Newspaper of The Chicago Tribune, February 21, 1867, Page 2

Newspaper of The Chicago Tribune dated February 21, 1867 Page 2
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Chicago ®nlmnf. DAILY, TRI-WE£ELY A STD WXEKXT. OFFICE. N 0.31 CIARH^T, There ere tcret eaiao&n oi me Teuctu issaoo- Ist. very moraine.for circulat'ot. or enmun. newsmen ana uetonus, li- TtpTEi-Wrxn-r. Uondnym. Wed. nsadays nod Frosya, or th* malls oaJ ri- tad the ■Wkeklt, onTtmrMJayi, foi tfc'’ malii ead sale at oar cornier and Or newmrn. Terms of the chi raff* Tribunes DSUT delivered to tn* carj tots wee*j 8 23 •» «• (per quarter)?... 2,23 Daily, to DU 1 subscribers (per vicbil, pay*- - h elp advance) 12,00 Tri-Weerlr.(per actum, payable«u advance) tt.OO Weekly, (oerannnm. otvab eir advance) '2.00 g3T~ FracUora- para ol Urs year at the name rates, jar* persons remitting sua ordering five or nor.; copies of fitter the Irl-WeeUy or Weekly edition*, xsty retain tec per rent of the sat»cn nUon price aa a commission. 1* one* to KCBSCEnjiE*.—in oruenug tae address ol your papers chanced, to prevent delay, be sure and specify wLatedWor. yt.n take—.. eekly, Tri-Weekly, Or Dally, also, civeyonrPEJsoiaDdfatnreaddrcs* Money, by Draft, Eip-vse, Money enters, or to EeclsteredLetters, may beseatatour risk. Address. TBIBDNR COh Chlcaco, HU THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21, ISC7. THE STATE HOUSE JOB. The Legislature has completed the enor mity of passing the bill for the three million State Honsc. Several Chicago members took part in the disgraceful proceedings attendant upon its passage. Several Chicago Repre sentatives bid high for tbe cheers of the Springfield mob which filled the lobby and the galleries, intimidating the opponents of the gigantic job. These men have voted to create a debt of five and possibly more mil lions of dollars for a most unnecessary piece of architecture. They have, under the Influ ence of the Springfield mob, and Springfield seductions and inductions, positioned the great measure of the session and plunged the State into an expenditure of at least five millions of dollars. A bolder and more inex cusable abuse of legislative authority has rarely been witnessed. But tbe bill is not yet a law. The Governor has yet to give his approval to the act. Will he do it? We do not believe that Governor Oglesby will ever make himself a party to a great public wrong. We be lieve that, if lucre be a substantial reason for vetoing this bill, be will have the nerve and the courage to face the Spring field mob; and, in defiance of their groans and hisses, do bis duty to tbe people of the whole State. This bill is wrong, and should he vetoed: 1. Because it commits tbe State indirectly, bat firmly, to the proposition of making Springfield the permanent scat of Govern ment, when other aud more eligible sites arc offered, and particalarly when tbe city of Decatur proposes terms of the most liberal character. 2. The State is not justified in selling the present public square and State House to tbe city of Springfield for the sum named in the bill, nor for auy other sum, less than its cosh value. The public square and St> tc House if offered at public sale when the State shall have no longer any use of them, will realize to the Slate twice or three times the amount for which this bill gives them to Springfield. 3. The hill appoints in one of its sections, the Commissioners who are to have charge of the construction of the building and con trol of the expenditure, it direct defiance of tbc twelfth section of tbc fourth article of the Constitution, which provides : “The Governor shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the benate, (a majority of all the Senators concurring). appoint all offi cers whose offices are established by this Consti tution, or uhiciimay bt ey<atedby lenDy and whose appointments are cor otherwise provided for: ana no tveit officer shall be appointed or elected by the General Assembly.” Here is a plain and direct contravention of a clause in the Constitution which was put there to prevent the very system of bar gain and corruption of which this bill is an example. 4. The hill is unconstitutional in another particular. It appropriates $450,000 oat of the Treasury, increasing to that extent the aggregate expenditures of the State, aud makes no provision for raisins: the revenue to meet this expenditure. Tnis is iu direct conflict with the thirty-seventh section of the third article of the Constitution which declares: “Etch General Assembly shall provide for all the appropriations lor the ordinary acd contingent expenses of tbe Govt-rnmt-nt until the adjourn ment of the m-st regular session, the aggregate amount of which shall rot be increa-cd tn thouta vote of ttco-fkirdt oi each Doiue, nor exceed tbe amount of revenue authorized by law to be raised In that time.” This bill, which does increase the ordinary and contingent expenses of the Government by the addition of $450,000. and makes no provision lor an increase of the revenue therefor, did not receive the votes oi two thirds of tbc members of either boose. The Speaker of the House and tbe President of the Senate lor this reason might have vei-v properly ruled that the bill had not passed, and, for the some reason, might refuse to attach their signatures thereto. However this may be, the Governor is not warranted in giving to tbe act his approval, when it has failed to receive the vole required by the Constitution. It may be said that this bill docs not in crease the expenditures, but merely creates a debt of “not less tnan three millions.” If Ibis be so, and that it creates a debt is be yond all question, then the same section of the same article of the Constitution provides that no debt, ©acceding fifty tboosand dol lars shall b® created by the (ex cept a wardebl,) o'* l —*) law creatine the debt shall be submit a To^e 0 j pg o - pie at a regular^e]j^p OD f or mcm bers of the GeDerJnfesembly, and l>e approved by a majority of the voters. The law levying the tax for the payment of the debt so contract ed is required by the Constitution to be sub mitted also to a vote of the people. This bill creates a debt, by authorizing a contract for w< rkandmaterial which “shall not cost less than three millions