Newspaper of Chicago Daily Tribune, May 13, 1876, Page 9

Newspaper of Chicago Daily Tribune dated May 13, 1876 Page 9
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BRISTOW. gis Beoord in Kentucky as a Republican. & Staunch Patriot, as a Sol der and as a Legis- lator. His Legislative Votes in the Inter est of Unionism and Anti- Slaveryism. He Actively Supports Lincoln and Grant for tlie Presidency. Eitracts from Some of Bristow’s Speech ej...His Advocacy of Universal Education. Defense of the Bights of the Colored Bace, and Exposition of the 3lis sion of the Bcpnhlican Parly. Cincinnati Gazette. Ttariamlß H. Bristow, the Secretary of the J,*«» of the Hon. FrancisM. Bris- Iw tecascd. His father was a Whig, and a member of Congress for two successive terms. S' o] s o a member of the Convention which frnmed the present Constitution of Kentucky, ™ “ wdl is found the following provision: me „>m nf nroncrtv is before and higher than omlsanction, and the right of the tnycon titui och ,;j ave ljS the fame and as inviolable as the right of the owner of any property father of Secretary Bristow was one of the ewen members of the Constitutional Con- Ltion Who voted against that provision. . T„ I<SQ the Whigs of Kentucky nominated Jo n h r F . Bell for Governor. He was onrosed hv the Hon. Beriah MagolTm J the Democratic candidate. When .the campaign opened, to the surprise of manvlVhi-s, Bell took the extreme ground thatit was'the duty of Congress, as declared m the Drcd Scott case, to protect Slavery in the Tcrritorities. Although Bristow was an ardent m ,j„ hc was so much displeased with the ultra Pro-siaveiT position of Bell that he declined to vote for him. IVhcn the War broke out, ia 1861, Benjamin H Bristow ivas engaged in the active practice of the law. He promptly announced hia pur pose to STASH BT THE USIOS, md avowed his determination to enter the irmv. The county in which he then lived was one of the largest* sloveholding counties in the State. In connection with others, ho entered upon the work of raising a regiment for the na tional service. Of the regiment raised he be ermt Lieutenant-Colonel, and James M. Shack leford Colonel. That regiment participated in the tatties of Fort Donelson and Shiloh. Subsequently, Bristow raised the Eighth Ken tucky Cavalry, of which he became Colonel. That regiment was part of the force which cap tured iforgan in Ohio. While in'the armv, Bristow was elected to the Kcntncv Senate from the Counties of Christian and To'dd. and, after sereins two winters, re signed, and removed to the City of Louisville in'lSfio, to practice his profession. During Ins term as Senator, he was earnest in his DEVOTION TO THE UNION CAUSE. Although a very young man, he exercised large influence, and was one of the few in that body who took advanced ground in reference to all the questions arising out of the War, including the question of Slavery, At the session of January, ISCS, it became necessarv to elect a Speaker pro tern, of the Senate. 'The candidates were the Hon. John B. Bruner, of Breckcnridge (Conservative), and the Hon. R. Tarvin Baker, of Campbell (Repub lican). Bristow voted for Baker. In the election for Senator in Congress, he boted, with other Republicans, for Gen. Rous seau. against the lion. James Guthrie. On the 10th of January, ISS3, the Hon. Martin P. Marshall, from the Committee on the btatus of Slavcrv, reported the following resolution: Ilesolrtit. That it is the duty of this Legislature loaass suich laws in relation to Slavery as will most roeedilv remedv its demoralized condition, and so dignifv'labor as to offer inducements to free white laborers to settle in onr State. Bristow voted for this resolution.— [Senate Journal , 1565, p. 197. - On the 7th of February, 1865, the Governor of Kentucky laid before the Legislature of that State the' official notice received from the Secre tary of State of the United States of the adop tion o{ the Thirteenth Amendment to the Con stitution of the United States. On the 22d of February, ISGd, the Senate of Kentucky took up for consideration the follow ing resolutions, which had been previously offered, respecting the Thirteenth Amendment, viz.: Whereas, The Congress of the United States, nndcr authority of Art. 5, Sec. 1. of the Constitu tion, has proposed to the Legislatures of the several States the following as an amendment to the Con stitution of the United States: “ ART. XIII. “Sec. 1. Iveither Slavery nor involuntary ser vitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall ex ist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. _ “Sec. *2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.” . And Whereas. The same has been officially transmitted to this Legislature for their ratifica tion or rejection; therefore, belt ' 1. Hero! red l/y (he General Ae*ernhly of the Com’ monxrealth of Kentucky, That the aforesaid pro posed amendment to the Constitution be, and the same is hereby, rejected. 2. Jletohed, That the Governor forward a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolution to the President of the United States, with the request that the same be laid before Congress. —[ Senate Journal, 1805, p. 274. Bristow voted with the minority In favor of a resolution ratifying the thirteenth amendment, and then voted with the minority against the foregoing resolutions rejecting that amendment. On the 24th of February, 1805 the Kentucky Senate took up for consideration the following preamble and resolutions, which bad been pre viously passed by the Kentucky House of Repre sentatives, viz.;' Wheueas, The Congress of the United States has, hr a vote of two-thirds of the members of each llcuse, submitted to the Legislatures of the Slate?, respectively, for their consideration and tetion, the following proposed amendment to the Federal Constitution, to-wit: “ART. XIII. .“Sec. 1. Neither Slavery nor involuntary ser vitude. except as a punishment for crime, whereof the partv shall have been duly convicted, shall exist wiibin the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. , “Sec. 2. Congress shall have power tocnforc this article by proper legislation. ” , And Whereas, The above proposed amend ment has been officially laid before this Legislature for its consideration and action: therefore, be it L Jltsolred, By the General Ateeinhly of tne CommonueaUh of Kentucky, That the proposition lo make said proposed amendment a thirteenth ar ticle of the amendments to the Constitution of the United States, he, and the some is hereby, reject ed. 2. Betolred, That the Governor be requested to forward the foregoing preamble and resolution to the President of the United States, and also to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the Rouse of Representatives of the Congress of the Failed States.— [Senate Journal, 1805, pp. 408-9. Eleven Senators voted against these resolu tions. AMONG THE NATS WAS B. H. BRISTOW. _About that time the condition of Slavery m Kentucky was verv peculiar. The Legislature of that State was 'unwilling to accept the Thir teenth Amendment, or acknowledge the abo lition of Slavery, but was disposed to resort to all sorts of expedients to harass the colored people. A sample of Kentucky statesmanship will he seen in tnc bill concerning slaves and runaways, offered in the Kentucky Senate on the 25th of February, 1565, viz.: Section 1 . He it enacted by the General Assembly */ the CommoTucenlth of Kentucky, That all laws cow in force in this Commonwealth requiring the owner of a slave to pay a reward for the arrest or apprehension of such slave as a runaway, be, and the same are hereby, repealed. Sac. 2. That if any person hereafter shall, with out the consent of the owner, hire or permit to re gain in his or her service the negro slave of any other person, the person so hlrinc or permitting to remain in his or her service anch slave shall be liable to the owner thereof for the sum of $o for every twenty-four hours each slave may be In such service,'to be recovered and collected as other debts for ’similar amounts under existing laws. Any judgment under this section maybe enforced by execution of ca. sa. , .. 