Newspaper of The Chicago Tribune, January 30, 1867, Page 2

Newspaper of The Chicago Tribune dated January 30, 1867 Page 2
Text content (automatically generated)

Chicago tribune. mrr.T, TRI-WEEKLY AKD WEEKLY. OFFICE. H®. 01 CLARK-BT. Thera am three eatsonser tee Tracira issued rctr cwm tn ff. far circulation by camas, oewamea »s 4 ue »*Ua. H- Tbe T*x-Wxtci.t, Monday*, Wed- Madaya and Ftldaya, or tb snails only; and tba Wkxxxt, on Thursdays, fbr tbe malls and tale at oar eocntef and by newsmen. Terns «fthe Chleaxe Tribune! D*w <uanaa o »• go- Palfr. to subscribers (per annum, pay*- T*. payable*tn advance) 8.00 WtrtiT (per aminm, P*rabe In advance) *AOO tr (factional parts of the year at the tame rate*, rv" Persona remitting and ordering are or mot* copies of either the Tri-Weekly or Weekly editions, may retain ten per cent of the subscription price as a commission. \ pries to srafCsißtES.—in ordering the addreas 01 roor papers changed, to prevent delay, be nre and irediy wb*: edition yon take—\teetiy. Tri-Weekly, or Pally. Alao, clTeTonrPKXsixTsadfatare address |W" Moccy, by Draft, Erpreaa. Money orders, orin Uec!stercdLetters.maybeaeQtatOQrrisk. Address, TRIBUNE Clk, Chleue, 111. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY SO, 1507, DISASIISOV* EFFECTS OF EXCES SIVE DUTIES. Senator Sherman made some singular state, ments In his recent speech in behalf of higher taxes on imported roods, and higher prices of stocks on hand. But however ex traordinary were those assertions, the deductions be drew therefrom were more extraordinary still. In the course of his remarks he said: ••The interest we now pay upon the outstanding cold bonds of the Unltco btate* according to the statement of the Secretary, is $•*2,480,531. By tbe terms of all tbe outstanding bonds, except of com* pound-interest notes, they are convertible Into poid-beanng bonds at six percent. This conver sion mntt be met within a year or a Utile more. When they are converted, tbe amount tbit will be required in cold to meet the interest obligation of the Government will be $181,853,877. In addition to this there mnatbe raised an amount required to maintain oar foreign intercourse, and other lia bilities crewing out of treaties etc., which, it is estimated, will amonnt to $5,010,000. The aggre gate amount of cold necessary for the present fis cal j ear will be sol less than $140,000,0 0. We cannot depend for the next a scat year upon the present Tariff lilU. It will not raise more than or tiaVXC.CKX 1 . The pending bill pro posed an advance ot abont ten per cent on maru raerere*. Mr. Sherman then examined the details of the bill, explaining tbe motives that actuated the committee in adopting the d.fiorent rates es tablished by the bill/ 1 Senator Sherman will hardly dispute the proposition that the quantity of goods which the C'inutry can import depends noon its ability to pay fur them. But in no part of his speech can we find the proof that our power to produce articles which can be ex changed lor imports, will be strengthened or improved by making our commodities dearer and the cost of living greater, and tbe profits ot labor h-ss. and tbe gains of the specula tors more. There is a great void in his logic w hich yawns painfully at the reader. The necessary. Inevitable and intended ef fect of each swiftly recurring addition to the imp st taxes is, to make the goods and wares of the country more costly to the con sumers, who constitute the whole people. The dearer commodities become the less fatn lus can afford to purchase of them. The more it costs laboring men to subsist and supper! their families, the less they cun save from their wages or tbe products ofthcirla* bor. ‘Working men, in self-defence, are obliged, alter each considerable addition to the tariff, to demand higher wages to meet the increased cost ofllving caused by the ad vance in the duties. This demand, if complied with, in turn makes do mestic product* more costly, and what tho manulacturer gains at first in tariff he soon loses in having to pay higher wages to hts workmen and higher prices for anything he purchases. As soon as this law of equi librium brings tbe wages of labor up to a level with the cost of goods, the speculators who hare stocks on hand and tbe mauufac t iros wlio desire to realize nodne profits, rush to Congress and clamor for more tariff to “protect perishing American indus try.” Obliging Congress, under the false pretext of more protection to labor, piles on another layer of taxation oa the products of the country—because an impost tax operates t>* increase the price of domestic manufac tures to just the same extent that it does im ported articles. The speculators then sell ont their stocks of goods on hand at the advance in prices caused *iy the extra tariff, pocket their plun der, sed then make ready for another opera tion. The manufacturer, for a few weeks or months, realizes enormous gains from his business, by reason of the forced rise in the price of his stuff. But the remainder of the people—the 95 ont of every 100 inhabit ants—lose every ccr.t thus gained by the speculators. Straightway tbc laboring class es, in cities and towns, preceded to protect themselves from this grand swindle, perpetrated upon them by Congress at tbc instance of tbc lobby vulture?. They do It by “striking” forblgberwages —enough higher. If possible, to equal tne addition to tbc import tax. Bat the farmers —the people who raise -wheat, corn, cattle, cotton—can’t strike; the prices of their pro ducts arc governed by foreign markets and not by the tariff. The higher the price of clothing, leather, hardware, lumber; salt, fuel, groceries, farm Implements, fu.nllnrc and other articles is forced up by act of Con gress and tbc rapacity of speculator?, the worst off the farmers become; tbc products of their labor put chase fewer goods after each addition to the tariff. The increased taxation ai d the cost of living (hat follow any addition to the tariff, damages the mechanics, laborers, and pro- • fectional men who reside in the cities, but tbc loss and damage fall more severely on fnrming'classes, who can’t defend, themselves by charging extra for their products, be cause tbc price of their crops Is deter mined by the European market*. But Ik6 working men in the i i:it-s,in self defence can and do put np their wages sufficiently to restore the equilibrium and neutralize the “ license” given to specu lators to cheat and fleece them. Thence forth the tariff ceases to be any more protec tive than before the last advance of It. Thus, <lfvni iltncs within six years have tho specu lators usd manufacturers applied to Con gress for higher Antics, and ten times has Conpicss Increased the taxes on Imported articles, and put up the price of domestic manufactures on the people who consumed them. The present bill In Ibe Senate is the eleventh application of tbe speculators since 1800, for' higher prices of goods on hand, and of tbe wares that may be manufactured. And If the bill passes, it will not serve their purpose I«t for a few months. The increased cost of li\ ir g followed by higher rates of tabor will f pc« Jlly nullity all tbe “ protection ” in the l iil; meanwhile the people will be skinned by the speculators to the extent of the ad vance m the price of stocks of goods on band- If the tariff were made a thousand per cuiti.m atone jump it would afford no pro t«-elb-nto American Industry; for while it would cause a pair of bools now worth $lO to sell for SIOO It would compel t Ire boot-maker to charge perhaps S3O per day for Ids labor ; and tbe landlord would charge tbe mechanic $4,000 rent for a dwell ing that is row leased at s4oopcrycar; and.lf our competitors exacted from us $5.00 per l/Wi ems for type-setting the subscription 1 rice of the Tninu.NC would Iravc to be ad vanced to SIOO per year, which would result iti a heavy loss of subscribers and a corre sponding discharge of printers. And un der tins vast tariff and inflated state of thirge, the imjiortatioM of foreign g nxfs trcr.W not he diminished a doUar'i tcortA l»hjie the ability of the people to pay for thftn. But we should have little to sell ex cept qohl nrd bond*. The dearer we make our products by excessive tariflb, the leas commodities we can have to exchange for the products of other countries, because people of other nations will not pay the prices v lilcli we must charge; therefore It is, that the additions made to the tariff since JMVfi have almost annihilated our exports of manufactured articles; almost destroyed shipbuilding on ihc Atlantic coast, and driven the carrying trade into the bands of ft reigner*. The enactment of the additional tax on production and exchange now advocated by tbe cut-threat lobby, will finish What little remains ol our once Immense foreign com merce and mercantile marine. Senator Sherman sayatbc larlffmiißt yield $140,000.0D0 of gold revenue pqr annum. It cannot yield that sum unless the country Imports some thing like three hundred millions of foreign products. Has Mr. Shcrm&n cvcruskedhim self the question, in whai those Imports are to be paid? We shall have to pay the in voice price of the goods, the cost of trnns portallon In foreign bottoms, and tbe Gov ernment tax of $140,000,000 besides. The ex cessive dearness clour domestic manufactures by reason of the monstrous rates of duty, will prevent onr selling any products of our mechanism abroad; the high price of goods and cost of transportation discourage tbe production of wheat and com, tobacco and cotton, so that we shall have little of those products to exchange for imports. What then have wo left? Some gold, and consid erable national bonds. To this complexion are we brought at* last by tbe unappeasable rapacity fcf the lobby, and tbe deplora ble ignorance of Congress of the first princi ples of national wealth and political econo my- * There was a fight in Dubuque, one dav ifirt week between two persons con nected with a place of amusement. During the fracas, one of the parties fired a pistol at the otier. The man who was shot fell to the floor, the blood streaming from his head, and the bystanders supposing he was dead sent for the doctors. All the medical men of Dubuque were soon In attendance, and the sufferer who was simply frightened by the presence of so many surgeons, was com mitted to their charge. The doctors exam ined him carefully, but were at a loss to un derstand what had become of the hall. For four hour* continued their labors prob ing the head and free of the victim, without success* The ease would probably have been reported to the medical journals as the most extraordinary event of the age, had not a matter-of-fact non-professional examined the wall near which the victim was standing when shot at, and there discovered the ball embedded In the plaster. ' At' tho latest accounts the patient’s chances of recovery from the probing were considered doubtful. THE CHENANGO BUIDUE CASE. In tbe recent discussion on the power of the Legislature to control the railroad cor porations, reference was made by Senator Mack to the decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Binghamton or Che nango Bridge case, delivered In 1805, and found in 8 Wallace, 51. This case is one of great importance, and Is worthy of the care ful consideration not only of the legal pro fession but of the general reader. Since the celebrated Dartmouth College case, (4 Wheaton, (25) argued by Mr. Webster, no decision has been pronounced on tbe subject of legislative contracts and the vested'rights of corporations, involving principles of greater importance than this. The Senator who referred to it did so to uphold the rights of corporations against the rights of the peo ple ; and we regret to say that In our Jndg mcnt*lhe decision is in direct conflict with sound public policy and subversive of the inherent powers of a State. In 1805 the Legislature of New York created a number of corporations by a single act, and among them was the Snsquefaannah Bridge Com pany which was authorized to build a bridge at Chenango Point, now and for many years psst called Brighamton, a flourishing town on the New York & Eric Railroad. The law declared that this company should have all the rights and franchises bestowed in the same act upon the Delaware Bridge Com pany ; and among the .provisions relating to that corporation and by reference to tbe Snsquehannah Company, was the following, which embodies the real question at issue In the case: “It shall not bo lawful for any “ person or persons to erect any bridge, or “ establish any ferry across the said west and “ cast branches of the Delaware River within “ two miles either above or below the bridges to be erected and maintained in pursuance “ of Ibis act.” Another section provides that In thirty years the bridge should become the property of the State. But the bridge was not built so soon as had been contemplated, and in ISOS the Legislature, for the purpose, , probably, of encouraging the enterprise, passed another act, in which the limitation uf thirty years was repealed , and the time for tbe erection of the bridge extended to four years, and all the rights granted by the first charter were affirmed anew. Under these grants a toll bridge was built and called the Chccango Bridge, It being about a hundred iods above the point where the Chenango River forms a Junction with the Susquchan nah. The town of Binghamton grew to such proportions that this bridge was altogether inadequate