of dollars.” It appropriates directly one-half million of money yet to be raised by taxation, it re quires an increase of the ordinary expendi tures of the Government, and makes no pro vision for raising the revenue therefor. It has not been voted for by two-tblrds of the members of cither boose, and it does not provide that It shall he submitted to the vote of the people. It is clearly and manifestly in direct conflict with the thirty.seventh sec tion of the third article of the Constitution. It Is proposed, we presume, to provide in the General Appropriation Bill a tax to raise revenue to meet this new debt and increased expenditure. This additional levy cannot constitutionally he made In that way. The Constitution requires that the act imposing a tax to meet a new debt exceeding $50,000. shall be submitted to a rote of tbc people, at the same time with the act creating the new deb*, and must be approved by them. Thepeopleof Illinois are now taxed in everyway. They are willing to be taxed for any purpose of general interest; but with out a road to market, with their products at home hardly sufficient to pay the railroad Ircicbts, is this a time to engage in a propo sition to spend five million of dollars to or nament the city of Springfield? For these reasons, any one of which should be sufficient, wc think it the duty of Governor Oglesby to withhold his approval from that bill. It embarks the State blindly into an unknown expenditure —“not less than three millions of dollars,” says the bill, but possibly five to eight mil lions. The, Commissioners have full dis cretion—the only limit is that the building shall not cost less thau three millions. The Governor is not merely the Governor oi Springfield hut of the whole State. Let him keep this bill in his pos session for ten days; let him ex amine it along with the Constitution, and let him act fearlessly and Independently, and nnawed by mobs. If Springfield cannot permit a Legislature to deliberate and hesi tate upon a proposition taxing the people five millions to adorn that city, If the Gov ernor is to be menaced and bnllicd, then the people of Illinois have another reason why the seat of government should be changed. TBE SCFFBIGE QUESTION, An election is soon to be held in the Dis trict of Columbia, in ■which, for the first time, the nea r oes will participate as real freemen and as tlie political peers of the whites. Notwithstanding the violent oppo sition of the resident white population of 'Washington, and all other places within the limits of the District, to the enfranchisement of the negro; notwithstanding their bitter hatred and their sneering declaration that the negro is not fit to wield the ballot, no sooner had Congress clothed him with the fianchisc, than he became a man of great im portance in the eyes of the politician, and the office-seeker, who suddenly be came polite and pleasant in the presence of the black man, whom the ballot bad Instan taneously translated from a “nigger” to a “colored gentleman.” The coming election, probably, will do away with a great deal of prejudice. The white men will discovcrthat they are neither poisoned nor smitten with plague la consequence of voting side by side with black men; and a little time only is re quired to entirely remove from the public mind the false Ideas which now render negro suffrage offensive to those taught in the school of American slavery. In Tennessee the same experiment Is to be tried on a larger scale, end wc observe that the rebel press is already endeavoring to persuade the ne gro that It will be lor his interest to vole for conservative principles and candidates. This sort ol reasoning has succeeded threats of open rebellion against a negro franchise law; and now that negro voting has become a fixed fact, these bloody menaces have died out, and the great aim ol the rebels is to see if they cannot win the negro over to their party. A few elections and all animosity and prejudice against negro suffrage will disappear. And so it would be everywhere. Congress has no ripbrto fear the publicrßentimcril on:' ibis qucst'on of'unlytTaaVsuffrage-l Tb-! bout ccs of; danger:are cslSfewherc.. iTheylli- In that hesitation to do right, that tlmldtt> in the lace of a {treat duty, which has stayed ihe hands of oar Representatives until th*- very last days of the, session, arc upon us. : Universal suffrage as a basis of reconstruc tion, was distinctly approved by the'people ►last fall. Who is there in the South that has the right to object toll? The loyal men? They certainly would be entitled to a hear-, ing on the subject, whatever their viewsbut l it is well known that not five loyal while men out of a thousand, in the South, are opposed to negro suffrage. On the contrary they demand it as a measure of self preservatlOQ; against rebel malice and violence. On this question they are a unit. Tbc opposition to ■ negro suffrage In the South comes alone from' the rebels; and in failing to establish it, Congress has bowed to the behests of the enemies of the country, disregarding the claims and wishes of Its friends. We are in favor of universal euffra-e, and not of class suffrage. We have never be lieved that any Constitution or code of laws could long keep the ex-rebel population from the polls. The experiment succeeded in Maryland for a while, but then It miserably failed. It has succeeded In Tennessee thus far; but the loyal men of that State, too wise to risk their supremacy on a device likely to fail them at any moment, have performed tbc signal act of justice to which we have already alluded, and thus secured themselves against such “ accidents” as Governor Swann and Mr. Johnson. Missouri should take the same step, or she will eventually share the laic of Maryland. Universal suffrage is In accordance with the genius of our institu tions as re-moulded by the war. It is the destiny of this nation, as inevitable as was the war itself, the seeds of which existed In the fruitful soil of two systems perpetually hostile in the nature of things. It is not only the destiny of this country, but of Europe. It is to-day tbc great question of the world. There it was settled' by tho voice of the people, but Congress has failed to record the decree. Universal suffrage should