6*c. 3. That the owner of a slave may, by his written permission and authority, license andper mit his slave so act as the agent of the owner, ana bui hunseU or berself out tor till beneit ol tio muter, or that of the slave, If so expressed. The terms owner and master in this act mean the per son entitled to the possession and control of the slave. . . , Sec. 4. Be it further enacted , That It shall be the duty of all Sheriffs, Marshals, policemen, and other ministerial peace officers, and it shall be the right of all other persons, to arrest all negro slaves fit for, and who shall be received into, the military sendee of the United States, whom they may find going at large without the written permit of the master of such slave, and not engaged in the business of the master; and such slave so arrested shall be, by the person arresting him, taken and put into the military service of the United Stales, t« be credited to the county of his owner’s resi dence. Sec. 5. For each negro so arrested and put into the sendee of the United States, the person ar resting and delivering him shall receive the sum of S2O, to be paid out of the Slate Treasury upon his production to the Auditor of the certificate of the proper officer of the United States showing the delivery and reception thereof. Provided, houever, That when any negro ar rested under this act shall be willing and request to return to his master or owner, then the arrester shall take and deliver such slave to the master or owner, who shall pay to the arrester the sum of S2O and the reasonable cost and expenses in curred after the arrest and in so returning such slave. Provided, That no such enlistment shall be made into the army, under this act, without the con sent of the master of such slave.—[Senate Journal , 18G5, pp. 420 to 431. AGAINST THIS BILL, in all Its stages, Bristow, with a little band of Kentucky Senators, voted. During the same session of the Legislature, an incident occurred which indicated very dear ly how sensitive the Kentucky mind was upon the question of Slavery, and how little tolera tion there was for Republican newspapers. It had been the custom for many years, and is still the custom, for the Kentucky' Legislature to take the Louisville daily papers at the public expense, during the session of the Legislature. At that time there was published in Louisville the Daily Union Press, devoted to the cause of the Union and to the Republican party. Sena tor Bush, of Clarke, offered a resolution direct ing the Scrgeast-at-Anns to procure the usual number of copies of the Daily Union Press for the use of the members and officers of the Legislature, and moved to dispense with the rules requiring joint resolutions to lie one day upon the table. The Senate refused to dispense with the rules, Bristow voting in fa vor ox suspension, and subsequently, when the resolution came up regularly for action, it was rejected bv a strict party vote, bristow Voting with the minority for it. At the same session of the Kentucky Senate there was another vote which indicated the state of feeling in. Kentucky. At that time there ex isted at Berea, in Madison County, Ky., a church and school, under control of Abolition ists of the Joliii'G. Fee school, who recognized no distinctions, political or otherwise, based on color. In the church and in the school, whites and blacks mingled, much to the disgust of Kentuckians who had been reared under the influence of Slavery and the Virginia and Ken tucky resolutionso*f 1793. The brcthrenatßerca desired an act of incorporation for their little church, and to that end a bill was presented to tbc Kentucky Senate proposing to incorpoiatu *» the Rev. John G. Fee, Tcman Thomson, and Morgan Burdett,” and their successors, a body politic and corporate, “for the Church of Christ at Berea, Madison County, Kentucky.” The proposed charter contained nothing of a po litical or sectarian nature, and granted nothing but the usual powers incident to all such cor porations. But the Kentucky Senate could not tolerate the Fee sect, and denied to the Berea ; Abolitionists a simple act of incorporation for church purposes. Among those WHO VOTED FOR THE RESOLUTION was Benjamin 11. Bristow. At a subsequent period of the session. Senator Landrum (a Republican) offered the following resolution: HefoUfd , hytht General Assembly of the Com monaeaVh of Kentucky* That the joint resolution adopted Feb. 4, 1363, by which this Legislature rejected the pronosod amendment to the Constitu tion of the Fiutcd States, bo, and the same is here by, rescinded.— [Senate Journal, ISS3, p . 030. *A motion was made to dispense with the rules, ao that the Senate could proceed at once to the consideration of the resolution, but the majority would not allow it to be done. Bris tow voted, as usual, with the Republican mi n°The*foregoing votes of Bristow ejiven in 1854, when a member of the Kentucky Senate, show very clearly his position with reference to the questions cjowinff out of the V*’ar and the aboli tion of Slavery. 'No man can doubt his fidelity to the principles of the Republican party, and to the cause of the Union. He was a Republican when and where IT COST SOMETHING TO BE ONE, and promptly took sides with the country and against the Rebellion when by so doing he took Ills life in his hand. . ~ In the Presidential campaign of 1564, the great body of the Uaionists of Kentucky voted for McClellan, because of his IVar-rccord; but Bris tow declined to follow them, and refused to vote for McClellan, and voted for Lincoln. But Bristow’s labors in behalf of Republican principles did not end uoon his retirement from .he Kentucky Senate. Shortly after bis removal to Louisville, he became District Attorney for the United States, and in that position, which he held for about five years, he performed valu able services in the prosecution of cases under the Civil Rights bill against numerous Ku-K!ux, who believed in the divine right of their Klan to maltreat and murder unoffending colored peo ple. It has been said by those who ought to mown that the vigorous enforcement of the Civil Rights bill bv Bristow, as District Attor ney, did more than all other causes combined to BOOT OUT THE COWAEDLY KU-KLDX from our neighboring State. Besides, in his office of District Attorney, he acquired that thorough knowledge of the Internal Revenue system which has enabled him to grapple so suc cessfully with the Whisky Rings at St. Louis, Chicago, and other points. In the Presidential campaign of ISSS, he par ticipated actively for Grant and Colfax. In 1871, the Republican party had its State Convention at Frankfort, Ky., and determined to make a vigorous effort to obtain control of the State. A full State ticket was nominated, headed bv John M. Harlan as the Republican candidate'for Governor. At that Convention Col. Bristow' was present, and made a speech, from which we make the following extract: VIEWS OF THE PARTY’S DUTY. • Wc have before us to-day a living and useful il lustration of the wise forethought and broad phi lanthropy of the men of ’7O. To-day it is the b 0,., t of the Republican party that every roan bom in tins country or naturalized, no matter what Ws condi tion of'life, bis race or color, is an American citi zen and as such is entitled to equal rights bcfo*e the law, and to a participation in the elective franchise. The Republican party, which has achieved much for the country, has wrought no "renter work than this. Is it not a proud day for us? Although we have passed through a sanguinary Ftru""le in which thousands of our brave ami S riotfc citizens have yielded up their lives, yet we cannot lo«e sight of the fact that at the close of the conflict the Immortal principle so happily an nounced in the Declaration of Independence has not only been preserved, hut has grown into prac tical2ls living reality. This Jho cjsenUalcnjcd of the Republican party, and we arc litre to da> for the purpose of declaring our unalterable at tachment to that partv. It is true, we have no* vet seen in Kentucky'unqualified acquiescence m this grand result on the part of our fchow-citizcns* but the time is not far aistant when cxen the peo ple of Kentucky must lay aside the prejudices en gendered by the lute War, and accept in its fulltst sense the freedom of citizenship and cqualitj be : fore the law of all men. Democratic Conven tions in Kentucky may be silent and a Democratic Legislature may be crimmallj regardless of its highest duty; i P £S- P lfolltiSi «eTvc« may be misled and deceived b> political ic'idera* life still, small voice of reason maybe bushed and silenced by the turbulent passions of the hoar, yet-the day is not far distant when this underlyin'' principle of the Republican party will be fully acknowledged and accepted bv all the peo nle of Kentuckv. When this shall be done, the llrst great purpose of the Republican party'will have "been accomplished, and it will then be the duty of that party to perserve intact its own great In'the campaign which followed the