to accommodate the public, and In 1855 a company known as the Binghamton Bridge • Company, obtained u charter from the Legislature, and this new company built a bridge a few rods above the old one. This greatly diminished and seem ed likely to destroy the tolls of the old cor poration, and a hill was filed In tbe Supreme Court of New York to enjoin the new com petitor. The Supremo Court dismissed the bill, and on appeal, tbe highest tribunal iu tbe State, the Court of Appeals, affirmed the decree of the lower Court, holding that the act of the Legislature authorizing the new corporation was a valid act, and not a law Impairing the obligations of a contract. The case was carried up to the Supremo Court of the United States, and hence the decision of that tribunal, reversing the do cislons of the New York Coarts, and main taining the exclusive rights of the old mo nopoly, and declaring the act of the Legisla ture authorizing the new bridge to be uncon stitutional and void. The late Daniel S. Dickinson argued the cose fur the new company, and with great force declared that while the State could make disposition of matters which were proper subjects of Its disposition, and may sell all which is the subject of bargain, “ its sovereign “ty cannot bt vended in perpetuo, Onelkyi* “ lature cannot place the sovereignly of the State “or any portion of it beyond the reach of all *'succeeding ones.” Again, with equal force, he said: “ A disposition of that iu which the “supremacy of government rests, is an as “sumption of power not legislative in Its “ nature, and Is void. Tbe Legislature here “ has disposed of the right of passing a great “ river for foar miles. If it can dispose of it “for four miles, it can do so for a hundred; “and, when the principle is admitted, what “ Is to curb it but -tbe slender rein of legisla tive discretion?” Again: “The State Is' “the guaidian, not the bioker, of the people's “rights; tbe prelector, not the auctioneer, “ of their property.” It appears to us that these doctrines rest upon sound principles of public policy and ol natural justice, and' arc altogether unanswerable. Indeed, three of the Judges—Grier, Field and the Chief Jus lice—so regarded them, and in a b.-Ici dissent log opinion, declared that “the power of “one Legislature to bind themselves and “ their posterity, and all future Legls'aturcs, “from authorizing a bridge absolutely re quired for public use, might well be denied “by Hie Courts of New York.” Ibe dissent- Ing opinion also declares that the majority of the Court, “with great ingenuity, and “a‘tule reasoning, has given a construction “most favorable to the monopolist and inju rious to the people.” This is certainly a bold protestor the mi nority oflhe Court against ihc opinion ol ihc majority; but it Is lully sustained by the facts, end there can be no donbt that the mi nority, and not the majority, bis ponouneed Ibe law of the ease. The majority relied mainly urn the Dartmouth College ease, and claimed to follow that decision; but there is really ; little or no analogy between theXtwo eases. The royal charter authorised the establish ment of a religious and literary institution, to which large donations had been mu'le. The New Hampshire Legislature assume! that it had power to increase the number of trustees, and to provide a mode for ibe appohimcnt of persons to have charge of the trust funds, «kc., different from the mode prescribed in the charter. The Court held this to to a violation of the obligations of the contract. But what analogy is there between this and tnc bridge esse? It the King in his charier had declared that the people of New Hampshire shall uev.r erect >.r authorize another college or institution of learning, or common school, wilhin a him dred miles of the said Dartmouth College, the eases would have been parallel. But. who believes that, the English monarch who granted that charter, had the right to prevent the people of New Hampshire through all coming time, from building such schools as the public in terests would require? Yet the exclusive right to in&ttuci the children and youth ofa hundred mile circuit, would bo a source of immense proflt, and would It not be as good a vested right as the exclusive privilege of maintaining a bridge ? We think so. The truth is our Supreme Court seems la have travelled backward while society ha* moved forward. In its excessive zeal to mahitaiuthc vested rights of corporations ami monopolists, it has forgotten that the people have vested rights—inalienable rights, of which no Legislature can divest them. To say that the Legislature of 1803 could bind the people of this generation not to build and maintain such highway >of tra vel «s they inlpht require for convenience and business, is to declare u principle that belongs to the ancient days of kingly prerogative, when the pconlo were supposed to have no rights except those which the monarch In hi» benevolence and condescension saw lit to -ianl them. It would not surprise us to see inch a tribunal decide that the Wager of Buttle still exists in this country as a part of ■be unrepealed common law of England. Precedents, it seems, must bo distorted and misapplied, to bolster up an unjust and il legal monopoly at the expense of the rights of the people. Common senseis disregarded, in the presence of a fear that a decision of at least dubious applicability will bo reviewed or Ilf force impaircd. In reading suchdc c-isions, one longs for the Intrepidity and zenre of Justice, which Induced Judge Story to deviate, as ho did, substautlally, in the Sailor's Snug Harbor ease, that when the doctrines of the common law of England arc against common sense, they should not he aOirmed by the' tribunals of this country, and to overrule a principle which, In a most vluhcrstc and profound dissertation, he (•bowed to he part of the common law be cause it was at war with common sense. RT* We think the people of Chicago arc not thoroughly awake to the Importance of aiding the City of Kansas In the completion of the Kansas City & Cameron Railroad, a road which will give our merchants direct communication with tbc Kansas Valley, and also a direct connection with tbc Union Pa cific Railroad at Kansas City, by the Ist day of June next, If our people will only aid the cutcrpilse. Chicago cannot afford to be In different on a matter of such vital Import ance. We understand that the lumbermen of this city have undertaken to subscribe for twenty-five thousand dollars of the Kansas City bonds offered to our people, which Is one guarantee of the necessary sum, and that they have nearly completed the sub scription. This fact speaks highly for tbch enterprise. If tbc merchants and real estate owners of Chicago do equally well the whole sum will he taken and the five hundred and fifty men now at work on the road will be continued without interruptiou. The mer chants of St. Louis subscribed fISO.OOO to the railroad from Kansas City to Leaven worth In one day. It seems that A. J. has unbosomed himself to a correspondent of the London Times in Washington, and confided to him all his grievances and sorrows. Hohastoldhlm ill about the wrongs he Is suffering at the hands of Congress and an ungrateful Rcpub-. Icc. Wo believe that Cbhrles.ll was in the habit of seeking sympathy on the other side of the Channel, from the occupant of the French throne, much to the disgust dud In dignation of his subjects. A. J. seems to be reduced to the necessity ot picking up a strolling Englishman, in order to pour ink his car the story of his wrongs. It is evi dent that the President whs sincere when be declared at Cleveland that he did not care for his own dignity. The spectacle of the Chlel Magistrate of this nation button-holing a stray foreigner, and throdgh him laying his case before the aristocratic party of an Em pire hostile to us during our troubles, is a shocking offence against the dignity of the nation. Victor Cousin. Tbe founder of modem eclecticism la dead; and one of the best men, most gracofa! of writers, broadest of thinkers, is lost to France and the world. M. Cousin was bom In 1773. Dis father was a dock-maker, afalthiul disciple of Rousseau and a revolutionist. At the the Charlemagne Lyceum young Cousin was noted a? a hard student, and a successful competitor for the prizes. Tbe Imitative arts, music acd rhetoric were his favorite studies. He was early led to select lilcrainroas avocation. His name was first on the list of Ibc newly organized Normal School of 1810; and in 1813 he became Greek professor. In 1814 he was master of tbe conferences; and dar ing the hundred days he was enrolled in tbe this corps of royal volunteers. Meantime his atten tion Lad been diverted from belles-lettcrs to phil osophy. Sensationalism or ideology was bis first enthusiasm; but presently he became tbe farontc pnpll of RogerCollarri, who developed In France the spiritual theories of tbe Scottish School. In 1615 be began to lecture at the Sorbonne. His earliest courses were modelled npon the philoso phy of Reid. In 1617 he went to Ger many and returned a disciple of Kant. In 1630 his notions of free agency were thougnt to imply too many human rights, ana his lectures were indefinitely postponed. The leisure now afibrded him was employed in prose cuting his edition of Proclos and in translating Plato. In 1634 be went to Germany, and being suspected as an accomplice of the Carbonari, be was arrested and Imprisoned daring six months In Berlin, where Hecel visited him. In 1637 be was restored to the chair of Philosophy In tbe Sor bonne. with Golzot and Villcmaln as colleagues. The irinmvirato at once at once attracted audience* to the onlrereiiy unexampled In number and en thusiasm since the days of Abelard. Full reports of their lectures were distributed throughout Ktarcc. In 1526 bo had unfurled the banner of eclecticism. Now ho folly brought out bis Idea. All theories. Oriental. Greek, medkcval, modem, were but phases of sensualism, idealism, seep ticUra and mysticism. His forte was the development of a system from its central principle till it embraced the universe. His eloquence was grave and eamcf t; and bis stylo was fashioned after tbe old French classics. In most brilliant language be would carry bis pupils in an boar over tbe whole domain of nature, humanity. Deity, philosophy, hisioiy, religion, society, industry, destiny and great men. His pupils grew ecstatic with admi ration ; and Cousin hero came to bis zenith at the «ce of thirty-seven. Jn 16CJ be succeeded Baton Touricr as member of the French Academy. He was now a peer, acd the recognized head of what was tunned tbe ollicial philosophy. He reorgan ized the normal school system; and maintained ihsl education shonld be religion*. In isll he was at tbe top of Ids political reputation. Ho aided the revolution ol 18-19; biu since 1619 be has kept cut of public life. Ihs works are counted by the dozen; ami thiongbonlthe whole of them he maintains tbe onmc elevation of thought and sentiment, tbe same poLtical and eloquent style, which marked the early impulse of his nature. He believes the reason has spontaneous consciousness of absolute muh, and famishes to tb»mind idcisof Infinite objects, which could not be formed by any power ofabstractiou from observation of particular finite and contingent things. Bat whether tbe absolute sp}..'*l directly to tho consciousness of man or not, M Cousin la ny this time aware; for he is the host judge of conditions who Ishlmsclfex aii« d oiit degree above them, and few pers.-ns evo< br.d I.iirer prospects in the Invisible world than the French Kc'cctic, the authorol “The Tine, the Beautiful and ifae Good.” THE PARK BILL. Letter from J. Y. Hcammon, Evj. To the Editor of the Chicago Trl’mne: Inasmuch as my name has been mentioned In one of tbc city paper? In connection with the proposed Public Park in a manner that could only bo expected from persons who do cot hesitate to state that “as the Com missioners arc to receive no compensation for their services, it is probable that nobody will accept the office of Commissioner with out being Interested in the lots which are to be sold to the city lor a park,” it may not be improper lor me to state all my connec tion with the matter. Seme months ago the Rev. Dr. R. TV. Pat terson called npon me at my residence to speak to mo about the necessity of imme diate measures being taken to have a large P» bile Park, and requested mo to give some altcuticn to the subject. Subsequently another gentleman, having no more or other intent than Dr. Patterson, called upon me with a similar purpose, and requested me to draw a hill. I assented to do so; but not having the time, or being too mneh inter rupted, I banded the New York Central Park Acts to Mr. E. B. McCagg. and after explain ing to him'my views upon the subject, asked him to draw up a bill which would avoid all local or sectional complications, and give us a Park on the South Side of the river, at our own expense, leaving the other divisions to such action on their respective sides of the liver as they might desire. The result was the bill which was published In tne Tiukcne, with the exception of two addi tional sections. The manner of the selec tion of CommlSMuuers was led blank in the hill. Going to Spiingficld on o’hcr business, I took the bill with me and showed it to several gentlemen whom I found there who had had a different bill prepared on the sub ject, and they all agreed that my hill should he accepted and presented to our delegation. There had been neither clique nor combi nation upon the subject. The bill hid been read to not more than two persons before t took it to Springfield, and I did uot even know who were the parties, besides myself, who were moving npon the subject of Parks. 