have been presented in tbc form of an amendment to the Constitution of tbe United States—an amendment declaring every male citizen of the conniry twenty-one years of age to be a voter. Governments controlled by loyal men should have been organized mouths ago in the South, by which such an amend ment would have been ratified, end uuiver al suffrage shoulu have been established by law before this, throughout the Great Re public. ' ' SIGNS OF TUG TI.TIES. Some of the Western Republican journals which have formerly supported the .high tariff policy, are reviewing their ground, and examining the foundations of what is falsely called “Protection to American Industry.” The St. Louis Democrat,. of the ISth Instant, has an article severely condemning the pend ing Tariff Bill as injurious not only to tbc best interests of the country, but to manu facturing industry In particular. The Demo-. '■rat contends tlmt what the manufacturer needs is a low tariff and consequent low pri ces of the articles which he consumes and -ells—that under a high tariff and general Increase of prices, the demand for manufactucrs diminishes, the cost ot raw material increases, the foreign market f. r his goods is cut off, and worst of all, his business is chained to the car of politics, and made dependent upon the whim of Congress and the shifting legislation of the country. A high tariff inevitably leads to an agitation for its repeal which throws all business into confusion. Hence the Democrat holds that the pending Tariff Bill Is dan gerous to the country, and especially danger ous to manufacturing industry. The argu ment of the Democrat is essentially sound and logical. The Whiteside (111.) Sentinel observes that Senator Trumbull and Senator Yates voted on opposite sides on the Tariff Bill, and argues that as they are both equally good Republi cans, perhaps there is some happy medium between their respective positions where other Republicans may take refuge and beat peace. There are two or three thousand ar ticles in the Tariff Bill, the price of each of which is to be Used, so far as Congress can fix them, in the bill. There is not one mem ber of Congress who is acquainted with the details of all this business, or is competent to legislate upon it. Congress may know what are the needs of the Government for revenue, but Congress does not and cannot know what ought to be the profits ofMr. A’s business, or Mr. B’s business, and ought not to legislate upon a subject of which it knows nothing. Will the Whiteside Sentinel un dertake to say what ought to be the bounty on the manufacture of lead pencils, for instance, or even of white paper or metal type—articles which it uses every day, and of which it probably possess es more precise information than any mem ber of the Senate or House of Representa tives? TLv Wlillvnotci {VTIo.J JXtyMcr IUIUKS there is going to be a disruption of the Re publican party, because the Chicago Tbibune is opposed to what is falsely denominated “Protection,” and because the Republican Senator from Walworth County in the Wis consin Legislature has made a speech in op position to the pending Tariff Bill. The Register says that, as for Itself, It is going for Protection, “ unless convinced that we are in error.” This aavlngclause will be deemed positively awful by the tariff lobby. Any man who admits that he can possi bly he in error on the question of taking the proceeds of Mr. A’s industry to reward Mi. B’s industry, is a heretic, fit only for the Inquisition. The Register is mistaken in supposing that the Republican party is committed to what Is falsely called “Protection.” The only authoritative dec ■aratlon of the Republican party Is the Bal timore platform of ISG4, which not only does not commit the party to what is falsely call ed “Protection,” hut does commit the party to “ a just system of taxation We hold that that is not a just system of taxation which taxes A for the benefit of B, under the lying pretence that It will be better for A to be thus taxed. PROTECTING HQ9IB LABOR. The advocates of the pending Tariff Bill claim that they seek to protect American in dustry and to advance the wages of the American laborer. It is a singular fact that the Eastern manufacturers, who keep house in Washington every session of Congress, and who have pnt through eleven tariff bills in six years, are almost constantly engaged in a struggle with their own laborers to keep wages down. It is also worthy of note that while the increase of the cost of living since the year 16C0, caused mainly by the eleven additions to the tariff, has been ninety per cent, the advance in the rate of wages has been only sixty-two per cent, which proves that the laborer is worse off now than he was under the fifteen per cent tariff of ISOO. It is an other noticeable fact that these men, who are pretending to be so much interested in protecting home labor, are always trying to introduce foreign labor. If the exclusion of the products of foreign labor protects borne labor, would it not be a still further and bet ter protection to exclude the foreign labor itself? The following amendment to the Tariff Bill has been suggested, os an addi tional protection to home labor: “That on all Immigrants Ices than twenty-one Tears of age. there shall be levied a doty of SJOO per too and fifty per cent ad valorem; from twen ty-one to fiftx years oi age, a duly of S3OO per ton anu fifty per cent ad valorem." There is “ protection ” to home labor in & tangible, direct form; it strikes the nail on tbc head squarely, and to he consistent,-the advocates of the high tariff, if their object be to protect American labor, should make it part of their bill. That would be protec tion in fact os well as in name. American workmen, or those now working la this country, would have a clear field. The spinners, and the workers in iron and glass, tbc miners, and tbc workmen in all the me chanical arts, would not be subjected to tbc competition of the new arrivals. They could then command their own prices ; they could dictate to capital os capital now dictates to them, and they would be roosters of the sit aation, as they are now its victims. Why -hould not American labor be protected as well as American capital ? If American capital be protected by a tariff against foreign made goods, why should not Ameri can labor be protected by a tariff against foreign labor? Tbo two propositions arc inseparable In any scheme having for its object the protection of American labor by a tariff. Kor is this last protection confined to the mere system of labor; the social system !