State Convention of 1871 the Republican party m Ken tucky surprised itself and the country by polling ncarlv W,OOO votes. In that campaign Col. Bristow'made several speeches, only one of which was published. From that e P cred at Louisville, we have extracted the follow ing passages; THE SCHOOLS OP THE STATE, finr «vstem of common schools, outbide the City Itate. Indeed, lie is guilty of using a SauVto the a failure. There are hundreds—yea, thousands-oj children in this Commonwealth who have pmcdcallyno 11 opportunity to receive a commou mixed schools does not relieve us of the duty that rests upon us. The necessities of the situation de mand'txhool-housesaudschoM-tcadicrsfor all^ ba separates c“'£ it so; hut ta the" ame Of our high and sacred duty to see the best mteresw of &ocae asked how it is make fr s e money to defray the expenses proposed to raise tnt m y taxing the property ‘f would tit the rich man's property to educate his poor neighbor's oluM. l '™ e a, Wa ck the white man's liroperly w , „i„i d State to educate all tho children of theStatm, _ riming fcom UtC COMtitUUOH W U» THE CHICAGO TiaoCuH: bAiuJttHAi. MAY 13, 1876-TWELVE FAGEB. book, wo And there provisions which no thoughtful man will defend, but which the Democratic Legla latnre has persistently refused to modify. Since Slavery \va Abolished by the operation of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, the Legislature of Kentucky has been in the hands of the Democratic party. If any intelligent foreigner, who was ignorant of the events that have transpired in this country within the past ten years, should be called upon to look over the present Constitution and statute lawn of Kentucky, he could come to no other conclusion than that African Slavery still exists in this State. Tam to the statute regulating homestead exemp tion and testimony, and the laws relating to the subject of education, and no sane man can fail to perceive that if Slavery be actually dead, the spirit of the “departed” still Ungers in Kentucky, and controls herlaw-maker*. The stainte of Kentucky which denies to 225, 000 colored people of the State the right to testify in any case, civil or criminal, affecting a white person, has its origin in the sup posed necessities of Slavery, and is indefensible in a land of freedom. This denial is a monstrous and grievons wrong to both races. It Is a practical denial of freedom to the colored race; yea, it is even worse than that; it is a license, if not an invitation, to base mis creants and cowardly Ku-Klux to gratify their brutal passions and satiate their murderous pro pensities on tills unoffending and defenseless race. For the credit of my own State I do not choose to dwell on the horrors that have disgraced many parts of the Commonwealth since the abolishment of Slavery, nearly all of which are traceable di rectly to the criminal refusal of the Legislature to treat the negro as a human being, entitled to the protection of law. Civilization has now progressed too far to require argument to prove the mon strosity of the denial of this right, which is abso lutely essential to the freedom and personal se curity of every man. Ko intelligent man will at tempt to justify the action, or rather. I should say, the non-action of the Legislature in this regard; and vet the platform of the Democratic party com mits this subject to the ‘tomb of thcCanulets,’ and refuses to pledge itself to correct this fearful evil. 1 said no intelligent man would now justify this course; perhaps this statement should be qualified. There are men in Kentucky—and the species is pe culiar to Kentucky—who seem to be sane, and may be called intelligent, on every subject except the negro; bat when he is introduced they become as • ‘mad as March hares. ” They tell ns that it is right to let the negro testify in all ea-es; that the highest interest of society demands it; but, say they, Con gress transcended it « constitutional power in pass ing the “Civil Rights bill,” and therefore we will not modify the Kentucky statute. Reducing this so-called’argument to a plain, syllogistic state ment, U amounts to this ; Congress did wrong, nnd, therefore, wo ought not to do right. A 12- yeur-oid lad who would deduce such a conclusion from such premises would be in danger of the rod in any log school-house outside Kentucky. But it cannot be admitted that Congress did wrong in passing the Civil Rights bill. Without stopping acre to defend this act, I only say that if Congress, after having taken part in the emancipa tion of the negro, had not passed some such act to secure his freedom and give him the means of vin dicating his rights in States where all such means were withheld, it would have been unfaithful to duty, and justly censurable in the estimation of the civilized world. ■ THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. It l*mr purpose, also; to speak to yon of na tional politics, ns an 'American citizen, feeling a just pride in niv nationality, and confessing alle giance to the great Republic paramount to that which even' man owes to his State. The Republican party of Kentucky presents itself to the people of the State with a platform upon which every patriotic citizen may well stand, Discarding the dead things of tiie irreparable past, it grapples with thu living present, and reaches forward to seize the mighty events of the coming future. Having burled, so far as it is con cerned, the hales and prejudices that belong to the past, and remembering that there is yet a common country to be served and a destiny to be fulfilled, it addresses iwelf to the calm judgment of men, and invites the co-operation of all in the great work before us. Its utterances are clear, distinct, and cannot bo misunderstood. . . ... Unlike the so-called Democratic party of this State, the Republican party, by its platform, meets fully and fairly every question, whether of Nation al or State politics. It lives and moves In the at mosphere of civil and religions liberty. It be lieves in the progress and advancement of man, and looks with undiromed faith to the elevation of the whole human race. Taking its inspiration from the Declaration of Independence, it announc es its belief in the inalienable right of all men •♦to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the plainest anti most essential of all rights is the right of each man to own himself. \cccpting as axiomatic the proposition that gov ernment is made for man. and not man for govern ment, it proposes to modify the fundamental laws of government as experience or necessity may re quire. Kot doubting the wisdom or patriotism of our ancestors, but according to them their just meed of praise, the Republican party believes man as capable of sclMrovemment to-day as he has ever been, and neither the stupidity of fog>- ism* nor the sicklv sentimentalism that clings to the past only because it is past, defers it from takin*' part in the improvement and perfection or our republican form of Government. Consulting the ever-increasing capabilities and necessities of a free people, it claims for them the right to pro gress in the science of Government. Looking into the Constitution of our State, It finds there whole sections that should have no place in a fundamental law designed for the gmd ance and government of a groat Commonwealth of this dav. Accepting the fact that “war legis- IsitcV’and acquiescing in the changes that have occurred bv the approval of some and in spite or the opposition of others, the Republican party of Kentucky now unite in demanding that the Consti tution and law* of our State be adapted to the liv i ing requirements of the people, m whose interest i all laws should bo made. Having neither desire nor ability to . on perpetual strife with oar neighboring sister States, or with the aggregate power of the reonle of all the States represented in oar General Government, wo insist upon bringing our laws into harmonious relations with theirs. The present Constitution of Kentucky was formed and adopted more than twenty years ago, at a time when the summum fcouara of all political sagacity and so called statesmanship was the perpetuation Oi human bondage. Under the infinence of this idea every possible safeguard was thrown around the institution of Slavery* cu the people were practi callv deprived of the power to modify their own Constitution. Intelligent men of this day must be started to find in the third section of the miscalled Rill of Rights—a part of our present Constitution— that absurd political dogma which announces that ‘ ‘ the right of property is before anu higher than anv constitutional sanction; and the right of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase is the same, and aa inviolable as the right of the owner of any property whatever. 