1 have'no interest In the matter distinct from the public Interest, and should not have taken npon me any leading part m the mat ter if not requested by others. Whatever Is done in this matter must hs entirely satisfactory to the public ; for if the Park should he laid out this year, if the pro ceedings were not satisfactory to the public tiic law would be repealed at the next ses sion. The people moving for this Park have no I ride in this hill; they desire only to get a Turk, and any suggestions as to its amend ment will be gladly received by all of us. J. Young Scammox. MISCELLANEOUS. In England there ore six hundred and fifty-one ••Provident Societies,” established on the co oaeralivc plan, and possessing an aggregate capital of nearly fonrmillions of dollars In Amer ican money—£sol,3ls. Groceries, meat, shoes, clotllng, coal, flour, ana oven Ctrrie-y. are In cluded In the plan upon whlih these societies operate. A few nichls ago, when on the Baltimore boat, iu the bay, a North Carolinian was requested hy a roan representing himself as the eon of a cler gyman, to he allowed to share his state-room. It Was granted ; but In the night the clergyman’s eon Mae detected taking undue liberties with (he North Carolinian’* pocket*. In the scuffle which ensued the chr ol the thief was cut off, and ho was finally secured. A happy couple, who arc both deaf an! dumb, were roamed at Bryant’s Pond, in Maine, recently, the clergyman nslug tbe sign language. Quiet will reign in that family. The New Orleans Jhcayune rays that Carme, the Fretch billiard player, after nearly two Tears’ residence in this country, has learned two words ol the English language. They are •• scratch" and •‘cocktail ” A Frenchman Ir New Orleans proposes to light all the street lamp* of the city shunltaeeonsly, by means of an electro-imgnciJc battery, operated by clock-work. When the sun gets up the clock runs down, srd the gas I* out. 'i be French newspaper* are discussing the ante cedent* oftbe gentleman likely to represent this country at Parts, whom they call General DtWie. They alto speak sometimes of tbe Mormon Patri arch a* “BngliatuJ'Hnc,” A London publisher announces "TheLovers’ Dictionary: a Poetical Treasure of levers’ Thought*. Fancies, Addresses and Dilemmas, In dised for reference as a dictionary of compli ment*. and guide to tho study of the tender sci ence.” A fieedman living near nicetllle, Va., had a qnsrrcl with his wife about a mouth ago, when he deliberately took his little sun. aged ten year*, and chopped hi* head off with an axe. The body was \hen thrown into tho woods a* prey for wild beasts and (be fowls of ihc air. and the diabolical deed kept fee ret until a few days ago it was acci dentally discovered. A person by the name of Dart, belonging to Taunton, Mass., aod who left there In a el-igh on Wednesday afternoon last week, la s'.iU mlsstnr. On Friday those searching for him found a hone and slclrh on the Ulghlon Road, the bone froxen to death. In a house near hr they discovered a man anil hoy, who were the occa;»ants of the sleigh, and who barely escaped death from cold. The Massachusetts Legislative Committee on tbc IloorOc Tunnel iblnk It will take eight years yet to complete the work. It was commenced ahont ftflecu years ago. A cargo of wheat was lately sent from San Fran cisco to Philadelphia at a less rate of transporta tion than tbc same amount of grain can he taken from Cblcago-to Philadelphia. The celebrated trotter Ethan Allen hat been sold to K. G. Simmons, of New York, for JtO.CXfl. When the town of New Ultn, Minnesota, was laid out, years ago, tbc proprietors made Is one of the conditions that “no church should bo bailt in the place. 4 * The number of boats totally or partially destroy ed on ibe Wisicrn waters dating the year ISCfI was I’9. Oi those totally destroyed 60 were lost by •Inkin', 37 by fin. and 7by czolosion. Partially destroy, d-by sinking. Si ; by explosion, 4. Ball* mated losses in boats, $2,9-8.500; in cargoes, $3,020,000; total, fG,4<3,500 Many of the dlsaa ters were accompanied with a heavy lost of lift. A single lode in Nevada is taming out more •liver and gold annually than did (be tamooa mines ofPolosi In their palmiest days, and which atone time bailt np a city of 160,000 Inhabitants. THE MIIiLKiAN CASE—NO. 11. The Constitution Applicable to Tfar as well ns P»ace* In discussing the legality of miliUrv trials undef the Constitution, it Is imi>ortant to observe that so much of the majority opinion of the Supreme Court as denies the constitu tionality of such trials, was entirely unne cessary hi the decision of the Milligan case. Three questions were certified to the Su preme Court for Us doc Mon, which were: 1. Whether, on the tacts stated in Milli gan's petition and exhibits, a writ of habeas corpus ought to have issued. ‘2. Whether, on the petition and exhibits, Milligan was entitled to be discharged, as In the petition prayed. 8. Whether, upon the facts stated In tbe petition and exhibits, the Military Commis sion lad jurbdictlon legally to try and sen tence said Milligan. The entire Court a 2 reed In answering tbe first and second questions in the affirmative, and the third in thc-ncgatlvo. By the act of Congress, “roW’.og to 7m btSi corpus, and regulating Judicial pro ceedlngs in certain cases,” approved March 8,1803, the President was authorized to sua pend the principle of the writ ol habeas corpus , whenever, in his judg ment, the public safety required. By the second and third sections of that act, the Secretaries of Stale and War were di rected to furnish to the Judges of the Courts of the United States a list of the names of all parties not prisoners of war, resident in their respective Jurisdictions, who then were, or afterwards should be, held in cus tody by the authority of the President, and who were citizens of States in which the ad* ministration of the laws in the federal tri bunals were unimpaired. After tbe list was famished, if a.grand jury of the district con vened and adjourned without indicting one of the persons tbns named, it was made the duty of tbe Judge of the Court to order such person brought before him to be discharged If he desired it. In case such list of persons so held In con finement was not. furnished, any person so held was, after tho termination of a session of the grand Jury, without Indictment be ing found against him, entitled to an order for his discharge, upon a petition alleging the facts. It was under this act that JTtUigfin petitioned the Circuit Court for the JHstriet of Indiana for discharge from imprisonment. The question then was, whether, upon the facts stated In tbe petition, he had brought himself within the provisions of the act. And this, indeed, was tbe only ques tion really In issue. “The commands of the act were positive, and left no discretion Ho Court or Judge.” Milligan, having, by his petition, brought himself “within the pro else letter and intent of the act ofCongrcss,” was entitled to his discharge, under the act of Congress. The writ of habeas corpus ought to have Issued, because the act required It. Milligan should have been discharged npon the facts stated in his petition, because by the act of Congress the - Court was command ed to discharge him upon the existence of such facts, and the Military Commisson had not jurisdiction legally to try and sentence him, because the act of Congress had declared that he was entitled to he discharged. Confined simply to the decision of these questions, the case, so far ns !t affects public interests. Is comparatively unimportant. To the extent that under tho act of Con gress n ferred to Milligan was entitled to bis discharge, and that the Military Commission had no authority to try and sentence him, the case is decisive as authority and binding upon other courts in like cases. To that ex tent it Is decision and is to be regarded as law. To any farther extent It is opinion merely and not law.l The question was not, what Congress V'iyfit do, or authorize to he done in time of war, nor what the President, as Com tuauder-in-Chief, might do qr cause to he done, in time of war; but simply what Milligan’s rights were under what Congress had done. The entire Court decide that Milligan’s trial by Military Commission was illegal under the act of Congress. But five Judges of that Court unite in an opinion that Congress has not constitutional power to confer legality upon such trials. That question did not arise la the ease, and the expression of opinion upou it being entirely uncalled for and unnecessary, is not binding npon courts, and no more concludes the judgment of tne people than would the opinion of the same Judges upon the merits of Andrew Johnson as a man and a states* man. Courts have hitherto manifested great reluctance in declaring acts of Congress un constitutional, even whcn.'thc question was directly presented. It is believed that the Dred Scott ease furnishes the first instance in which tbc Supreme Court undertook to Infiucncc political action by declaring in ad vance what acts of Congress would be un constitutional. The into which the opinion of Chief Justice Taney, in that caflfc, met at the hands of the people, and its direct and emphatic reversal. ought, it would seem, to induce extreme caution in lollowlng so dangerous a precedent as that has proved to be. Whether, In the absence of any act of Con gress upon the subject, Milligan could have been legally tried and convicted by military tribunal, it was not necessary for tbs Court to decide. But the five Judges representing the majority of the Court, have not only ex pressed an opinion nponthat point, butlnve gone still further, and declare*!, in advance, that It is beyond the constitution*! power of Congress to confer npon military tribunal*, by its express enactment, any such power. We make no Issno with the decision of the Court. We do take Issue with the opinion of Judge Davis. Treating the question as a constitutional one, the provisions of the Constitution which the majority of the Court regarded as decisive, arc: 1. The clause providing that “the trial ol all crimes, except in cares of Impeachment, shall be by a jury.” 2. The fourth section of the amen dment to the Constitution which proclaims the right to be secure in person and effects against un reasonable search and seizure, and directs that a judicial warrant shall not issue with out proof of probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation. S. The filth section of the amendment, which declares that no person shall be belt! to answer lor a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless ou presentment by a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval (nice*, or intbcmiliila, when in actual service iu lime of war or public danger, nor be deprived ot llfe.libcrty orpropvrty, with out due process o! law. 4. Tiie sixth section of the amendment, which provides that "In all criminal "prosecutions. theaccu*cd shall enjoy the “right to a speedy and public trial by an "Impartial jury of the Slate and district " wherever the crime shall have been com “ milted, which district shall have been pro "viously ascertained by law, and to be In "formed of the nature and cansc of the “accusation to be confronted, with the nlt “ nesses against him, to have compulsory " process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, "and to have the assistance of counsel for " his defence.” Whether the trial of Milligan by a Military .Commission was unconstitutional, cau not be dctcrmlucd upon reference to a part of that Instrument, but upon reference to the whole ol it. For If, In determining the ques tion of the legality of his trial,’ particular sections of the Constitution arc considered and others rejected, the “ mischievous theory of suspension” which Judge Davis de nounce*, would be the one ujhju which his decision proceeded. It is not by the con sldciation ofa part and by the rejection of a part of the Constitution, that we are to tc*t the legality ot Milligan’s trial, but by the consideration of every part of It, reconciling and applying them to the cases which they were evidently intended to cover, suspend ing and neglecting none, but recognizing and giving force to all its provisions. Ttio Constitution was made by tbc people and for the people, and it was declared to be ordained and established “ In order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice. Insure domestic tranquility, provide for the com mon defence, promote the general welfare, sod secure the blessings of liberty ” to them selves and their posterity. To carry out these purposes, the Constitution provides, that “ the Congress shall have power * • to define and punish • * offences against the law of nations; * * to declare war; ♦ * to raise and support armies; * • * (o provide and maintain a navy; to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces; to provide for calling forth the militia ; to cxccnto the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, repel Invasions,” and 44 to make all laws which shall he necessary and proper for car rying Into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Consti tution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or officer thereof.” The executive power Is vested In the Presi dent, who, before entering upon the duties of his office. Is required to take an oath to faithfully execute the office of President of tbc United States and, to the best of bis ability, 4 * presetve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.” 