«■ entitled to protection also. American giris need protection from foreign importations, if there were no foreign girls arriving in this country, there would be more places forthose now here, and oetter wages. Female labor would be able to dictate its own wages. Every branch Of industry now filled by fc-' male labor would be protected, and young ladies, instead offresorting to intelligence of fices, and being jostled by the new comers, would he able to select and dismiss their em ployers, and regulate the scale of salaries. The matrimonial market, too, needs protec tion. Matrimony is the natural condition of a’l adult ladles. It Is alamentable fact that many of them do not have an opportunity of fulfilling their mission. Now if the for elgn supply of women be cut o!I, and the men obliged to take wives exclusively irom the supply on hand, then the market wuuld be better to that extent, and American girls, instead of waiting for offers, would be • able to make their selections and name their own terms. Amer ican children would be protected. Foreign children compete with the home production. They grow op with them, and are compet itors with them in early life, and socially and politically to the end. Moreover,, lb is common tiling now-a-days for people who have no children of their own, to adopt'one' or more boys or girls, orphans of foreign parents; let this be stopped by a prohlbl *ory tariff; American children would ad va> cc in value; tbc foreign supply being *ut off the home production would increase to the known laws of population, ;ind the country would have the satisfaction ot being peopled by American Instead of lorcign enemy and labor. . We commend this proposition to tbe advo cates of a prohibitory tariff. They can give no honest excuse for refusing admission to the produce of foreign labor, as long as they admit the labor itself. One thousand British miners working In England arc not as much, the competitors of the American miners as they will bo if Imported from England and planted in our mines. One thou and iron workers hroughtfrom Europe and put at work in our shops, take more from the gross earnings of the same number of American workmen than they ever could do if the pro duct of their labor in England was admitted free. If there be any pretence of honesty In the apology that a prohibitory tariff (s neces sary to protect American labor, the' direct prohibition of that labor, as well as its pro ducts, cannot be denied by the advocates of the system. GAS. Any journal which maintains that tbc people have certain rights which monopolies are bound to respect, is likely to get plenty of curses from tbc fraternity whose vocation It is to plunder the public. The Chicago Tribune always expects tbe vituperation of tbe Springfield lobby, and is not particular what form it takes. Now and then a charge is made against us which Is sufficiently amusing to warrant its being noticed. One of this kind appears in the Spring field correspondence of the .Chi cago Journal. It is there stated that we are interested in a coal mine at LaSalle and that we want to get the Legislature to pass a hill to enable the people of Chicago to vote on the question of making their gas, so that wc may persuade the people to hay our coal to make their gas ! It Is said that “the farthest way around is the nearest way to tbe fire.” This Is certainly the farthest way around to a coal mine that wc ever heard of. It is true that we have been engaged In several enterprises, both public and private, at various times. We took stock la tbe Chamber of Commerce building, for in stance, and paid for it. We bought Cook County scripi when It was Issued for boun ties lor volunteers, and paid for it. Some gentlemen connected with this office sub scribed for stock in a coal mine at LaSalle a year or two ago, and paid for that also. The mine In question has a demand at Us own door for five times as much coal as it can possibly supply. Under these circum stances is not tbe gas story of the Spring field lobby a highly probable one? What renders it still more probable is the fact that the Gas Bill docs not provide that the city shaU make its own gas in any case. It provides that if the present gas monopoly shall agree to furnish tbc city and the citizens with gas at a profit of tea per cent per annum on their actual capital, then the business shall continue in their hands. Otherwise the citizens shall have the right to vote upon the question of fur nishing it themselves. This proposition is so fair and reasonable in every respect that tee wake bold to affirm that it can be prevented from parsing the Legislature only by bribery ! A 8180,000,000 GUAB. The stocks of goods on hand in the posses sion of dealers and manufacturers of all kinds, which u ill be enhanced in price by the enaetmen* of the Tariff BUI before Congress, cau not be less than $000,000,000. This Is a very moderate estimate, perhaps too low by $200,000,000. Those stocks include all of the imported goods which have paid duty, as well as all of the fabrics and wares of domes tic production. In every State and Territory in the Union from Maine to California, and Michigan to Texas, The present selling valnc of those goods is, say $000,000,000. After the proposed Tariff Bill is enacted at least thirty per cent will be added to their selling cost; for the whole salers nnd retailers will each add their per cent of profit to the Increase of the tariff and charge It on their goods. A piece of cloth selling at SO.OO at present will have added to it by the tariff say twenty per cent, 0r51.20, and the middlemen will add sixty cents more making the piece of cloth cost the purchaser, after the hill passes, not less than $7.80. The $000,000,000 worth of goods in the possession of makers and dealers will have added to their selling price thirty per cent, or $180,000,000! The thirty millions of consumers will be obliged to pay this extra $180,000,000, and