11 . Always unsound as a political axiom, no argu ment is necessary to prove the monstrous ab surdity of such a declaration at this day, when S verv has no foothold on this continent, and when even the most obdurate of the two classes of Democrats concede that it can never again ex ist here. Bnt this is not all. Art. A. of the present Constitution of this Slate contains three sections, all of which relate solely to the subject of slaves and that part of the once servile race Icnown as free negroes. The second section of the article is as follows: • 4 The General Assembly shall pass laws pro vidin'' that any free negro or mulatto hereafter immigrating to, and any slave hereafter emanci pated and refusing to leave this State, or, Savin" left, shall return and settle within this «tatc° shall be deemed guilty of jelony and pun ished by confinement in the Penitentiary thereof.. The moral sense of many of the people of Ken tucky was shocked by the refinement of cruelty that suggested this section, but the behests of Slavery required its adoption, and opposition to it was worse than vain. . iivery member of the Legislature of Kentucky is required to-take an oath to support the Constitution, of which this section is a part; and under Us provisions it be comes the sworn duty of each member to *ec t.iat 1.1M.J arc passed for punishing as felons every free ocgro or mulatto Emigrating to this State. The section is imperative and mandatory. it iootos notbiag to the discretion of the Legislature. To say “lift this section has become obsolete by rea son of the amendments to tae National Constitu tion, or that the enlightened, judgment of man forbids its enforcement now, is uo answer to the objection to its remaining m our printed Consti- a right to demand, and do demand., that ail obsolete and defunct provisions be stricken from our Constitution, and that that instrument be made np of living words and sections, adapted to the practical wants of an active, moving, and pro grNoTis fids alt See. Bof Art. 11. of onr present Constitution prescribes the qualification of %«tcrs, and limits the exercise of the franchise to fr~e white male citizens.” By the ratification of the Fifteenth Article of Amendment to the Constitu tion of the United States, this section of our Stale Constitution is abrog-ated, and it, 100, should be swept from the book.. In a word, every, provision of that instrument inserted in the interest of Slavery—and there arc many such—should be ex punged, and a new Constitution formed in the In terest of freedom. MISSION OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The mission of the Republican party is not yet ended. The loyal people of this country who pre served the Government in war and have maintained its honor in peace, are not yet ready to hand it o\er to the party that conspired to destroy it,, and has resisted every effort to make it indestructible. At no time in our history has the cause of cml and religious liberty made such progress as In the decade under the fostering care of the Republican uarty. In giving freedom with civil and political rights to one race, it has not been unmindful of the rights and liberties of the other. The same consti tutional provision that gave freedom to the black man makes it forever impossible to enslave any por ■ ** The citizenship secured by the Fourteenth Article of Amendment to all persons born or naturalized In the United States applies alike to all persons, nch orpoor, white and black. The inhibition npon.the States to make or enforce any law which snail abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens oi the United States, orto deprive any person of life, liberty or properly, without due process of law, or to deny to any person within their jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws, is a bulwark of safety to every citizen, and a protection against the nrmressions that might otherwise arise from, see tffi?c°lonsy and local hate. The constitutional cnamntee of the elective franchise is applicable to fn r «ce9 and people, and henceforth neither, the United States nor any State can deny or abridge this inestimable right on account of race, color, or nrerions condition. All these constitutional pro visions were passed in the Interest of personal lib ert iot^on^bertjMs 1 inherent in human ns tnre It may be stifled, bat not without much dif dcnl’tv Easy to be wrought upon as w.U as pow erful and acUvc, whenever it Is not grattflsd there fs danger “the State. Gratify it, and yon Insure Urn safety of aodedy,” Neither these constitutional provisions nor any statute passed in pursuance or them oppresses or harms unv human being. The . penalties of the Civil-Rights and Ku-Kbix acts arc aimed solely-at the lawless and violent. No peaceful citizen or law-abiding community has apprehension of Injury or oppression from them. A Government which cannot protect its humblest dtizrn from outrage and injury is unworthy the name, .and ought not to command the supuort of a free people, i.ut ••the wicked lice when no man pursueth," and when you hear these statutes denounced hv Democratic speakers, yon may be sure t’mt either they op their friends have committed, or ore likely to commit, the crimes for which the punishment is provided. These are the works of the great Republican party of the nation, which saved the country in war and is able to preserve-it in peace. This Is the party that must control the destinies of this-free country Sot years po come. May we not confidently appeal to the yonnffinen of Kentucky who propose to live in the stirring present, and to be actors in the coming future, to cut loose from the hurtful prejudices of the past, and take part in the great work of wheeling our State into the lino of prog ress and advancing it in the race for prosperity and material wealth ? , . • Sooner or later the cloud that now hangs over Kentucky and obstructs the moral vision of her people must vanish like a morning’s mi<t before the rising aun of a brighter and better civilization- OUR POSTAL SYSTEM. To the Editor of The Tribune. Chicago, May 12.—The watchword of the present time —and the motto of the party of success—to “ economy in our civil and military science.” The nation—impoverished by the ex actions of an exhausting civil war, and the reac tion caused by the curtailment of our plethoric paper currency in order to Its adaptation to a metallic basis of value, taken in connection with the corruption which has crept into ail de partments of our civil, military, and naval service, destroying public confidence, and paraivizlng every branch of productive industry, —have thrust the question of economy into the foreground, and made it the great question of attention and awaken the interest which this question of the present awakens in the public mind, and politicians will labor In vain to gal vanize the old issues into life in the presence of tills new issue, which so vitally affects all classes of men in every part of the Union. “ How can the Government maintain itself creditably, and cut down its expenses J” is the great question of the hour. Your paper has, at all times and under all circumstances, been the consistent advocate of honesty and economy in the administration of the machinery of govern ment, and while it has believed in and advo cated the fixing of salaries at a reasonable figure, which would render corrupt legislation and official stealing wholly inexcusable, it, has main tained the doctrine of economy in every branch of the National Government, as it has also in onr State and municipal affairs. The report of the Postmaster-General shows that this department of the public service is conducted at an immense loss to the Public Treasury, and that the last annual deficit in the postal service, which has been saddled upon the unuort and other revenues of the Government, not less than $4,000,000, while the estimated deficit, chargeable to the General Treasury* fur the year ending June 30,1377, is $9,3-I,oo*-, in cluding two items of special appropriation, for the postal service. , _ x , The estimated amount for Postmasters ana clerks, for the next fiscal year is 000 from which it will be obvious that the whole deficit is for money which goes to pay the salaries of Postmasters and their clerics. That the Post masters of our great cities and principal towns re ceive only a proper and