110 is made 44 Commander-In-Chief of the Army, -and Navy of the United States, and of tbc militia of the several States when called into tbc actual service of the and Is required to 44 take care that tbc laws be faithfully executed.” Judge Davis declares, In referring to the Constitution, that 44 the provisions of that Instrument on the administration of criminal Jtuttee arc too plain and direct to leave room for misconstruction or doubt of their true meaning, 4 ’ and follows this up by saying that the provisions “applicable to this ease” arc found 44 In that clause of the original Consti tution which says that the trial of all crimes oxccpt la cases of Impeachment, shall bo by o jury, and lu the fourth, fifth and sixth articles of the amendments.*' With this por tion of the opinion wc take Issue, and insist that the provisions of the Constitution ap plicable to Milligan's case aro-ttioso relating to the powers of Congress tnd tbs President in time of tear, and not merely those which guarantee the rights of the citizen in time of peace. Again he says: "These provisions, cz pressed iu such - plain English words that it would seem the Ingenuity of man could not evade them, are now, niter tho l»*r e0 f mo r© than seventy years, & o ught to b ' e aToWei .» • Here again WO tine issue with Judge Davis. We do Pbl seek to avoid the provisions of the Constitution to which he refers, but we deny tMr application to the class of cases to which ho refers. .Again he says: “The Constitution of the United States Is a law for rulers and people equally in war and in peace, and covers with the shield of its protection all classes of men at all times and under all clrcum stances.” TuiS Is very well said. The prin ciple declared Is probably correct; it Is to be so presumed at all events, for no one has over asserted the contrary. As. however, applied to the question which Judge Davis is discussing, it is utterly meaningless. The Constitution is a law fur rulers and people, equally in war and in peace, because it covers both eases, it Is a law for rulers and people in time of peace, because it defines the powers of rulers and the rights of the people In time of peace. It is a law for rulers aud people in time of war, because it confers powers upon rulers, to be exercised in time of war. It is a law botb for peace and war, because Its provisions relate to bo’h. But If it bad so happened that It had con ferred no war powers whatever upon any branch of the Government, it would not have been a law for either rulers or people in time of war. Being a law for both rulers and people, equally In war and in peace, its piovisions relating to time of war are the law in wor, and those provisions relating to time of peace are the law then. The diffi culty is, that Judge Davis has singled out various provisions of the Constitution which relate simply to a time of peace, and insists that they should be the lato in time of war. In other words, he “suspends” so far as their application to Milligan’s case Is concerned, all the war powers of the Constitution. Taken asavhole, the Constitution is a law for rulers and people, equally in war and In peace, but the clause giving the right of trial by jury, and the fourth, fifth and sixth arti cles of the amendments are not the OunstUu ♦ tl»n, and are not lav for rulers equally fn uwr and in jteaee , protect alfclasses of men, &c. It is difficult to perceive what spccia force, as applied to the Milligan case, there Is In the observation that the Constitution “ covers with the shield of its protection all classes of men, at all times, and under all circumstances.” For the mere purpose of rounding a sentence, it does very well, be cause it sounds very well. It m;ans cither nothirgat all, or it is not true. It proves nothing. In a certain sense It is true that the Constitution covers, with the shield of its protection, all classes of men. But the C-uislltmlon is something more than a shield tor defence ; it Is, as well, a sword for offence. It protects the innocent, but It also punishes the guilty. Its shield is never used for the piotectkm of guilt, nor does it cover with it the criminal. If the .crime happen to be treason, and a large class of men be engaged, that particular class of men i> not covered by the shield of constitutional protection—it Is punished by the sword of constitutional justice. The Constitution was not made lor the purpose of screening and protecting scoundrels like Milligan from jus tice, at any time, nor under any circum stances. It was not Intended as a harbor of refuge for rebels and conspirators. It pro tects no such men, at any lime nor undorany circumstances, from punishment. It protects rncu In the cxciclse of alt their proper pow ers, as well as the people In the enjoyment ol all their legal rights. Whether it protects plotters against the national safety from mil *tary trials In tlmeof wjir Is a question which cannot he settled by a rhetorical flourish that It covers with the shield oflts protection all classes people. II has so happened, in the history of tills eountiy, that those loudest In their demands for constitutional protection have lieen those most active In seeking Us overthrow. The people of this country were not, at the time the Constitution wis ordained, nor are they now, the mere weaklings who desire to run to the Constitution os a shelter from wrong. They desire to draw from It also weapons with which, by punishing the guilty, they may protect themselves. Accordingly, they furnished their rulers with a tremendous armor of war power, vast enough to enable them to meet any emergency, which enabled them to cover the people with the shield of protection, by crushing out a million Milligans In anus. And so Judge Davis soys; “ Tho Government within the Constitution has all the powers granted to It which arc necessary to preserve its ex istence, as baa been I nppUy proved by the result of the great effort to throw off Us Just authority.” By “ tho great effort to tl row off its just authority,” Judge Davis undoubtedly means the rebellion, which was not only a great effort to throw off national authority, but was a pretty serious effort to destroy the nation and Its authority alto gether. To be entirely plain, It was war lu which one side or the other must neces sarily be conquered. We do not like vhls mild way of putting the rebellion. A bank lobbcry is very rarely spoken of as a great effort to throw off the just authority of the bark over Its money. No feeling ofcommis seraiionfor the thief wonld Induce us to adopt so roundabout and tedious a form In speaking of his crime. But tlic paragraph is important, particularly in that It declares that the Government has, vithin the Condi, luti-iu, all the powers granted to it which arc necessary to preserve its existence, and declares that this has been proved by the result of the rebellion. To all this we heartily subscribe. In time of war, and in Its prosecution, the powers of the Government arc measured only bv the reefititie* of the Government. The Constitu- tion authorizes the Government, in such ca«ei-. to doevtrythlng necessary to preserve its existence. If It be necessary to emanci pate slaves, that the Gorcrnmcut may do. It U be necessary to confiscate property, that the Government may do. If it be necessary to fight Lee and his army about Richmond, to arrest, try and punish by military courts Vuilnmliuham at Dayton, or to shoot, Cop perbead’rioters at New York, these also the Government may do, ucdor the Constitu tion, “as has been happily proved by the re sult of the great effort,” (the rebellion mean ing), &c. It was upon precisely thls?ground shut Mr. Lincoln justified the trial and con victim: of Vallandigbutn. The Government denued it necessary, and, therefore, he In sisted the Constitution gave tlic right. In declaring that the Constitution gives tbc Government all the powers necessary to preserve !U-existence, Judge Davis covers the whole ground, and absolutely upsets the ap plication ol tlic provisions of the Constitution to which he refers in n like Milligan’s. For it can hardly be claimed that It d-volves upon the Supreme Court to determine what is necessary in such cases. It is not the prov ince of that tribunal either to declare or to wage war. It was not for the Supreme Court to decide whether It was necessary that Sherman and his army should march to the sea, nor whether It was necessary for Grant to march fighting through the Wilder ness tenants Richmond. Neither was it the province of the Supremo Court to decide whether Vallandigham’s capacities for mis chief were so great that It was necessary to try and convict him hy a military trial. It might he os necessary to arrest and try reb els North as It wns to pursue and shoot reb els South, and the Supreme Court had noth ing to do with the question of necessity In oitlier case. The real heart of this opinion, however, l» found in that portion of U where, in speak lug of the laws and usages of war, Judge Davis says: *• They can never bo applied 10 citizens Id B‘aioe t'hlchoavc uph. Id the authority of the Govern nice', and where the court* ari* open and tbcir itoccs* mmbetrncfcd. Thta Court he* Jndtci.il knowh-opo that lu Indiana the Feilenl an iiu-itr wa« olwa.Tß unopposed, and Its conru alwav* open to hear criminal accusation* and retire** irrlotaucee; and noutcfffoj tear could mnr'irci a military trial there for nay odence whateve*, of a cltlZ'ii in civil life. In nowise connected with lher.i|liiajy rervice. Congress could grant no -nchpowtr.” The principle laid down ln*thc first sen tence of the quotation is obviously nnsnund The application of the laws and usages ol war is here made dc]Kndi‘til entirely upon the political status of the Stale, and not at all upon the entitle of the offence commit* ted by the citizen. It secmscurious tbit the laws and usages ol war would apply to a Virginian uLdertaklng to persuade Grant’s soldiers to desert from him while thev were encamped before Richmond, and would not apply to him for inducing General Sweet's soldiers to desert from him, while they were guarding prisoners of war at Camp Douglas. And so, too, should a citizen of the State of Indiana, while Union armies were being or ganized In that State, act os a spy upon their movements, and convey Intelligence to the enemy, he would not, nudertbis opin ion, be amenable to the laws and usages of war, although, should he follow those armies into Tennessee, and then do precisely the same thing, he would be. Had an organized force of ten thousand men, all citizens In this State, attempted the release of the rebel prisoners at Camp Douglas, they could not have been shot in the attempt, lor shooting in ench cases is only Justified by the laws and usages of war, and this opinion declares ttat they can never be applied to citizens in this State while Us courts are open. Under this rule, an army might have been organ ized in this State, and composed of its citi zens, Ibr the express purpose of marching to the relief of Lee, and the Government would be powerless to prevent it by armed force, so long as the Courts were opened and their process unobstructed. The laws and usages of war would alone Justify the break-' ing up of such organizations by armed force, end they, wc are assured, can unvi* be applied 'to citizens in States which have Upheld the authority o! the Government* Early, In the history of the war, General Lyon did break up such an organization in St. Louis. The State of Mis souri has always upheld the authority of the Government' Its Courts were then open. Price complained, I‘* \a true, that General Lyon’s WM unconstitutional, an* jt seem* • ‘ price was right, • fbr the laws and usages of war, by which alone could General Lyoube justified, “can new be applied to citizens in States which have upheld the authority of tho Government.” Had an army of rebels from Virginia suc ceeded in reaching the State of Illinois, and confined their operations to supplying them selves from the country with all the material which the army needed: > a d they driven off our cattle, and *adcn their trams with ou* grains, tl**cy could not have been pursued, shot and captured by an opposing army. This could only have been done under the laws and usages of war. The pillagers were citizens in a State which upheld the author ity of the Government, and where the Courts were open, and “ the laws and usages of war can never be applied to citizens la States which have upheld the authority of the Government, and where the Coarls were open and their process unobstructed.” John Morgan and his men made a visit of this character to the Stale of Indians, where, as wcarc Ibid, “the Federal authority was al ways unopposed, and the Courts always open to hear criminal accusations, and redress grievances.” But. John Morgan was not ar rested by a constable; no criminal accusa tion was preferred against him to a grand Jury; the loyal citizens of Indiana, whose property he had destroyed and stolen, did not redress their grievances by actions of trespass, trover or replevin. He was pursued by soldiers, bis command shot down by sol diers, or taken prisoners of war by soldiers. These things were done under the laws and usogest|#f war. Yet John Morgan and his fol lowers were citizens In a State which had al ways upheld the authority of tho Govern ment, and the laws and-u-ages of war “ can niter be applied to citizens in a State which has upheld the authority of the Government, and where the Courts arc open and their pro cess unobstructed.” It Is pretty certain, therefore, that the laws and usages of war, can and mast, at many times and under many circumstances, be applied to citizens in States which have upheld the authority of the Government, and whose Courts have been open. The application of these laws and usages cannot, therefore, be made to depend upon the political status of tbc State, but uponthe