receive in return therefor not one cent of considera tion. It will he a clean steal oat of their pockets. The Government will not get a dollar of the money. This tremendous tax on the people, which would pay off one lourtecnth part of the National debt, will be grasped by the speculators, and lost by tbc masses of the American people. It Is this $180,000,000 power which is forciog the ; bill Cnrtffraea UlMkblc to resist this grand larceny on their ccnsiltu cuts. The Representative from this district, whose sands of official existence are drawing to a close, is working like a beaver to pass the bill before the close of the session. His constituents will be swindled out of a couple of millions thereby, but what cares our maudlin Representative, providing he se cures a shilling a pound extra on his wool ? TBE BECONSritCCTION BILL. It will be seen that the reconstruction question assumed a new phase in Congress yesterday. The House of Representatives, by more than a two-thirds vote, adopted the Senate hill which it rejected the day before, with a very important additional section offered as an amendment by Mr. Shellabar acr, of Ohio. This additional section pro vidcs, in substance, that until tbo Southern States shall be admitted to representation, all Governments therein shall be regarded as provisional only, and subject at all times to tbo paramount control of the Government of tbc United States, which may modify, abolish or. supersede the same in its discretion ; that in all elec tions! held under such Provisional JGovcrn ments, those and those only shall ho voters who are qualified by the fifth section of the act—that is, all male citizens twenty-one years of age, irrespective of color, who have not participated in the rebellion, and that no person shall be permitted to hold olllce un der such Provisional Governments, who would be disqualified by the third section of the Constitutional Amendment. The bill as amended was sent hack to the Senate for its action. There seems to be no doubt that a Fenian demonstration is in progress in Ire land, although the latest despatches an nounce that it is confined to the counties of Kerry and Cork, and that the Government believes it will extend no further. The Fe nians In New York are greatly excited, and meetings have been held in Chicago. Whether it is expected the rebellion will have sufficient strenth to maintain itself un til reinforcements arrive from this country, we cannot say; but unless the Cable de spatches are gross misrepresentations, there would seem to be little foundation for such an expectation. The first information re ceived in regard to the movement was contained In a Dublin despatch of the 14th, stating that the Fenians bad as sembled at Killarney and marched toward Kenmarc ; and that the Government had been advised of the- landing of two ship loads of Fenians at Valcntia. A later des patch said the Government denied the truth of the latter statement, *but admitted that there was a serious outbreak. The telegraph wires were cut, and rumors were rife that the Atlantic Cable was to be cat. The only mention of numbers is a despatch that speaks of 800 Fcuians under Colonel O’Con ner, who had retreated to the hills near Kil larney. Great consternation prevailed and it is impossible, as yet, to form any correct idea of the nature or extent of tbls uprising. p7T* Another fearful steamboat ex plosion occurred on Sunday last, on tbc Mississippi River, about two bun dred and twenty-five miles below Menjphis. The unfortunate vessel was the David While , a passenger and freight boat which left New Orleans on the preced ing Tuesday. Tbe larboard boiler exploded both upward and downward, carrying tbo engineer and firemen down with the hull, and hurling many of the passengers a hun dred feet up in the air. Captain Kenney was thrown a hundred feet and fell in the river. He was picked up olive, but it Is thought he cannot survive his injuries. It is estimated that, sixty-five persons perished. Most of the cabin passengers escaped nn> hurt. Tbe vessel is a total wreck. Our tele graphic despatches contain details of this tcirible catastrophe. £s?“Hon. Samuel M. Arsell, Radical Representative In Congress from the Sixth District of Tennessee, has just reached Wash ington. after an absence of several weeks. He has labored hard and effectually with the Lecisiuturc of his State to secure the en franchisement of the loyal colored citizens of Tennessee. The enactment of tbo Suffrage Bill will add 50;000 colored voters to the Radical party of that State, which, in Mr. Arncll’s opinion, will secure the re-election of patriotic old Governor Brownlow, and send to the Fortieth Congress at least sir, and perhaps seven, Radical Republicans out of tbe delegation from that State, which would be a gain of two—each side having , now four. . . . tsf A meeting ol members of the National Union Association will he held at Professor McCoy’s Lecture Room; In Crosby’s Opera House, on Friday evening, the 22d Inst., at 7>£ o’clock, for the purpose of electing offi cers, appointing committees, &c. The ob jects of this Association make itreminootly. proper that the anniversary ol Washington’s birth-day should be selected for the meet-, ring.'..- Elsewhere la our columns wfll bo found ! & fcfatement-of its history and purposes. EUROPE. Our Special Foreign Corre spondence. A Glance at Affairs in Eigland and France. A Crisis at Hand. The Modelings of BeTolntion — Napoleon Arraigned—A Be- ,' - markable Document The Emperor’s Idiosyncracies. A Storm in Store for Europe After the Paris Exhibition. John Stuart Hill as Educator, Legis lator, Philosopher, IS pedal Correspondence of (be Chicago Tribune. London, England, January. S 3. A GLANCE AT AFFAIRS. If you can spare tho time from your own absorbing concerns to look across the Atlan tic, you will see much just now to divert your thoughts. In England and in Franco, events which are frjnght with issues for good or for evil are fast hurrying up. Tho policy of inaction on great subjects, which the Tory Government has, apparently decid ed upon, will be resisted by an active section even in tbc present Parliament, and will be resisted out of doors by tho unrepresented masses of the people. Perhaps before this reaches yon—as