reasonable compensa tion Is plain ; but the question arises, whether the public could not be as well served, as at present, bv adopting th same method of secur ing post-oiflcc service throughout the smaller towns and rural districts, winch has been long in vo'me, viz: Submitting tlijs service to com petition, and awarding it to the lowest responsi ble bidder, and thus a saving of millions of dollars be effected in the cost o£ maintaining these smaller offices. The first objection which suggests itself to the partisan politician is that it would reduce the amount of Government patronage, and thus weaken the hold of any particular Admlmatra tion upon the people— gift of Postmaster ships being one of the mostjpotent influences now wielded for party ends. But it is coming to be regarded as one of the evils of our present svstem "that offices are conferred for political services, and not on the ground of special fit ness, as should be the case: and It is an open question whether this revolution in the method of bestowing offices, is not one of its chief excellencies. The Government—at least ostensibly—submits its contracts for public buildings and the con veyance of the malls to a general competition, and awards them to the lowest biddci?, Irre spective of political associations. The Govern ment, bv this method, acts agreeably to the will of the people, who do not wish to pa}’ to a parti san a bonus for his political views or services, when another man will perform the service, or do the work, for simply a just compensation. Why not adopt the same method ot securing po«t-ollice sen ice i Why not give the average post-offices, throughout the country, to the low est responsible bidder who wilL keep the office at a convenient place, in, a mdnner which will accommodate, the public, and myc ample socuntv for the faithful performance ol his official duties f In behalf of this method it may be urged that it is in accordance with the policy of the Govern ment in other matters, equally important; that it would doubtless reduce the cost of this service several millions per annum, for the following obvious reasons: First, competition mwa}s re duces the cost of service, second, throughout the smaller towns and in rural districts the post-offices are usually kept at stores or shops, and the same person who attends the store or shop attends the post-oflicc, and the additional patronage, drawn to the store or shop, is an ad equate compensation to the Postmaster, and m nearly all these places the merchant or shop keeper would be willing to attend to the post office for its incidental advantages, or would perform the service for the least nominal com pensation. There arc also in nearly all places ni°*hly respectable men and women, who, bav in” an income adequate to their wants, would perform the duties of Postmaster or Postmis tress siraplv for the honor of the position, and without regard to the pecuniary reward. There arc also many cases in which there are supernumeraries in stores, shops, and oflices who could perform the clerical duties of the post office, under a responsible Postmaster, —as the merchant, shopkeeper, or professional man of the establishment,—at a cost to the Government far less than that now incurred. The experiment is well worth trying; and, u the deficit in the national postal service can be reduced by this method, the public would be re lieved of a heavy burden, and be able to con gratulate itself bn the change. The Govern ment could classify its post-offices, and except from this plan, as it should, those in the, great cities, where the reasons, which have been sug gested, w’ould he inapplicable, and farm out all the smaller offices to the lowest responsible bidders. Doubtless some millions could be thus saved, and the public be equally well served. L- D. Mansfield. THE MINISTER’S WIDOW. [A. pact.] ’Way up. near the Pole, stands a cabin. At night Aurora-Borealis throws splendor and light. The streams yet in icc-shackles linger. Its enow-covered locks does the spruce never miss, And mercury freezes. Old Swedenit is. Go there with the dreams of the singer. Walk in. Here la cold, here is dreary and dark. A mother here sits, and with bread made of Dark Her children keep up animation. Enough with her dear ones she ssuffcredfromcoia, Enough lies she fought with the enemy bold, The merciless grim one—starvation. “But soon comes our pa,” so the little ones cry,— “And then we get clothing, and chickens, and pie. And books full of pictures and stories. ... .. So weep then not, mother, though thick falls me For soon with onr father to church wc will go. And look at its candles and glories. The youngest crawled up in the motherly And his dear little form in the shawl did she wrap, And smiled at her darling so sadly. T , And deep from her heart went a sigh to the Loro. The storm from the Kortb on the outside roared. Her heart was throbbing so madly. It knocks at the door. “Itlshe f" She leaps to the door, although trcmblln* and weak. “Who is it? 11 Kota*, but a stranger. A sailor in dripping-wet clothes stands alone. * 1 Oh, pray, give me shelter ere life is all gone. I just have escaped from a danger. * * I’ve been driven at sea in a bounding skiff, Since ‘ Umca ’ did sink, after striking a dill, Which gave ns that horrible greeting. The last one I saw wore a minister s cloak, Orwife and six children he tenderly ‘*P°* CC ;. n , „ When his heart in the billows ceased beating I Kot more did be say, for so pale grew her cheek. She fell to the floor with a terrible shriek. There, senseless, the mother was lying.. And six little children then knelt The hardened old sailor eat down and cried. And forgot that he almost was dying- With sighs that went np from their warm, purple Did at mWnicht I glance to the hlne. .pactdome, Where the stars ’round God seemed to gatner. And then looked to the earth, with its Borrows and And the question of skeptics, so piercing,, arose. “It that God an AU-Mcrci/ui Father / .Csichaa, April 27,1878. ZBVhBS Am*. THE CAMPAIGN. Discussion of State and Na- tlonal Politics. Tha ** Western Rural ” on the Acting Governor. A Friend of Col. Harlow Comes to His Relief. Mr, Soroggs’ Good Points Brought Out by a Comrade. Bristow the People’s Choice for President. BEVEKtDGB. TUB LEADING AGRICULTURAL JOURNAL OP THE WEST ON THE ACTING GOVERNOR. The Western Rural, the leading agricultural journal of the Northwest, in its last issue, de votes a column of its space to the discussion of national and State politics. After calling the attention of its readers to the great importance of attending the primary meetings for the selec tion of delegates to the forthcoming State Con vention, which is to put in nomination a State leket, the editor of the Rural says: Wc are led to indulge in these suggestions from the eminently bad example that Gov. Beveridge and hU personal friends now present to the people of this State, in urging the nomination of that 'entleman as the candidate for Governor on the Itcpublican ticket. If repeated and unrefuted re port* are to be believed, the present Board of tailroad and Warehouse Commissioners, and about all’the rest of Gov. Beveridge's appointees, are engaged in “working up” delegations for him from the various counties, or at least a sufficient number of them to give him a majority in the Con vention. With us, this is a sufficient reason why he should bo dropped by the honest, reflect ing and intelligent men belonging to the Republican party. The spectacle of the Chief Executive of one of the proudest and most magnificent Slates m the Union lowering the dignity of his high official posit on bv engaging in the dirty work of forcing upon the ncoule his choice of a successor, and that successor himself, however it might have been tolerated in times past, is a mode of procedure in the present which is likely to call down upon him the contempt and scorn of all honorable men. Gov. Levendge seems to have forgotten that the great masses of the people have fallen into the habit of “doing their own thinking” in politscaUlfairs, and m the selection of men for places of high honor and grave responsibility,-a habit, by the way, that Is proving fatal to the small army of partisan leaders by whom they have been so long misled, duped, and hum bUA°raorc apt illustration of the dangers which a consequent to the people by a neglect o» their du ties as citizens at theirpnmary meetings is seldom furnished than that we have nowundcr considera tion A lamentably weak man has found his way to the head of public affairs in this State, and has laid hold of