character of the offence. In the case of a war with a foreign power, where the authority of the Nat'onal Government was upheld by alt the States, the laws and usages of war could not be made applicable to any of the citizens of any of the Stales, for any offence, no matter how dangerous to the national safety the commission of such offences might* be. And so it might bo that the organiza tion of an army would be rendered Impos sible, or its movements paralyzed, by machinations of unpatriotic citizens. The array would have no power to protect Itself, nor to preserve its own existence by the snarp and decisive remedies which the laws ami usages of war justify, ami would be com polled to submit the question of Its exist ence to the qulbbllngs of courts and law yers, over the technicalities of a demurrer or plea in abatement. But Judge Davis says that “this Court has judicial knowledge that in Indiana the Federal authority tea.? aheays tin apposed, and its Courts always open to hear criminal accusations and redress grievances.” The historical knowledge of tbc people Is directly opposed to the “ju- dicial knowledge” of the Court. John Morgan and his freebooter Confeder ate lollowers were violent opponents of the Federal authority. Ttoey opposed the Fed eral authority In Indiana, and wont there for that purpose. They opposed it during all i lie lime they were in Unit. State, up to the time when their opposition was either shot out of thenr by Federal authority, or until they were compelled by Federal authority to submit to Federal authority ns prisoners of war. What condition the Courts in the immediate vicinity of Morgan’s raid were in at that time, we are unable to state. They probably recognized the fact of Morgan’s presence by an adjournment. Whotherthelr process was unobstructed or not, we cannot now say; but bad process, beet Issued to some person who desired redress for the grievances which he had suf fered at John Morgan’s hands, It 4s more than probable that the Sheriff would have encountered some difficulties, and would have unaided met w ith some ob structions In executing the process by a per sonal service of the same, according to the statutes of the State ot Indiana, in such, case made and provided/. If In the fUU mean ing of the word, the Federal authority always unopposed m the Stale of Indiana, the history of that State has been falsely written, and it is an exception to all'tho other Slates. We are inclined to think that during the entire period of the war, there were citizens in Indiana who opposed the Federal authority—that there were those there who denied the right to coerce what they called q sovereign State, who denied the authority of the Government to levy taxes or raise armies for that purpose. By their votes, their acts and their speeches, they denied the Federal authority In these respects,and opposed, to the Incalcu’able cm barrossnunt of the country. Its exercise. Assembled In Conventions, these Indiana gentlemen denounced the proclamation of emancipation as unconstitutional, and they opposed tins proper exercise of Federal au thority ; they denounced the conscription la-'s as unconstitutional, and by force, and through the Courts, opposed their enforce ment; they dcclaredthe imposition of taxes’ for the purpose ol carrying on the war, as unconstitutional, and in various ways they* opposed their collection; they denounced the bin pension of the privilege of the writ of habeas 00171?;* as unconstitutional, and op posed Federal authority in that respect In short, In no respect did they fail to oppose Federal authority whenever and wherever it was exercised for the suppression of the re bellion. This is not only true of Indiana. It is true of every Stale In the Union. In many Slates that opposition to Federal authority, so far from being cheeked, was ac tually aided and assisted by tbc lact that the Courts were open. The Supreme Court of the State of Pennsylvania decided that the conscription * law was unconstitutional. Judges In the city of New York aided the enemies of the connlrv, and assisted them lu opposing Federal authority by deciding the Legal Tender Act unconstitutional. The rabble of the Five Points carried their oppo sition to Federal authority so far, that for four days th*-y held the city of New York un der all the terrors of mob violence, and the flames ofburning hospitals, and the blood of murdered soldiers, and women and children, were evidences of the vigor of their resist ance to the draft. The Courts were open, and taking advantage of that fact, Horatio Seymour asked that the enforcement of the draft might be suspended until the constitu tionality of the law which authorized it might he determined by the Courts. The Supreme Court may have forgotten these facts. They may be opposed to thalr “judicial knowledge,” but they are In delibly written on the pages of our history. They have not been forgotten by an out raged people, and they will not soon be. In recounting the victories which wo achieved in suppressing the rebellion, In preserving for future time tlic various forms of opposition which tbc Government so nobly met and so nobly overcame, the historian w 111 record not only the triumphs of Vicks- burg and Gettysburg, of Sherman’s inarch to the sea, ami the surrender at Appomntox Court House, hut the resolute energy with which the people detected and trampled out secret conspiracies at home will go down to the future as an Irapoitant part of the his tmy ot the great rebellion. Milligan “ con* spired against the Government, afforded aid and comfort to the rebels, and incited the people to Insurrection.” This was the charge apaltiat Mm. Its truth was establishcd,aDd yet Judge Davis says ” that in Indiana the Fed* oral authority was always unopposed.” Milligan enraged In “open resistance to the measures deemed necessary to subdue a great rebellion,” and with ”a secret political or* carlration aimed to oppose the law,” sought "by stealthy means to Introduce the enemies of the country Into peaceful cam* tnnnltlcs, there to light torch of civil war, ami thus overthrow the United States.” And yet dodge Davis says “that In Indiana the Federal authority was always unop posed.” and declares this as the judicial knowledge of the Court! If such things do not constitute opposition to Federal then Federal authority cannot be opposed. The conclusion of Judge Davis is, as we have seen, “that no usage of war could sanction a military trial there for any offence whatever of a citizen iu civil life in no wise connected with the military servlccf,” and that “Congress conld grant no such power.” lie bases this opinion upon two assump tions : 1. That the laws and usages of war can never be applied to citizens in States which have upheld the authority of the Govern ment, and where the Courts are open and tbilr process unobstructed. 2. That In Indiana the Federal authority ’was alwoys unopposed, and Us Coarts always open. The first assumption Is, wo have already seen, clearly unsound, and the second un true, In point of fact. A conclusion drawn from premises thus false, must fall with .the premises. That the provisions of tbe .Con stitution referred to in the opinion, as decisive of the Illegality of military trials arc not applicable to snch a esse as Milli gan's, we will undertake to show lu another article. FROM WASHINGTON. General Grant’s, Reception. Bearinr of the Host and Hostess- How Some of tho Ladies ■ Wore Dressed. The Troubles of the Postmaster General. The Tariff Bill and the Tariff hobby. [Special Correspondence of the Chicago Tribune. J W&snzxoTOH, D. 0., January 26. The second of the receptions of General Grunt and wife, on Wednesday evening last, is pronounced by old residents one of the finest oflairs of the kind ever known in Wash* ington. ' The General lives, as you know, in Dpuglas row. His parlors were opened at half-past eight, and for an hour and a half there seemed an almost unbroken line of car riages before his door. Party-goers of many years tell me that a finer company, whether regard be had to nnmbers, or character, or dress, or social standing, was never gathered In the citXi I own that lamat a loss to see how anything could have been more gratify ing to Mrs. Grant, who received her guests with ease and dignity that were pleasant to see and share. The General wore half-unl form, and carried himself with his usual diffi dent sang frold. Mrs. Grant wore a heavy, black velvet dress, low in the neck, and trim med with black lace—her hair being dressed with carls and • crimps. At the first.. reception sho wore a dress ol brilliant green silk, wit ha black lacc bcrthc. On both occasions she was very richly attired, thongb, of coarse, her dress was subordinated to her position as hostess of the evening. There was nothing showy or dasoing cither in the dress or the manner of the Gencrtd and bis wife, bat forcuracts who were present saw our precious republi can simplicity at its beat estate. Mingling In the crowd, 1 beard Mrs. Grant commend ed for the kindly graclousncss of her wel comes. It was pleasant tonote how curious all strangers were to sec and to study the General. They bung around him la a thick clutter, a little obtrusively at times, perhaps, but always paying tribute, even If uncon sch us; to the man as well as to tbo officer. Mis. Senator S irauer was probably the most noticeable lady In the company. The romance of her mairlagc, and the fact that she Is 3lr. Sumner's wife, make her the ob served of all observers wherever she goes, j-hc wore an elegant black corded silk dress, with Pompadour waist, and a heavy black lacc mantle, and carried herscll us royally as a queen—a golden wreath of antique* mould, and half like a crown, curiously in terwoven with her hair, helping to create an Illusion before which men Instinctively ren dered homage. Mrs. Senator Chandler seemed the most brilliantly dressed Indy. She wore a very -handsome pink satin, with white lacc over skirt, am] waist trimmed with honlfon lace, and created a decided sensation no less by the elegance than the richness of her all ire. Mrs. General Hanks also provoked many exc nutations of satisfaction. She wore a h» ary white satin, trimmed with blue, and n right fitting basque trimmed with honicou, her hair being dressed with dark corals. Mrs. General Clietlain, os a lady of charm ing presence and manner, and a resident of the section that gave General Grant to the country, was a great favorite. • The reception was not over till near mid night, and 1 judge that there could not have been during the evening less than a thousand visitors. Cards areout forouecntcrlaiument more—on the evening of the 7th of February. I have already advised you by telegraph of the fact that Mr. PostmnstcrGcncral Randall feels aggrieved at some comments 1 have made upon bis official conduct, and has in dicated his desire that nn Investigation should he made into matters spoken ol by tiie correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette and myself. The following is a copy of his letter to the Chaiironn of the House Committee on Post Office Allairs: Washington, D. C.. January 21,15C7. Srn: I enclose herewith extract* trotn corre spondence in the Cincinnati Gazette and Cblcigo Tiixbvks makmp attacks npon the management of the Post Office Department, aud charging cor ruption upon its officers. These articles are rail of gross tal.