tho steamers are making but slow passages—you will know the con-, tents of the speech which the Ministers wi'l hand to the Queen to read to the assembled Legislature ; but Mr. Disraeli is a master of phrases, and that composition wilt add but little to our knowledge of what Is to como. In examining tbc political condition of England, I sec no elements bat those of strife. Tho Liberals arc so divided that although the conspiracy against Mr. Glad stone’s leadership has failed, enough re mains of tho old antagonism to Democracy to seriously affect the chances of a Liberal vote for Reform. Clearly, the Government has made up its mind to dissolve tho Parlia ment ifit is beaten ; but a dissolution will only Increase the discord, as a House re lumed by the present narrow constituen cies will not be considered to reflect tbe will of the country. I foresee great conflicts in the House of Commons, in which tbc real Liberals will have to separate from tbc false; and in proportion as the moderate men join tbc Conservatives, in that proportion will the probability of a great flood of agitation increase. Merc administrative reforms; simple readjustment of tbe furniture, so to speak, of the Govern ment ; a few redactions hero and a few con sultations of the popular convenience there, will not stay the demand which Is now so loudly made. Tho aristocracy must give up a large part of the share they have hitherto bad in tho administration of thtT country’s affairs, or it will he forced from them in the midst of a tremendous explosion of class hate, and with vows of vengeance on tho side which has conquered as well as on that which has to succumb. There are so many thousands in London who are only just saved from starvation when occupied, that when a long frost, such as we have just had, occurs, aud throws them out of employ, the dread wolf Is with in their doors. Private charity seems un able to cope with such distress as wc arc daily witnessing, and our theories of legis lation do not admit of our giving relief as Louis Napoleon is doing, by supplying food ootof the funds of the State. A day or two ago hundreds of strong men went into the shops and said they must have bread or something to get bread with, and the fright ened shopkeepers hurried to the magistrates to ask what they wore to do. Groups of men wander about the streets, shouting, aloud that they are without work, and that their children at home are crying.for food. Tbe inequalities of English society are vivid ly present to tbe poor at such times, ind If they get it Into their heads Hat a political change would bring relief to their condition, we shall have a big enough “demonstration” whem the Reformers call their numbers to gether on the 11th. In our sporting papers Mr. Thos. Hughes is being soundly abused for some hard words in the New York Tribune about the aristocracy o< tbc turf. Some men are so offended by the language, that Mr. Hughes probably will “hear from them ;” but not a syllable of his strictures was undeserved. Indeed, he rather toned down the facts. I read that America Is intent upon imitating England in this sport. If she docs she will repent it. The turf may improve the breed of horses, but it fearfully deteriorates the race of men. THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN FBANCB. The passing events in France will be bet ter understood by year leaders when I tell them that just before the late homoeopathic doses of liberty—in which the Emperor seeks to retain the power while he divides the re sponsibility—a sort of manifesto had been put forth by the leaders of the moderate Op position—men who have a knowledge ol the world, a reputation tor patriotism and tbo ability to give force and life to evervthlng they say—which, In the most solemn lan guage, threw upon the Emperor the whole .weight of the blame which is cast so heavily by the popular voice on the policy of France during the last few years. Not a single act, it was said Jo this document, belongs to the country, but all to the Government. Deprived of the power of exercising any influence upon the administration, France has pre served a passive attitude, until its humilia tion bos come to roiise it from its iodiffer. cncc. In the Mexican expedition, so fatal to the prestige of the country, the coun try had no share. In 1803 and for a year afterwords, an active diplomatic discus sion was kept up with Russia respecting Po land, and with French encouragement the last champions ol the Poles hurled them selves in an unequal contest against their oppressors with a heroism which the survi vors expiate at this .moment in the cruelties of Siberian exile ; and, laughing at French sympathy, Russia insolently announces the absorption of Poland in the Russian Em pire. The Emperor Napoleon’s Invitation to a Congress “ was but a salvo of oratorical ar tillery covering a retreat.” The question of Denmark then arose, and France declined the offer of England to sustain the gallant lit tic Kingdom, and allowed Germany to do as she pleased, with an indulgence which Bis mark acknowledged Id the Prussian Chamber, a few weeks ago, with taunting irony. From that time, France has been (so says the pro test of which I speak), the complaisant ser vant of Prussia. In the spring there is to be a general rising of the Greek populations against the Turk, and the fate of the East, will be decided by the strongest. Is the Emperor prepared’ to meet all this terrible responsibility alone? Such was the argn meat presented to him before he decreed the changes which have given the appearance of greater freedom to the Legislative Cham bers and the press. ' THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. What Victor Hngo has said of Louis Na poleon often recurs to my mind In noting the sudden acts by which he surprises the world. “He lies mute and motionless,” said that ar dent hater, “looking in the opposite direc tion to bis object, until the hour for action comes, then he turns his head andlcaps upon his prey. His policy starts out on you ab ruptly, at some unbended turning, pistol in band, t/f fur." There is In his table, in his study, a drawer, frequently half open. “Hi takes thence a paper, reads it to a Minister. It is a decree. The Minister assents or dis sents. Ifho dissents, Louis Napoleon throws the paper back into the drawer, where there arc many other papers, bundles of papers— tbc dreams of an all potent man—shuts the drawer, takes out the key, aud leaves the room without saying a word. The Minister bows and retires delighted with tbc deference which has been paid to his opinion. Next morning the decree is in the Jlbniteur Something very like the foregoing occurred, I am assured, just before the changes about which Europe is to-day in a fidget. When one sees, too, how ho sends to the right-about a ministry that has served his purposes and puts them back into private life while be gets others us bis -instruments,' a bitter sar casm of Victor Hugo’s enters the memory. “In his enterprises,” be once-said, “the Emperor needs aids and co-operators; he needs what be calls ‘ men.’ Diogenes sought them with a lanthorn; he seeks them with a bank-note, and finds them. There are cer tain sides ot human nature which pro duce a particular species of personages of whom ho is the centre, and who group around him ex neeeesilale in obedience to that mysterious law of gravitation which regu lates not less the moral being than tbc cosmic atom.” But. while the Emperor’s plans were followed with success, Victor Hugo might rain his darts as he liked. It is because Germany and tbc United States have outwitted him that he now stands, as it were, on his trial before his country. With failing health.; with signs around him of even his oldest 'supporters getting ready for another regime In case of his death, the Em peror is not a man at his case. What ho con* templates no one con tell. Perhaps it signi fies less than it did. At all events, however, there is a-strangc conviction In men’s; minds that after the. Exhibition there will bo a grand European war in which Franco will astound the world by the novelty of her claims and by the character of her allies. MB. JOHN 6TOABT HILL, U. P. On the first of next month, on Friday week that if, Mr. JobaStuart Mill will deliver an inaugural address to the students of St. An* drew’s Universlty-an institutionln Scotland, Tar away in tbc North, : which lately elected him their “Lord Rccior.’ T This post la merc y honorary; it la held lor a very >.hort time uad the only duly 'connected with it, is the (Ullvcry of me lecture. The election of Mr. Mill to this post, was another of the sigmfl cant signs of the breaking away of tbc youth of Scotland from the oldatand-poiLts of thetr fathers. To the older * generation the ihilpeophy of John Stuart Mill would have seemed a terrible thing. Princi pal Kclloch, the bead of St. Andrew’s University,.ls, for a Scot, a. liberal mao, and the other Professors are* all of the “New School.” One .who Reaches them : logic, often astonishes mo‘by 'his stories during the vacation, of the Industry of the youths who come to be taught the art end the roelhodaof reasoning. Most of them arc the rest of the year at the plow, or at a mechanical trade. They are poor, hut are bent on getting on and especially on being made “ logical .” To St. Andrew’s, on Friday week, will wend all the bard-thiaklne Pro fessors of Scotland, and a goodly sprinkling of divines; who ore always “ arguing,”, and a band of young men who have learned to admire Mr. Mill the politician, as well as Mr. Mill the philosopher. And what will they hear f In these days of rapid composition, when some men have three novels on hand, and’ all going at the same time; when “essays” are written on the very night that they arq “ordered,” and leading articles penned some minutes after a telegram, which Is their subject, has been received—it is almost a surprise to hear of the arduous labor which a great man like Mr. Mill bestows on bis productions; The wonderful precision and transparent clearness which are the charac tcristlcs of his style, have not come to him “by nature,” but are the result of intense application and care. It is a fact that a late review of Qrote’s History of Plato, which Mr. Mill wrote for the Edinburgh Jievlcw, was not finished by him until he had Greek, every line of Plato’s ; and aljo twice the largo volumes of Mr. Groto. Every: scholar will know what this means. Ho sends nothing to the press that Is not made as flitting for its purpose as ho is able at the time to make it. The consequence is, that I think it would bo hard to strike oat a lino from his works as superlative—an astonish ing thing to say of a writer In these days of word-spinning. . Mr. MU! bos passed the. vacation In the south of France, on his Utile estate at non. The electors of the great constituency which he represents in Parliament, have, with the fineness of 1 feeling which led them to carry hlk election free of all outlay on h!s part; refrained from urging him or even requesting him to come amongst them. They/ccognlze that he is in some degree like Milton—“a star, and dwells apart.” He is not to be subject to tbc rules of ordinary men, and be tethered by the leg to a parish meeting, or bo asked to take the chair at a gathering for procuring cheaper gas. At Avignon Mr. Mill is sur rounded by his books, and now and then has a friend with him—sometimes a French man, but much oftencr an Englishman. Ho is known in the town as an amiable and be nevolent “ philosopher,” very much of a heretic, as those strange beings naturally arc. Mr. Mill has no children of his own, but a daughter of his late wife by a former marriage Is to him all that a daughter by blood could he, and the two are as devotedly attached to each other os father and child. The St. An drew’s address was written at Avignon. It is known to contain the ripe frnits of his thought on a few topics which are deeply In teresting to thinking men, and we wait to sec them in lively anticipation. BRITISH AND FOREIGN* FiIEEUHEN’S AID SO' Ad earnest appeal Is making among tho philanthropic In England, on behalf of the above society, the object of which is to re lieve the necessities aud ameliorate the con dition of tbc freed colored people In the British Colonies, America, and throughout the world. It is intended to hold a bazaar in London at the close of the mouth of March, part of the proceeds of which will bo devoted to the establishment of a na tive Christian Industrial School in Capo Coast