their administration. For months wc had a carnival of lawlessness and disorder m some of the southern counties of this State, in which violence, outrage, and murder were the conspicu ous features, and which rivaled the bloodiest scenes of Southern Ku-Kluxism. The l-cdcral Govern ment was sncerlngly reproached for its neglect to interpose a military force for the protection of the people, the preservation of order, and to supersede the confessedly Inefficient State Government of Illinois, and it was not until the press had made the State ring from end to end with their indignant pro testa that ateps were taken to pat a stop to the business of assassination. The people of the State of Illinois have in curred hundreds of thousands of dollars In detecting and bringing to punishment the murderers, thieres, and desperadoes that have preyed upon them. They now feel that their time and money have been thrown away, —their courts ot justice insulted and the laws out raged in a profligate abuse of the pardoning power by” the Governor, who has turned loose upon com munity hundreds of convicted felons of the worst possible character. That no sound judgment has raided him in the exerc sc of this power, la evi denced by the recent cold-blooded and brutal mur der of an honorable and respected citizen, by one of the objects of his mistaken clemency, m the neighboring Town of Turner. But i. is not our purpose to review the administration of Gov. Bev cridra It has been sofllciently bad in all essential narticniars— so thoroughly overwhelmed with fol lies and defects of the greatest gravity—as to warn [lie people against the dangers of its repetition and ctmtinnancer The glaring evils by which its histo ry bos been characterized can be corrected, and hereafter avoided, if the people of the State will act effectively through their primary meetings. A Governor for the State of Illinois is wanted a Governor with the attributes, the gemu?, and the profundity of a statesman, instead of the narrow views, the selfish personal aims, and the contempt iblc trickery of a demagogue and a partisan leader. A Governor is wanted who entertains those broad and manly views, those noble conceptions of the pmndeur and dignity of a State, that are so essen tial to its well-being and good government. A Governor is wanted with the brains, the capabili ties and the high manhood requisite for toe Chief Executive of a State standing third in rank in this CTcat Union of States. A Governor is wanted who shall take hi« place by and with the approval and sanction of the honest, the thinking ana intelligent people of the Stare, Instead of a P 0 **I®*” 1 ®*” who foists himself upon them by the foul appli ances of partisan machinery and shamefully per verted official power. HAKIiOAV. HIS ADMINISTRATION DEFENDED. To the Editor of The Tribune. Springfield, HI., Miy 11.-The means em ployed by candidates for office to secure a nomi nation or an election form a tolerably safe basis from which to judge of the kind of officers they would make if elected. Chicago people need not be told tins; recent experience in the office seeking and election line render them competent judges? Rural districts, however,- in their in nocence may be misled by some of the recent satements made against Col. Har low, Secretary of State, in the interest of his competitor, Mr. Scroggs. The lat ter, or his friends for him, have apparently adopted the tactics of pulling Col. Harlow down tor tbfc purpose of building Mr. Scroggs up. Political campaigns in the past furnish abund ant proof that these tactics seldom, if ever, win. Col. Harlow and his friends recognize the right of Mr. Scroggs or any other man to compete for the office of Secretary of State, and to use all honorable means to insure success. They are not disposed either to hold Mr. Scroggs respou aible for all the indiscretions of his friends; but, when a man is selected to do service for him in making his canvass,it is presumable that he knows his man. A well-known small politician seems to have been chosen to do the dirty work of the campaign, and this person is evidently laboring hard to deliver on contract, as all the trumped un charges bear the car-marks of tliismdividnal, and, undoubtedly, emanate from Insi huge store of falsehoods. The charge that CoI. Harlow was implicated in the printing irregulantles of two years ago, which appeared m the Chicago Times a few days since, was made by that paper at the time the matter was under investi gation bv the Printing Committee of the Twenty ci'dith 'General. Assembly. The Committee sifted that matter to the bottom, and every member of the Committee, regardless of poli tics, acquitted Harlow even of suspicion. It there had been anything left by a Republican Legislature uninvestigated, it is safe to say the “ fames would have been only too glad to liavehad an.opportunity to give Col. Hariowor any other Republican state officer the “grand bounce,” in their zeal to find some campaign thunder. The friends of the present ■Secretary of State do not claim for him a monopoly of honesty or com petency, but they do claim for him, and submit his record as proof, a large share of political honesty, official capacity, and an un blemished private character. The charge that Harlow was guilty of irregularity in the Dmdmg of the Revised Statutes is a silly fabrication, and entirely unworthy of notice, except to show to what small things one person claiming to be a Republican will resort to, to injure a “Repub lican office-bolder, confessedly honest, who happens to be a candidate for re-election. It must be remembered that those charges are made by Republicans against Republicans before the nomination, and then after the Conven tion expect voters to support the part) which furnishes honest men for office. Consist ent, isn’t iti The Revised Statutes were bound fur 59 cents a volume. The contractor lost from S 3 000 to $5,000 on his contract, and the work speaks for itself, scattered in all parts of the State where the people can selves. If there was any steal in that jobtnc public got the benefit of it. I P The attempt to make capital out of fbe asscr tion that Cob Harlow has been in office sixteen years, when he has not held office torn years, u about ou a par with the printing antl binding* 1 scarce-crows." If fie in office twice sixteen years, his record wonld be as clear and unsullied as it is to-day. Ho man has served in official capacity mme honestly, conscientiously, and with a single view to the beat interests of the public, than has George H. Harlow. Any charge to the contrary iaj false Sid malicious, and, from whatever source it may come, deserves disbelief and condemnation, and ♦his no doubt will be the verdict of a large mar tertwrf the people the next tovention. J “ Comparisons are odkm». V bttt » u w Ol- *“ low’s enemies have been making public the figures of the expense of his administration compared with Secretary Rummull, from their standpoint,the following true report is submitted that the people may judge, not as between Har low and Kummell, but of the unjust, unfair, and aiahonest attack made upon the present Secretary in the interest of another candidate. The account stands thus: UUXMELL. From 1808 to 1872, foar years, both Inelaslva: Office expenses ••••«,§• Porters and messengers «« Salary and clerk hire 16.170.00 Total.l $36,787.91 HARLOW. From 1873 to 1875, three yoan, both inciosWe: Offlco expenses Porters and messengers Salary andclerlr hire 20,557.0* Total Deduct *19,190.90 for fees paid into the State Treasury by Harlow for two years and ten months, leaW *22.097.51 net cost of adminis tration of the office for three years. Add to the cost of Rummell’s administration fees collected, estimated on the same basis as those received by Harlow, —and they were con siderably more,—which were pocketed by ms predecessor, and the true cost of his adminis tration would be about §00.707. W. 2Sct a\crag© cost per year for four years, Riimmell’s adminis tration, 510,601.93; net average cost per year for three years, Harlow’s administration, The increase in the item of “salary and dens hire” under Col. Harlow’s administration » caused by the abolition of the fee system and the adoption of salaries for State ofliecra by the Constitution of ISTO. What formerly "ent into the pocket of the Secretary now goes into the State Treasury. The prohibition of special legislation has thrown upon the otlice of secre tly of State a vast amount of clerical labor formerly done in the enrolling offices of the Legislature. The saving to the people, how ever, is