-choods and misrepresentations, but so will ten as to entirely deceive Ibe public. I write this that your committee, or sowc other to be appointed for theputpose, mar make, or cease to bo made, tie must rigid exam ination into every cause of compl ant -perilled in this coire«pomlence, and Ico every other transac tion In every branch of tide Department. It Is dno to the officers and employes of this Depart ment that this should be done. I suggest that the correspondents of the two newspapers named be permitted to Eld In the invcstigatiOD, believing that they will be as willing to do Justice to the Department, on a fail Investigation, as they now arc to do injustice without any knowledge nn the subject. The early attention of your committee is requested to this maucr. Very tvspectfn.ly, (Signed) Aim. W. lUsdali, „ PoelmastL-r General, The Chairman of the Post Office Commit tee la Hon. John B. Alley, of Massachusetts, who is. just now, out of the city. The let ter of Mr. Randall is in the bands of tbo committee's clerk, and will bo formally pre sented at the next meeting of the commit tec. Ofcouise I can’t tell what action will be taken thereupon. I quite agree with the Postmaster General in thinking that an In vestigation had better be made. His letter la courteous coout h ‘o the two correspon dents. though he might have spared himself the trouble of saying that they know noth ing affairs in bis Department. Per haps they don’t—but then again per haps they do. He is quite right, solar as I am concerned. Ic thinking that they will be willing to do jusMce to the De partment on full investigation. I have epok« n only of his connection with the Bry an Tyson scheme for evading the tes-t-oalh law, lam cm ions to see how the black of that transaction can be made to appear white ; ami when lam convinced that it is white I shall he ready to give the Depart ment tie benefit of an acknowledgment. As for tbc correspondent of the Gazette, he is entirely able to speak for himself. The Senate will finish the Tariff Bill to day, I suppose. It is doubtless to be passed, though there will be a considerable vote against It. How It will fare In the House no one can tell. It goes there as a substitute for Ibe bill passed by that body last session, but so much time has elapsed since the former action that it must be taken up and ’’considered ns a new bill. Some members propo«e throwing it at once luto a Commit tee of Conference, but I have no idea that this plan can be made to work—the interests involved are of too much importance. Three or four of the gentlemen who oppose the measure express hopes that it can be killed in the Honsc. I judge that their confidence is not well founded. The hill is very likely to become a law, though further modifications arc certain to be made. Isay it “Is very lery likely to become a law,” for I can’t help seeing ‘dav by day how energetically it Is pressed by the lobby. The halls of the* Capitol have been thronged all the week with the agents of various Interests seeking further protection. I say nothing as to the merits of their case. I only put on record the fact that the lobbv for this measure Is the strongest I have seen in my six years’ experience of Washington. The negroes of Georgetown arc working out their political salvation slowly and with many helping hindrances. The introduction of a bill into tbc Senate proposing to put the registration of voters Into the hands of judges of election to be appointed by the Supreme Court of the District speedily brought the Mayor and Aldermen to terms, nod they opened their books on Wednesday. The registration closes this evening, but it is probable that another day will be given to the work in the course of the coming fort night. There are rumors of an ugly charac ter respecting the course that has been pur sued, but comment may be reserved tUlthey take a more definite shape. It is worth noting, however, that especial pains was taken to learn If the negroes had ever been in jail, while no questions bearing on tills point wore asked the whites. Thesuf. fragcbili provides that no man shall vote who has been guilty of an ‘‘infamous crime.” The Chronkte lours that the object of these Jail inquiries is of a sinister character, and sutgests that It may he Intended to cheat the negroes nut of their ■•right to suffrage by setting up. through challenges and before negro-heating officials, that the fact of con finement In the jail ts/irh/io facie evidence of “Infamous crime.” As a majority of the ne groes have been thrown Into jalf for a viola tion of some old pro-slavery law of the city or dhtrlct, a ruling such os the Chronicle fears, on the morning of election dav, would undoubtedly re-elect the present officials. Thu matter will be looked into, and the nccrocs will bo made, before election, to un derstand their rights and duties in the premi ses. Their conduct during the registration has been worthy ofall praise, and lias tended to the contusion of all that class of persons living here which continually asserts their ntier Incapacity todlschurgc the functions of human bungs- Isiucu PciKtminn of iTotMtaDl* In H*«me by the I'ope. fPiom the New York Tlrooi.f The only Government In the world that rc-cogn.ztd the rcln.l Confederacy was that of the Sovereign of Rome. The only Gov ernment In the world that denies to day the right of worship to American Protestants within Its capital Is that of the Sovereign of Rome. The facts tearing on the latter point were adverted to Iu a recent cable telegram. The story is fully borne out iu the fuller reports bv mail. Tuc American. Scotch and English maces of worship witiiln the precincts of Rome—all of an unostentatious and almost private character—have been ordered closed by the Cardinal Minister of State, under im mediate direction of the Pope; and onr Pro tenant countrymen in Rome are only per* milted tbe grace henceforward to assemble lor tbe worship of God outside the walls of the city. The story hardly seems real. One cannot well appreciate the audacity of this feeble, corrupt, dying remnant of despotic ruiershlp —the very caricature aud ghostly counterfeit of impotent tyranny—with Us paralytic army of petticoatcd priests. It seems some thing unreal that powerful liberal nations like those of Great Britain and the United Slates, whose Governments extend to the spiritual subiccts of Rome the utmost toler ation, and treat them wph every considera tion and respect, should have indignities offered to them of such a Cishlon. Onr Protestant clergy do not go to Rome to make converts ol Romans. They go to edify peo pie of their own language and faith, who have made Rome a temporary residence. They have a right to do this, by all recog nized rules of international comity. If their Government on their behalf do not assert that right, then U tails in Its duty. That I? the sum of tbe stotv. It is hardly worth while quarrelling with a sovereignty m the last stages of its existence; and ft is always a palnlnl and Invidious thing for strong pow era to attempt what may appear like coer cion In their dealings with weak ones. And jet we do cot think that the representatives u'r the United States and EoglMd jastl fled In accepting, ft o °, emphatic protest; the i n Vl* AP n r the Pope or his Cardins Minister or State, to remove their places ° r R ship beyond the corporate limits of Romo. The Invitation was an insult, and nono ' the less so that it was offered by a P°J! cr l®fV Icr. It was an invitation given on theback ot the French evacuation ortho city, Implying, in the most direct way, that American and English Protestants had been Indebted to toe Imperial occupation for the little «®*, hlance of toleration they enjoyed. It wa« douhlv an affront. In view of the kindly and conciliatory pollcv which the liberal Powers of both hemispheres have pursued In smooth ing *he way for an understanding bet^ ecn Italy and Home. It was a nn . grateful act, in view of the equality between Roman Catholic and Protestants, under the administration of the two great Protestant Governments oftbo world. Tn every sense— and from every point of view that we can thinly ct—Jt Is hniqill i^lng for mto lead 6ar representative being Cw.ceo to slink outside of the walls of Rome, along with bis fellow-countrymen and fellow religionists, like so many conspirators, before they can read the Book of Coicmun Prayer, or open the New Testament, as a worship ping congregation, of a Sabbath morning while here, on every hand rise corneous Ro man Catholic edifices, surrounded with all the appendages and endowments of n recog nized Romish hierarchy. The thing hardly admits of reasoning. It Is one simply lor unsparing and unqualified denunciation. artful skating disaster. Fearful Accident In Unseat’*..Park. I.ozidttn Two Hundred Skater* Break Through the Ice—* Tinny to forty Drownid- Thrilling Scene*. [From the London Times, January 10 J Yesterday one of the most awful calami ties ever known In the metropolis took place in the Regent’s Park, where, by the simul taneous giving way of the whole of the Ice on the lake, at least two hundred people were thrown Into the water at once, and from twenty to forty persons drowned. The scenes were most startling and har rowing.. Women rushed abont on the banks scream ing out that their children, or husbands, or brothers w ere drowning, and Imploring help lo save them. Boys and girls stood hyster ically crying ana wringing their hands, and between their sobs exclaiming, "Ob. look at lather I Ob, father, father I” and giving ex pression toothtft heartrending exclamations; und strong men convulsively appealed to those who had no means of help, and point ed out friends and relations struggling in the agonies of death. Only those who. like tbe writer, were on the spot, and saw with their own eyes what took place, can form an ade quate Idea of the calamity which in an in stint placed two hundred persons at the very gales of death, almost within arms' reach of those who were related to them by the closest ties, but who were yet in most esses obliged to stand helplessly by and see tl cm figbiing desperately tor life, and grad i ally succumbing or waiting passively, clinging to pieces of ice till they became in scnriblc and lost their hold. By half-past three o'clock the Ice showed unmistakable signs uf breaking up. It was cracked to such an extent that there was not a sound piece of more than a foot or so broad, and the cracks were clearly marked by the water which rose through them. These alarming symptoms were noticed by everybody, and many who had sense enough made the beet of their way off. expressing their opinion os they did so that the ice would not Ia&l many minutes longer. Even these, in many Instances, got a welling in getting ont of danger, for with hardly an exception the Ice hud parted from the shore right round the Jake. Notwithstanding the warning signs, mote than 200 penoos still remained on the ice skating and sliding. Shortly befour four o'clock three children and two men went through the icc together at about a dozen feel from the southwestern shore. A gentleman Immediately p unged in and bronchi to the shore the three chil dn n, who clung roam! so ns almost to drown him. Hereonooflheßoynl Humane Society's men excited a great deal of indignation, lie went a foot or so Into the water, and there waited until the children were brought to him. and then, with another, claimed to have rescued them. One of the men who bad fallen in scrambled out. and the other wns taken from a boat by n Royal Humane Soci ety's man. Immediately alter this several other people fell in, but they were soon got out. Somewhat awakened to their position by these accidents and the shouts of the peo pic on the banks, a few other persons left, the fee, not, however, without In most ca-cs fall ing through when near the shore. At this time a dozen people on the nrrlhcaslcrn side, near the boat-house, who were standing close together watching the misfortunes of the others, next fell in together. This was witnessed from all parts, and created a panic among all who remained on the icc, and they all with one accord rushed towards the opposite shore. Before this movement commenced numbers were seen dropping through the icc in a'l parts. As the frightened groups made for the banks the whole field of ice gave two or three heaves, and then broke up over the whole of the broad part of the lake. In an instant two hundred men and children were thrown into the water. A fearful cry of dismay proceeded from them as they fell, which was mingled with a loud shout of hor ror from the thousands who lined the banks. Then all was contusion and distraction. For several minutes t.othh g effectual was even thought of, and there in tile water could be seen children of from q[ghl lo twelve years of age clinging to the edges of the broken ice, crying every moment lu frartic voices for the assistance which those who witnessed their suf ferings were i-owcriess lo render them, and in a brict time giving up their short lease of life with a few last faint waves of the hands above the water. Those who witnessed these scenes cried and shrieked with even greater exhibition of feeling rim? the suffer ers them elves. The first shock over, men rushed wildly about, seizing upon every* *hli-s in the shape of a*ropc or spar to throw to the struggling and drowning; but by this time all direct communication with them was cut off by the general breaking np of the icc, ard very few were reached for a long lime. A cry was raised of "the boats, the boats!" and hundreds of willing workers ran off to return with the boats on their shoulders, but when they got them inio the water the greatest diffi culty was experienced in forcing them through the Ice. Ropes were rapidly joined, and then one end of each fading carried across the bridge they were stretched from .