact that, m 1861, war was precipitated upon this ‘ country while yet political leaders were studying now compromises, says r But if events so extraordinary vainly admonish ns of their approach, what wonder that, in the ordinary course of political affairs, we ignore, ae unworthy of ■ our attention to-day, what unexpectedly engrosses ad of it to-morrow 7 .... Meanwhile, the Granges and Patrons ,of Husbandry, in wonderment at the stupidity of political leaden, siaro them in the face, and railroad monopolies crack the whip of arrogant power about their ears. How long will they remain blind to the one and pliant to the other 7 In politics, as in religion, no man can serve two masten; nor can any party, not even the Republican party, for half a century lovers of eqnal Justice among men have been abeorbed in a llfe-and-death sfmggis to protect the weak against the strong under our Government, snd no sooner has victory crowned their hopes In a glorious cause on one field than the cry of distress from tho “ oppressor’s wrong 71 sum mons them to another. The question is, shall railways be beld to be public highways, and railway companies treated as common carriers, under regulation and supervision by the public for tho public good, or shall they continue as they are, the powerful instruments of daring monopolies, which, by nnjnst discrimina tions and extortion, seek the aggrandizement'of tbs few at the expense and sacrifice of the many 7 —A victory for the people in this struggle wiH not be wrought in a day, in a month, or in ■ year. It will come at the end of a long contest, running through Legislatures, Courts, Congress, the Supreme Court of the country, and must be, for years, fought for at the bifllot-box. There fore, let all Interested in the result go to work, and with skill, system, and organization pre pare for war note. Ail who are injured by these great monopolies are interested. The consumer u outraged aawell as the producer. —Champaign (JO.) Gazette. —Tho Register is strongly opposed to railway tyranny, and favors tbs moat radical remedy.— Rockford (Id.) Register. —Wears having continually forced upon our attention the alarming fact that the people are fast losing all confidence in the integrity of tho legislative branch of the Government, both State and Federal. —Judge Charles B. Wood to the Kankakee (lU.) Bar. —The public sometimes becomes aroused to the extent that the voice of the people forces itself to.be heard, and when the masses make up their minds that tho condition of public affairs is no longer endurable; woe betide tho journal that speaks in opposition to their demands.— Atchison (Kan.') Globe. —Hiding and covering the corruption of their party, as a successful game, is play ed out. —Fort Bodge (loved) Times. —The people want Congressmen who will not steal—not Congressmen who "will steal, and, when caught, make a virtue of it, because they aro forced to return tho stolen property.—Osh kosh (Wis.) Times, • • —The proper way is to repudiate at the polls those who forced through the “ back-pay steak” —Buffalo Commercial Advertiser. —We have never hesitated in expressing our - opinion of the back-pay “ job," and we have no doubt that it is condemned by a majority of tbs people. —Detroit (Mich.) Post. —The per cent of honest Congressmen is so small that we feel impelled to devote a para graph to every ono wo find wrongfully repre sented. Wo regret that it doesn't take much space to go through the list. —SL Louis Dem ocrat. —lt it ia the desire of the old party organiza tions to prevent the organization of a farmers’ party lot them see to it that the agricultural classes have justice and fair play. As we have said before, it has come to this point, that the Western and Southern shippers will hare cheap transportation for their wares and products, or they will, oa a last resort, wine out old partiefl and take possession of the Government.—Chat tanooga (Venn.) Times. —There is a happy time coming, within a very brief period, when William B. Aster, instead of selling a comer lot for 3100,000 will be locked up ' in the Tombs if he take 31 for it. —Labor He ■form Meeting in New York. —lt is estimated that the Central Bailroadwill abandon its opposition, and pay the scrip div idend tax. —Utica (N. Y.) Herald. —Here is a little army regulation: Auticxe 7. (Appointments on staff, paragraph 36.} An officer shall not fill any staff appointment-or other situation the duties of which will detail him from hlS' company, regiment, or corps until ho has served at least three years with his regiment or corps; nor shin any officer {aids-de-camp excepted) so remain detached - longer than four yeara, , , This did not prevent tho appointment of the Preeident’s eon upon the staff of the Lieuten ant-General. The army regulations, it is to bo understood, wo suppose, do not apply to tha personal wishes of favorite Generals or the pro motion of a President’s son.— Cincinnati Com mercial. —Wo believed in Gen. Fremont once, ana voted for him for President of thoUnitedStates* Wo grieve to be compelled at last to the convic tion that ho is a humbug and a scoundrel— Bosion Congregationaiist. . —The New York Commercial Advertiser aft that.“ever since Gen. Butler ceased to bo a Democrat ha has been a consistent Bepublican-. ■ There is no one more so in the country to-daf- And if Butler is the model Bepublican, the fcfi’ grown, ripened, perfected com in the ear, wn»»- is Bopubucanism ?— Albany Argus. ■ —This is not saying, by any means, that tM Democratic party, as such, would do bettor tain the Bepublican as such, but, it looks as if Bepublioan papers seem to think so, else mcy would not bo tiring to dissuade farmers freui uniting themselves with the Democracy, u® advise farmers to (jnd out what’s the matter, am take the best means to put themselves on top*** - Dubuque(lowa) Telegraph. , ... —Those who have observed closely cannot to have been Impressed with the fact that tbo* is a growing restiveness among the better ciaßwj of people, at the manner in which the eO T~r parties are managed. Tha impression has stew uy grown that tho methods which were fs®“U* to the Democracy in tho dark days of’ thMt oar tory have entered, more or less, into the nop lican vaitj.—Pittsburgh (Pa.) Gazette. —The people who have been so insanely uw* in their bequests to railroad corporations n» been raising up birds to pick out tbeirown ej . They have been casting pearls before swine,. , now turn to rend them.— Sacine ' /9url