about as 100 is to 1. The new Constitu tion also requires many additional records to be made, allot which requires additional foix-e to do it. With growth and increase of the State, of course the business increases also. The labor to be performed hi the Secretary's office, it is safe to say, is four times as great as in Mr. Rum mell’s time, while the appropriations have been increased less than one-third. Col. Harlow’s opponents have also attempted to prejudice his interests by citing record us a soldier. I fail to see anything in the latter record which entitles him to consideration on that score over several thousand of other good Illinois soldiers, who distinguished themselves In the late War, while it may be said for Col. Harlow that he has, in distributing the patron age of his office, recognized the claims of the soldier to a greater extent than any other State Federal officer in this State of which I have any knowledge- Of the six clerks in his office, Jhe have been soldiers, whose aggregate term of service amount to over eighteen years. Everv one of them entered the service as pri vates; if some were afterwards promoted to commissioned officers in the field, it is rather to their credit than against them. Illinois soldiers can vote for Harlow with the consciousness that he has put into practice the pledges made during the War, that, “all other things being equal, the soldiers should have the preference.” The last and pettiest charge of all, that bepas his father and son on the pay-rolls of his office, is false in every particular and detail. His wile s sister, Mrs. Bolivia, is Assistant Librarian, and draws the munificent salary of §SOO annuallv at tached to ■ that office. The rule before C«l. Harlow’s administration was for the Secretary to pocket the salary and pay the Clerk of the Librarv during the session of the Legis lature from the office appropriations. The attempt to fix upon Col. Harlow the charge of mismanagement or extravagance m official dutv can result in nothing but lailure. The Republican pasty have sins enough to answer lor in convicted criminals and dishonest officials, without attempting to blacken the character and blast the names of honest, faithful men and officers. Yours, JcoTics. SCKOGGS. XS JJOTT COMiIA.DC ISDOR3BS HDC. To the Editor of The Tribune. Burlington, la., May 10.—A “Sucker” from bovhood by adoption, though now a Hawkeye by'resldence, I feel great interest in the politics of the Prairie State, and in the coming nomina tions for her State officers. I therefore cannot help noticing the great voice which comes to us over the river, and from Chicago to Cairo, in favor of George Seroggs, of Champaign, a young man whom X have known wen and favorably from his youth. At home, in the field of war, in public and private place, in the editor’s chair, everywhere,—boy, man, soldier,.citizen, editor,—X know him but to re spect him for his ability and his hearty zeal in aU his hands find to do. The time has not yet come when the people of Illinois are prepared to ig nore the claims of the men who have spent all their best years in support of the red, white, and blue against the white and red; nor are they indifferent to the claims of the press, which is their own mouthpiece; nor to the men who make that press, by their indefatigable labors and energy. Of these men, uniting all requirements and all these characters in one mind and one body, I know no brighter or better example than George Seroggs. The characteristics which have marked his successful steps in life are not accident,— they are the evidences of a manhood as sterling in all its parts as that which has made bright the names which embellish our history. X had the pleasure to be his comrade in the field in dark hours, now happily rendered bright by brilliant acliievemcnts. A private sol dier, a Sergeant,—refusing offers of a commis sion because it would take him away from his own regiment, he earned his laurels faarly from ’6l to ’si, when he was selected for his ability for an important position upon the stall of Gen. Jell. C. Davis, the mention of whose name will suggest to aU a Division wliich never had a holiday, or did any garrison dutv, but was always in the front or on inde pendent and dashing expeditions. These scenes in the life of our hero I witnessed personally, and with admiration for his diameter as man and soldier. In the very last of the war he was wounded at Beatonville, and was espedally honored by Gens. Sherman and Grant, iteturn ine from war only when there was no more to do! he assumed the management of the Gazette at Champaign, and you cannot be ignorant of his subsequent brilliant course in the bufiding up of this enterprise, which is one of the most illustrious and successful of »cste rn newspaper establishments. His whole course—wuidi has been observed by the writer for twenty years—has been one of the best in all respects wliich it has been my pleasure to know, and I bail with gratitude the growing favor with which his name is pressed by the peo nle in county conventions, by his comrades from the field, by his brothers of the press, and by all who know him best, for the nomina tion for Secretary of State. The qualifications he has developed in all connections mark him ns not merely competent, but eminently fitted for the duties of tms ollice. Without disparage ment to anv old and respected office-holders, the young men, the press, the army of loyal fellow comrades, ask for this nomination from count} and State conventions for this excellent repre sentative of all their respective dasses, so ut tingly united In George Scrogeg- Late 59th Hi. and A. A. Inep.-Gen. 14th A. Corps. OADZT DEVICES EXPOSED. To Hit Editor of The Tribune. Joliet, May 10.-In the last weekly Issne of the Joliet Sun appeared a letter from Chicago, In which the writer attempted to review the politics of the State from a Republican stand point. The effusion was evidently prepared in the hope of sustaining the falling fortunes of two certain candidates,viz.: Beveridge and Har low. All such gauzy devices fail of their pur pose, but just now the last resort of the Bev eridge faction seems to be to bounce up a candidate for some Slate office in those counties where the issue is doubtful. It was hoped to carry Coles and Edgar for Bevcnd-e by encour aging Steele to run for Attorney-General. Col. Cmmolly hursted that game. As Malone feels doubtful about getting Christian County to in struct for John L. 8., he punches Kitchell out for Lieutenant-Governor. Justas soon as it became evident that Cullom was going to carry McLean County, then Dan Ray slipped down there, caucused around, and got Judge Benjamin out for Lieutenant-Governor. Now, Benjamin is an innocent oarty to the scheme but his candidacy, is attributable to Beveridge men, who hope by it to carry the county against Cullom. well, here in Joliet and elsewhere the same game is to be tried, and the rumor is that ex-Congress man Snapp is to be the man used as a candidate to pull Beveridge through In Will County. I protest that this is not fair. If Mr. Beveridge achieves a nomination by such means it will be a deception which no party can stand at the same letter to which I at the beginning referred,also tries to excuse Harlows com plicity with the printing steal at Springfield. It says the contract was let under Knnirncl. About thirty days before Rummel went out of office the bidding was done, bat the contract was not closed up, I think, until Harlow was installed in office, and for the reason, as Maj. Bailhach swore, that the contractors could get a better deal with Harlow. It was not so mttcS in the letting of the contract as in tbefuyillment of it, where the steal came In. Thcinvestigatlon <3 that fraud, which is a matter of record and In pamphlet form, prove* that Harlow was either a party to it or culpably negligent of duty. In either case the State was swindled most shamefully and outrageously. Should - Harlow be nominated, the oppo sition will fight us with bis crooked ness and bud record all through the campaign. Manv of the leading Democrats oi the State are weft posted concerning the facts brought out in the investigation of the printing steal in 1574, and we shall hear from them on that subject in case Harlow is our nominee. Then, too, the reports of the State Auditor show that iorfour years Rommel run the Sec retary of State’s office on something over $21,0h0, while it cost Harlow over $28,000 to run it two years, and the Lord only knows what it has cost during the last year and a half, for which time no report has been made. Has it been held back for a purpose? I, for one, don’t want to carry any dead weights this campaign. Give us good, strong, honest, dean men. True, Harlowsays lie wants to be “indorsed.’