‘•bore to shore and dragged along. A few persons managed to grasp them, but they could not he dragged ashore and had to re main holding on to them till the boats nicked them np. Some of them failed to hold on long enough, and the spectators were horrified to see. even* now ana then, a man thoroughly exhausted gradually relax his bold and sink. Many instances, of indi vidual gallantry, took place. One man. at the most imminent risk, plunged In and brought several children safely out. A gen tleman, who broke through near the south western shore, fell so that bis head and chest retted on a large block of ice, while his feet were in thewater. Therchelav.gmokinghis pipe, fora longtime, while boats were fur ther out, picking as fast as possible those in a worse position. lie began, however, to realize his position, and. removing his pipe fromhlsmouth.be called out, "£oo to any one who will fetch me out!" Several abor live attempts were made to reach him with ropes. poles and ladders. A man with the aid of a ladder reached a small piece of sound icc, and endeavored to throw a rope to him, but it fell short, lie then managed to push forward the ladderto a piece of Icc further onf l ond standing on the former he again threw the rope. In doing so he fell, and in clinging to the ladder he hurt himself and was drawn ashore. A gentleman then got into an escape fitted up with barrels at the end. When pushed ont as far ns possible, he got into the water and endeavored to push tbe escape along, but he did not succeed. Eventually, a roan stripped to his shirt anti trousers, and a rope having been fixed to his waUt, he desperately fought his way through the icc, and, seizing tbe skater round the body, they were both dragged to land amid tremendous cheers. A man named Moore, who received a medal two years ago lor saving people under similar circum stances, wa« very active, and saved several persons. Just as one of ihc boats approached a sufferer he sank, but a young man In the boat plunged alter him Into thewater, and brought -him tip. The number of victims will reach from thirty to forty. TERRIBLE MURDER. A Deputy Sheriff Killed for Fifty llol lain. {From tbe Dnboqne Timet. January CC.] The meet brutal murder over perpetrated In this portion of lowa, settlic northern por tion ofJnckson County wild with excitement on Wednesday last. The victim wa» Mr. Samuel Crouk, Deputy Sheritf of Jackson County, a joung man who was highly es teemed by all who knew him, and fils ac quaintance was very extensive. On Tuesday Inst, young Cronk left An drew for Ln Motto on official business Ar riving at Cottonvlllc, some army comrades pen-usdcd him to stay over night, for the purpose of attending a hill in the neighbor hood. Wednesday forenoon be proceeded to La Mollc, served several notices and nub jhciiup, and returned to Cottonville, arriving there towards eveniog, lie spent nearly an hour at the place, received £oo from Mr. L. Ablcy for the Treasurer of Jackson County, und started for Andrew. Nothing more was seen of Mm until Thursday morning at half past eight o’clock, when some children, who were on their way to school, nearly a mile fomb of Cottonville, saw blood In the road. They traced it to a clump of trees a few rods distant, when they were horrified by finding the body of a man partially coLccu’id under some lumber. They gave the alarm, and in twenty minutes almost the entire population ot Cottonville was upon the ground. The clothing noon the body enabled them to rcognixe lias* the corpse of voung Crook, otherwise the bidy was hard ly recognizable. The bead, Horn the eves to Hie crown, was smashed In. the eyes'were horribly swollen, and the flesh of the cheeks lacerated. Two fingers of the right hand were broken, and the arm ah <vc the elbow was black and bine. The skull at the hack of the bend was also broken In. It Is supnosed be was murdered for money, but how much more than the £SO mentioned above, ho bad with him. is not known. The horse which he rode, a dark gray, has not been found. Young Cronk nad resided for several years before joining the army, with Mr. B. whip, ley, of Andrew, who had the affection of a lather for him. Mrs. John Pearce, who resides near West Duhcqne, is a sister of the murdered man. It I# hardly possibly that the murderers can long escape detection. They arc now bclrg hunted lor in every direction. Amusements In Boston in ISfiß.'" "" The fbllowlng Is the the amount of money expended last year at the vurloii places of amusement in Boston, taken irom the Internal Revenue Assess or* books. The list Is complete, with the exception of the returns from the Boston and Continental Theatres for the mouth of December, which have not been re ccivcd: Boston Theatre (December return not id), P.. 0,200; Boston Unseam, $136,025 ; Howard Athewcum, fSO.COI; Thealr o Com* iqne, *10o,183; Continental Theatre (Decern !? r ret S? '")• fa. 550; Munis Oiwra House, $93,9C9; total, *773,573. EUROPE. Out Special Foreign Corre- spondence. The Eastern Question. Interesting Gossip from the British Capital. OUB LONDON LETTER. TJio Fturtern flats Hon—An Importer t JBamor—Thte High Price* of Drccd •toff*—Uncanlnes* of the Working Classes—Poland—Americans In Bmuia —-United Stales Custom House Deiec tlTes In Europe—Oaycty In Parls- F ranee and Enslnod aabinUslvo to the Untied Mates-A Heavy Manic De- falcntldn. [Special Correspondence of the Chicago Tribone.l Losdos, England, January 9. The prospects of 1807 do not brighten us we advance into it. The clouds are getting darker and darker over the entire horizon of Europe. The Cretan question, which, at first, seemed to be a storm In a tea pot, U assuming, os the insurrection goes cn, more serious proportions, and It is not unlikely to be the one to set Europe in a blaze. The latest report—and I give it only as a possible canard— is that England, Russia and Prussia, have come to an understanding on the fol lowing basis : England to have Egypt; Prussia the whole of Germany; Russia, Turkey, from which however a Grecian Kingdom is to be carved out for King George of Athens, the brother-in-law of the Priace of Wales, and the Czarowitch of Russia, and, there fore the Intimate connection ol the Hoyal House of Prussia. It strikes me that the fam ily relationships of these imperial and royal houses have given rise to this report, which proceeds from a French source. At the same time it Is by no means an impossible com bination. The offer of Egypt, which the late Emperor of Russia made to England as an indemnity'for Russia’s occupation of Con stantinople, previous to the Crimean war, may be more acceptable, in the present state of Europe, atd under the new family con nections, of which the Royal House of Den mark Is the connecting link, than It was some years ago. This would bea new “fam- Uy compact," indeed, of most cminoas por tent for the peace of the world. On the other hand we would have, as a counter poise, an Austro-Italian-Frcoch alliance, which indeed is already spoken of. In an other reported combination England occu pies an entirely neutral position, and this is certainly the one that would find most favor amongst politicians here. With England a : partner in a Kusso-Prusslan league, I do not think the .Ministry who engaged the country in such a combination could remain a week in power. But these are such strange times, and people submit to so much, that it is dangerous to speculate on what may take place. The Paris paper, the Libcrte, of to day, has a remarkable article on this subject, entitled the “Accomplishment ol a Prediction"—the prediction being that of Napoleon who in taint Helena made use of these words: "In the natuial course of things, Turkey will, alter tome years, full into the power of Rus sia. Moot of the population are Greeks, and it may be said the Greeks are Russian. The Powers wh«ch will suffer from this aad which can oppose it are England, France, Prussia, and Austria. As lor # Austria, Russia can easily engauc her on her side by offering her Serviu, and some of the other provinces bordering on Austria. If ever England and France become really allied it will be to pre vent the execution* of this project " The lust sentence of this prediction was fulfilied in the alliance during the Crimean war. and if England is now detached from France, the first pari of it will soon he accomplished. What is remarkable In the article is that Girardin, by whom it is signed, and who Is very intimate with Prince Napoleon, advises France not to opposcaionc this combination, but to allow the Ottoman Empire to fall to pieces. But, apart from politics, there is much cause for uneasiness, and j*ossible dis turbance. The price of coni, bread and pro visions generally. Is risingin Europe. There is agitation in Italy on this account; the French working classes are uneasy at the high price of food, and In England, although there is no agitation, tlicie is plcuty of grumbling. The price of wheat In London Is unusually high, bread is advancing, and people are dying In “the street. I think during the past week, when we had oxcep tiuially cold weather, there have been half a dozen rases of publicly recorded starvation. To-day the ukase for the extinction of Po land Is to issue from the Palace of Tsarskoe- Sclo. After all, Russia may find it as dlQl cull to digest a dead Poland as to attack a living one. Long ago Rousseau gave It as advice lo the Poles that thej* should not at least allow* Russia to digest them. By the by, there are a good many Ameri cans at present visiting tUo **11008" lu the Czar'sdomhiions. MuJorGcncral Roberts, with Messrs. Appleton, Soyorand Longfellow—the last, 1 believe, a son of the poet—have been visiting Cronsiadi and shown over the forti fications of tba* celebrated arsenal—a pretty strong proof that whoever the Czar's enemies are, he docs not *‘ calculate " on the United States being among them. But if Major General Roberts Is not over here in Europe lo spy out the nakedness of the land, there are, if the Continental jour nals report Truly, plenty of American epics prowling about for other purposes. The Journal tie Geneve reports that there are per sons from the United States roaming about Europe for the purpose of obtaining samples ol goods intended to be sent to America, and price currents of them, with a view of In forming your Custom House authorities ami putting them on the watch if the good* and the value declared were not conformable to the information so obtained. One person is especially pointed at under the name ol Mr. Jonathan, who is said to have made already large sums of money out of the lines inflicted by the American Custom House on Continental merchants, and Is reported to have lauded recently In Hamburg on a similar mission. It appears that six of the largest silk houses In Switzer land are involved in a dispute with the New York Custom Homo respecting a sum of £120,0C0. of which the share coming to Mr. Jonathan, should the goods be confiscated, would he £14,000 —not a bad prize. I have been told by a friend of mine, who has jnst retarded from Paris, that that city swarms at present with United States citi zens. II his account be true, there is no species of extravagance and vice which they cannot indulge in ii they have a taste that way and have money to humor It. True to the despotic principle, Napoleon indulges his Parisians in immoral license os an in demnity for moral liberty. The and the "Swans of the Cesspool" rclgn supreme. Masquerades ol a haul ton order, and patron ized by the last aristocracy, are to be immediately inaugurated, and to be coni inued—except In Lent—an homage to custom, il not to religion and virtue throughout the Exhibition season. Here is an opportunity that may never occur again. For inosc who may.torn away from the de coUet«* und debardmrs of the b<d masque, there is the new song of the o>Jettn de Paris. to be chanted by Mile. Thercsc, who, it Is to be hoped, will soon recover her voice, or the sensuous sermon ol Le Fere Hvaciothe at Notre Dame, or one oi the new Parisian din ners In the Done, at forty francs per head. Should any young gentleman from Chicago be preparing to visit the Paris Ex hibition next summer, let him not imagine that he can have for his ten dollars a regular diner de gourmand at the renowned restaurant .of Verdlers Frcns, or taste the choice wines of its celebrated cafe . And yet to return home without dining at Venlicrs’, and being able to speak of the chambcrtin of the Maison Dorec, would be to admit that a visit to Europe was thrown awoy. "When people return home and the excitement Is over, many, I am afraid, will have cause to remember that the Pails Exhibition of ISO 7 was opened on April the first. For its sake may the Emperor be able lo keep the peace for a year and escape from the dagger or bul to Be directed towards him by 1-eJlx Pyat In his Lettre atiz DtudUtnt* The recommendation to assassinate the Emocror was never more undisguised!? pat forward than In this pamphlet of the exiled Red Re publican, and it is astonishing how the Government could permit it to be published in the newspapers, even though It termed port of the case at the trial of the twenty-two prisoners who were recently con vlctcd In Paris for forming port of a secret society. The Emperor and bis Government arc said to be much pleased with General DU*. I ap prehend there Is an anxious wish, both on the fart of the French Government and on that of England, to be on friendly terms with the United .Slates, in view oi corning events. Our Oder to refer the Alabama claims to arbi tration is highly significant. Ido not think there is a newspaper In England which has not had its comments oo the Impeachment of President Johnson, the news of which arrived this week by the At lantic Cable, and nil of these look at it as one of the gravest events which has vet happened in the history of the Republic 'in deed, some hare gone so far os to compare it to the trial of Louis XVI. In France, and have said that it means a revolution of no lees significance than that of the first French Revolution. The nets of Congress are regarded as an attempt to set aside the CorsUtution, and to erect themselves into a despotism. Notwithstanding all the falsified predictions of these journals, they persist In believing, or at least In asserting, that Mr. Johnson* represents the true Interests of the country, and will not see that if his policy were adopted the entire resylts of tho war would be lost. The Right Honorable C. B. Adderly, M. P. Undersecretary for the Colonics, has just published a pamphlet entitled “ Europe In capable of American Democracy.” Its title reveals Its purpose, bnt more wretched rea soning was never pat forward. Asia, be says, the scat of patriarchal Government, is natural ly despotic; Europe, the birth-place of an In dependent aristocracy,- can never become democratic; America, from the absence of an aristocratic organization, cannot become aristocratic. But then, savs Mr. Adderly, BuroDean Constitutions must and may be adapted to take In the utmost increase of popular power. If words have any meaning at all, Iheutmoet increase of popular power must mean a republic and cot an aristocracy; so that the real conclusion of 44 Europe In capable of American Democracy,” Is that European Constitutions may and most 11- ceosc republicanism. Statesman of the stamp ot Mr. Adderly arc those by whom the Government of England Is at present conducted. In a previous letter I mentioned tbatlhe manager of a large concern—the London Joint Stock Discount Bank—was under pros ccution for malversation. Whilst the affair was still subjudlce , I did not think it right to mention him by name, but as James Freellng Wilkinson has now been convicted ana sen tenced to five years 4 penal servitude for ap. pronrlailng to his own use a sum of near £5,000, no further damage can be done to bis repntation by naming him. This conviction Is au exercise of virtue which I did not think an Old Bailey jury was capable of. lam afraid Mr. \\ Ukinson is rather the victim o ft momentary access of commercial m So much has been said and written, f'S ; J • to tbe extent and Impunity of finanr?,.. Jj that people began to doubt •£ was not the exception, and so the Pi '*l X of fictitious trade' determined iT E victim. The topluic of Mr. Wilkin , !: *i « received the magnificent salary o/A* l * 1 year for bis services to the was a* splendid opportunity for th^r 1 r* of the indignation of the ty, and WilKltmm was fpund aulUv ‘J gatiah-i {be voice of virtue I»y of guilty, the Jury endeavoftd"to “London’s voice” also, by anwmi their verdict a strong recomrn/ndai! C? u i§ mercy, to which, however. £ I pay much attention when lie pa» H tehee of five years’ penal serrttnj. ?•' sentence has frightened the wholeV** 5 fraudulent directors, managers an*i rfes, for It is notorious that there ar^^ 1, who ijold their heads hieh la London wi o arc morally not a than James IviiMnson. There are i-jV* 1 * : they arc named in private society—im^ 4s * "J joyment of tens and hundred's of rounds, whose fortune and no*h h been, acquired by mSiE?“SVj 5 the same as those employed hr tSSrJ son, but they had the good' 'r Ui ' t '-i to be successful, whereas he speculations. Like most person*»{«“ ** with other people’s monev, Mr Wti> „ !?n house was notorious for Us snlcnrii.ii ,1 ’ J and appointments. It was nounS?*? wUh him to hire a special train himself and guests to his country h ’’•* Brighton. On one occasion he hidn’.*!? of a large shareholder In the Dhconmr 4 Mrs. Wilkin fltf friend, in the course of conversation the desert cost £Si. When th- Kv 1 * i beard this from hiswife, he went nW* 1 ing to the city and sold the whole terest in the company, thereby if- c ’ J himself from a heavy have heard of a coiu"i-« 1 1 regarding the prosecution of one i*" 03 name is ranch better known than " ilkinsor, and whose reputation hi » already tarnished in connection London. Chatham & Dovt r KaiiwHr ny. But the name of this class of iW'?' London is legion, and alreadv a crr'utf rooted that the sentence passed bt Pigoit Is unnccc«sarilv severe. 3 The claim of the'so-called Ro-rr Ta bourne to the title and estates of the th bournes of HampshUeii not so str-r."i.\ was first made out to be, and tbeb-Vii gaining ground that he Is nothing i>tiua* l -T poster. II be be the son of the Ute teiw one would suppose that his fir.-t dm? »ovl bo to pay a visit to his mother, Ladv'D .-■** ty Tichbourne, who is at prestol ia PariT*' 088 BERLIN LETTER. Christmas and New Year Festivutn / In Uic Prussian Cnplial-.lliUu ( , ' fc Oration to Uie Kins—The lilt—tkon, . for Parliament-Queer Itcrclopm-nu “*CiE In Rlccklcnburc-Scbti'rrln-Th • Final '■■•M Act in the Stblf»wiK*llub{«-lii Onoj I' - I —The llnnorerlnn Imbroglio. r LSpcclal Correspondence of theChlcagoTribune l Beexjx, Prussia, Janua.7 7 For the last two weeks there ha* hardly any jiollilcal stir In this n ain ce* ~ of public life in Germany. Both the Pi- a ' V'J mentand the Council of PleMp>tcmi.ci* of the States of Northern Gormans i* *’ 1 joarned over the "holidays, and onls f* c ; t again this week. And not only the 'a* • makers and framers of the Con#iitiitijn * \ * - the North German Confederacy ■ themselves In a vacation, but every!.,,;, [fegi else, from the King down to hts humi;*- ‘fsS subject, followed their example ami zv> himself up, according to old custom, toil* enjoyment of the festive days. The Pfop e ; * of this Capital understand the art «>:* a ;aa- a sing themselves generally as well a*, if oot >' wV | better than, the inhabitants of any t.tlitr I spot on the globe, and in the Chri-un V New Year’s season abandon cveryii-i: g*.*. . \ for the pursuit of pleasure. The popular ■- - - • Christmas enjoyments hero, a? tverr- i where else in Germany, are i; *:y * the main, of a domestic iiatur- But the new year is regularly urio-red h by the Berliners iu a very demonstraJivi-asi ■’ noisy manner, and signalized by gfiie.jlpi:. aLf tlcipatlonln all kieds of frivolities outside cf ,• domestic circles. Even in New York N’t* *&- • - Year's night Is not more boisterous iiaa g the Prussian capital. This year, especialh. the general exultation over the juti.ici i triumphs of last summer rendered the elrnii ' tlou of popular feeling more excessive this Vi ever. There is no shooting or letting oifof,*? , fireworks here, as in the transatlantic ce tropolis. But. in its place, o her &tr«t noises, as loud and more discordant, mitr ed the last hours of the old uud Ui? first »f the new y»ar hideous enough. Whit, with K" the miscellaneous shouts and cheers, ih« ■£ imitation of animal cries, hnd the olowinc f all kinds of Instruments, from scrccchis' -Si•; children’s trumpets to frightfully sonnaia: old horns, by the tens ut thousands lai; crowded all the leading thoroughfares *t -V’’' midnight. New Year’s night was livelf enough in Berlin. Some of the local paper* V claim that there bad not been a nobter nigh.. 2>» in tffe capital within the memory ef the old est inhabitant#. • * Ot the various public and private celcbra* i tions on the first day of the New Year, lie principal one was a’military ovation to the King, iu honor of the sixtieth anuiver-ary ui his entrance into the army. AcconJlaJ w royal fashion, he received ’bis first commit sion in ISOT, when still a mete buy, but lea C-- ycars of age. As a testimonial lor him na the occasion, the officers of the army g.a crally had u richly ornamented immature column of victory made of solid silvcrata TS~ • very heavy cust. N The Sccicty of Pm.-slaa iv- Veterans had procured a laurel wreath, ;a?. worked in solid gold, consisting of no lot than sixty leaves, that was to be pre.-entnJ iTS. to him sirauitaneoualy with Hie oth-r u-sti- ■. monial. The presentation took place st - neon in the old tetlnec nl Potsdini, :n the .-g presence of the whole royal faiul’y and ha f a dizen princely vbitors,among them Prime vv William, of- Baden, who but a lew mui:tli» ■ ago hud led ten thousand men aiuiu?t the . :'i Prusyian a:my of the Main—of tho wli-le V* ministry, the royal and dcpartmcmul staff#, all u.c Generals commanding military dc- \ purtiuents anc army corps, with their sev eral personal staffs, and a large dele gation of veterans. Including a num ber of non-ccinmlssioncd officers and * privates that had served against Napoleon in the war of liberation. Iba Crown Prince made the presentation sneccb in the name of the army officers, ills re marks had no noteworthy point, hut con sisted exclusively of extravagant laudation* of the military services of “ Ills M«*t Gra cious Majesty,” and professions of the most profound loyalty and devotion to the throne, • . that animated the army. The King replied / “most pracionsly,”as the Court organs have - It, expressing his sense of gratitude for the testimonials, as well as for the faiiliful ser vices of those around him, and of the army at large, that alone had eimbhd him to achieve such glorious successes in the late war. After he had finished his remark#, he singled out Count Bismark and General# Von Rood and Moltke in the vast a##emblag'.vtnd thanked them severally for the distlugubhcd services they had rendered to him and tae country. The whole affair was verv ostenta tious and brilliant, but, being only an-uher Illustration of the servile glory the Pru-#ian officers as a class take iu being considered the particular props and providential tool* of royalty,it could hardly alford any great grat ification to the Prussian people, for the real ization of whose political aspirations the event will not prove very auspicious V The press organs of all parties, in the ab- ' since of interesting current new? calling Ter comments, have devoted themselves nearly ' altogether to the discussion of the probable functions of the new Parliament for the ***l “ German Coniederacv, and to personal f agitation In favor of particular candidate#, in anticipation of the approaching elections a for the former. It seems to be a settled fact /l that the first session of the National Assam bly Is to be opened on the 15th proximo, and that the elections will be held la the course of the next few weeks. The Prussian Gov. eminent has just promulgated an order dl- »• reeling the various local authorities to make all possible speed with the preparation of the lists of electors so as to complete them by the 15th instant. But, while the bolding ol the elections before the clo.-c of the mouth seems certain, nothing definite his as yet transpired os to the positive ut.d negative qualificalloca the Federal Constitution, the finmit.g of which has now been resumed bv the plenipotentiaries of the eoufcJcrotvil governments, will require ol the members of Parliament. The orguusof the Liberal party, on the strength of some Intimations of cer* tain papers In tho Interest of the Govern- i ment, appear to take it for certain that the 5 Constitution will prohibit Government offi- I clals to hold scats in the Parliament, and ( also forbid the allowance of any pecuniary >. ccmpet)salion fbr their Parliament-,;. ' services, aoo they feel decidedly blue over this prospect. For the most distinguished and experienced chant- 1< plons of political progress In Prussia belong to tbo very class that would thus be excluded from the privilege of representing the people 1 In Parliament. And, moreover, the obligation toi serve without compensation would, like wise, prevent the most tried Liberal leaders ftom accepting Parliamentary trusts, owing to their Hu Itcd private means, and be almost v sure to give the wealthier classes, which as V a rule, represent political conservatism In « Prussia, as everywhere else, a preponderance t • It* Parliament. The con,ervative and r»?ac tlomiry press, on the contrary, are decidedly elated at the probable exclusion, through the 1 restrictions mentioned, of democratic cle- ments from the National Assembly, and pro claim, with malicious sneers, that the meet ing of that body would Inaugurate an era of political conservatism, instead of opeulug as < expected by the Liberals, a road turreater* political liberties of the people. Tne des pondency produced among the friends of po- i* lineal progress by these gloomy anticipations is Intensified by the apparently well rounded fact that the organic law of tho new federa tion will not be submitted for revision and - amendment to the Parliament, but he de clared binding in the form la which it will be ' ; produced by the plenipotentiaries of the Governments, without the least co-operation of the representatives of the people ot the Federal States. r Both the Liberal and Conservative parties in .Prussia, as well as in the o‘her States, have already, formally, or Informally, agreed upon the individuals the election of whom thev will try to effect In the several districts, their choice being subject, of course, to the contingency of Ineligibility through the re quirements of the Constitution, yet to ne como known. The liveliest Interest in the elections is apparent in the old provinces of Prussia. In those recently annexed, more or less indifference prevails. In Hanover, Nas sau and Frankfort the people do not seem to take the least Interest In the canvass. In the late Electorate of Hesse, however, an active agitation Is going on. Of the other Slates of the new Band-, Saxony, whose population has always been as wide awake politically as that of anw other part of Germany, pre sent# the liveliest spectacle. Some queer de velopments have taken place in connection with the approaching elections In some of the Northern States. Perhaps not all of your readers are sufficiently familiar with the intricate geography of Germany to know that between the Prussian provinces of Pom ! cieranla and Brandenburg and the Duchies of Schleswig-Holstein there are two States known :ia the grand*riuchics of Mecklen burg Schwerin and Mecklcaburg-Slrelitx, 1 I i S V