* 'Well, the Republican party has been indorsing him for the last sixteen years. Isn’t that enough I Suppose we now indorse Mr. Soroggs for Secretary of State, just once. He has' a good record os a citizen, a faltliful and hard-working Republican, an able and successful editor, ana his wounds attest three years’ honorable service with the boys in blue. ’lt is too bad that he is not a Colonel, or a General, or something of that sort, but as he marched in the ranks with “the silent heroes of the knapsack and gun,” suppose we indorse » man like that just once for luck. HarbTack. THE PRESIDENCY. TH3 REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATES* To t he Editor of The Tribune. Collinsville, HI., May 10.— A few weeks since Republican sentiment in tins section of Il linois was strongly for the Hon. J. G. Blaine for the Presidential nominee at Cincinnati, but lat terly Mr. Bristow lias become, if any odds, the most popular candidate in the field. Not that Mr. Blaine is not a most able, honest, and worthy statesman, blit simply because pnblio admiration for Bristow’s qualities as a success ful and uncqualed reformer has grown so in tense and universal that his name is on every body’s lips as the master-spirit and the right sort of material for tho people’s President. Conkling is not heard of here in connection with the chief candidature ab Cincinnati; Morton is often spoken of as amost able, honest statesman, but who fails to realize that the War is fully over, and Blaine outranks Morton; but all these men have been too in tent upon securing the prize; whilst Bristow is lighting the true battle of the great party by reforming the abuses and dishonorable prac tices which had crept into public official life, and is not the least concerned about becomingPrcsi dent* The Democracy is exceedingly hard pressed to find a suitable candidate for the Presidency. Pendleton has been floored by his trickery, and Hendricks’ water-works bonds have laid him out for the undertaker. A few foolish Demo crats have named Col. Morrison for the candi date; but he is unknown in that popular sense in which a Presidential candidate is expected to have a national reputation; besides, he has dono nothing to either recommend or condemn him for any position. After casting about in despair for a candidate, however, it is now quite evident that the Bourbons have settled on TUden as their chief candidate at the St. Louis Conven tion; and in this choice they manifest mora wisdom than is usual for that party to do. It is true there have been some ugly reports about this gentleman having taken a large amount of bonds from the old Alton & Terre Haute Rad road Company, which, if true, should disgrace him forever in the sight of all honest men; but for all this, it is quite evident that the Demo crats consider him their strongest man; and. from a Democratic standpoint TUden is strong. He professes to be a reformer, and fa New York It must be confessed that, as a corrupt ring-smasher, his Administration has had some success, and this is what the Democrats expect to use as his capital in tho contest this fall, and it wffl teU wonderfully with the Bourbon masses- It must be remem bered that the Democratic party is not a party of great moral ideas, and if Tilden had been a, proved fraud before in his earlier life, or » known bond-thief, this fact would not Injure him to any extent with the Democracy after his nomination at St. Louis, because they intend to hold up his career in New York as a successful reformer, and by this trick bellow down all rec ollections of his earlier life. ... If it is necessary to bury Tildcn’s carher record and life, the Democracy will cheerfully assent to this, as it professes to have buried the last sixteen years of its party record. This muchis pretty definitely settled now: that Tdden will he nominated at St. Louis by the Bourbons, and, whether he stole the bonds or not, he has latter ly proved a successful smasher of corrupt rings, and will be a hard candidate to heat. It is nec essary, if we desire to insure Republican success, that onr party carry the election in New York. Vtc cannot do this with Conkling, and if wa could he would utterly fail in the West. Mor ton would run as well as Conkling in New Yonc. and would outwind him in the West, and Blaine would beat cither everywhere. But even with Blaine as the Republican candidate we are not entirely certain of beating TUden, because this rattling little Bourbon carries great prestige as a reformer. We must, to malic success cer tain, nominate a man at Cincinnati who can beat TUden at his own game, and that man « Beniamin H. Bristow,—a man without a blemish on his private character or pubUc record, who collared the thieves, great and small, and drove them right into the Penitentiary, and who is daily growing stronger with the people. Conkling, Morton, and Blaine are ail worthy, able men, but they are working like heavers lot the Cincinnati nomination, whUe Bnstow is at his post working hard for the people, and not pulling a thousand wires to boost himself Into the Presidency. , ' , In Southern Illinois, as the situation now pre sents itself, Blaine and Morton, who have been until latterly the strongest candidates for the Cincinnati nomination, are losing ground, and Bristow is gaining rapidly. There is quite an clement of the friends of the whisky-thieves that arc opposed to Bristow, and a portion of the machine politicians wUI oppose hfs nomina tion but a great share of the untrammeied sentiment of the masses arc very enthusiastic in Mr. Bristow’s favor. We are speaking now of the sentiment as to Bnstow within the party; of course the Democracy too great extent hate him because of his immense popularity as a true reformer, and are ever ready and wilUng to peddle all sorts of lies and slanders about him. Democrats oflow minded antecedents, snch as the Barney Caul field type, wUI of course resort to any means to befoul Bristow, hut, whfie this is true, it maj .dso he trutUulijsaid that many intelligent, cnnscieo tious Democrats wUI supportllrßnstovinUia event of his nomination. If the Republicans want to sweep the country with the old-tunc majority this Kill, let them nominate Bristow at Cincinnati. I have always been ardently in favor of Blaine, who is a splendid statesman, but, as Bristow is just as capable and vastly raore available than Blaine, we arc now for the peonlc’s candidate, Ben Bristow. a. u. good-night words. The pole, end stare bend low, and reverently kiss jour shining hair to-night. And crown yon, sweet queen-lily! with a diadem from Heaven, pure and white. The rare, sort laces on yonr bosom rise and fall; the rich rose, nestled there, All tremulous with ecstasy, »o near *ny heart, my sweet I is not more fair I o beautiful! my lily! with the deep, pure heart oi gold, and crown of light. Lookup! and, with your starry, cloudless eyes, shine into mine a sweet good-night. O tender, girlish head! star-kissed, and “sunning o’er with curls,” bat look, and say, “I love yon,” now; and, for the words, had line power, Vdjtlng a uorld away! Enxx- Cclebratcd Shoemaker*. A well-to-do shoemaker of Bremen recently conceived the idea of baring the front of hi* bouse decorated with life-size statues ofthu threo most celebrated shoemaker to Gcrm-n history. The first of these was the Holy bt. Crispin, the patron of the shoemakers craft, the second was the brave Hans von Segan,who, to 1370, turned the tide of the great battle of the German orders against the heathen Lithuanians by bearing the imperial standard right into the midst of Hie enemy; and the third was Hans s-ehs the well-known shoemaker bard. Ihe flmriiot these notabilities have been executed wnth considerable skill by Herr Kropp, a sculpt or high repute in Bremen, and are said to be verycharaceristlc works, resembling in many respects the productions of the old Nnmhurg masters. Hans Sachs is represented to the leather apron of his calling, but with a hook .a his left had, and a free expressive of mischiev ous humor; St. Crispin as a saintly personage, who yet docs not disdain the smell of leather, and the patriotic Hans von Segan, bearing tne victorious standard, but with a wooden leg, the price he paid for his courage. A Photographic Anticipation. A photograph of a young lady sssitsSiSToS^sssk march on that disease. sr

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