Castle, under the auspices of Mts. Moseley, the widow of the late Chief Jus tice. Aid is needed for the advancement of education among the thousands of our black fellow-countrymen In Canada, and Dr. Hol brook, lately in England, appeals to us not to relax our efforts on behalf of tbc widows and nninstructed orphans ol the Southern States. The poor sufferers in Jamaica still need re lief, and especially education. In Dahomey, Mr. W. Craft, bos several boys presented to h m by the King, now un der Instruction. Those kind friends in Eng land who have hitherto sustained them, are either removed by death or unable to do so any longer. The Frecdmen’s Aid Society has undertaken tbc support of one, and wishes to aid In the nurture and rearing of three others. The President of this very useful society Is Lord Alfred Churchill, and one of the Vice Presidents Is the venerable Judge—who is equally honored for his eminence on the bench and for his virtues as a man—the Right Hun. Stephen Lnshlngton. Another project is to erect in London, near the heart of the city, an “ International Me*, morlal Church,” intended to commemorate the abolition of slavery In the United States and the death of President Lincoln. It Is proposed to establish in connection with it, on one part of the Sunday, an American, service, to he conducted exclusively by American ministers supplying for one or more Sundays. A Sac building, at present nsed as a tem porary Congregational place of worship, but to be hcrealler employed as a school in con nection with the International Memorial Church, has been erected. The school Is to be called “ Lincoln School.” Towards the new church, Mr. Samuel Morley (who owes America something for the Injustice ho was guilty m daring the rebellion) has promised £SOO. and £OOO has been collected towards the Lincoln School. The movement Is ap parently confined to the Independent sect. THE CURRENCY PROBLEM. A Plea for the Repeal of the Legal Tender Act. Tlie Impolicy of Contraction, St. Paul. Ulan., February 16. To the Editor of the Chicago Tribune: The necessity of an ultimate rctnrn to specie payments is universally conceded. The policy of accomplishing that end by con tracting the currency till specie payments arc reached Is liable to overwhelming objec tions. Contraction means universal bankruptcy. If a bank contraction of thirty millions in 1857 produced a panic and ended in a sus pension of specie payments, what will a legal tender contraction of two hundred millions produce, and where will It end? Contraction Is immoral. To make debtor pay his creditor one hnndrcd and fifty dol lars, when the bargain was for one hundred dollars, is robbery. Contraction is unjust to the taxpayers. Onr national debt of $3,500,000,000 was con tracted at an average of say sixty percent' m gold. To pay it at par In gold Is to give away $1,000,000,000 without consideration. Contraction Is impossible. Wbcn would specie payments be reached? When there thall be gold enough In the Treasury to re deem every greenback, dollar for dollar, and not before. There Is now a surplus of gold. But this cannot continue. The Interest on the debt when funded at six per cent wilt be $150,000,000. No tariff will yield one-third of tbat sum when contraction has produced stagnation, and bankruptcy is universal. Contraction will defeat Itself. It is to be classed with such financial crudities as the attempt to regulate the premium on gold by act of Congress. There is no instance in history of a paper carrercy materially de preciated having been made equal to coin, dollar for dollar. No such precedent can be drawn from England. John Stuart Mill asserts that the English, cur rency during the wars with Napoleon was' not materially depreciated. He says, [Po litical Economy, 2 vol., p. 103 J; “The best authorities have, after an elaborate .investi gation, satisfied themselves that the differ ence between paper and bullion was not , greater than the enhancement In value or cold itselt, and that the paper, thongh de preciated relatively to the value of cold, did not sink below the ordinary value of gold at other times.” Bat contraction is not the only manner in which- specie payments may be - reached. There is another method of accomplishing it, at once just and I lactlcablo, and that is by a repeal of the legal-tender act. Treasury notes wero made a legal tender on the plea of financial and' political neces sity. The position of the Pacific States dur ing the rebellion shows that that measure was not a political necessity. Those States have proved that tho patriotism of the American people is built on a more enduring foundation than paper money. Tho pica of financial necessity it would bo profitless to discuss. It is sufficient to know that no . such necessity now exists. The Legal Tender Act was a war measure. Let It end with the war. Let it bo repealed, with a saving clause leaving treasury notes a legal ‘tender In all contracts mode and liabilities incurred from the time thatnct'was passed-to the time when tho re peal takes effect. Make gold the only legal tenderin' all transactions dated before that, period, and In all transactions'entered Into' after a given day, say Janaary Ist, ISGS. Di vide debts Into two classes—those contracted in greenbacks, and those contracted lo gold. 1. What would be the practical effect of pnch leiiis alien on tbc business of tbe couo t y ? Fast contracts It would notaffect. They would be settled In greenbacks, and credit-' ora would no longer b<* able to rob their debtors by demanding more than bad been' contracted tor. Thus universal bankruptcy wou'd be escaped. • The difficulty would be, to furnish currency for future transactions. It Is not certain supply of gold now In the country is not sufficient for that purpose. We can only tell by trying. That which is now boarded in the sub-- treasury could be rcstorcdlb circulation. If there ,should still be found a dcHcieucy. of gold, greenbacks could be received in'all' transactions at a rate agreed upon by the partlcMhemselvc*. When at dlffcrcnfttmcs in tbe history of the country, the banks have suspended specie payments, their notes have still continued current by general consent. A repeal of the Legal Teodor Act wonld place, us in precisely that position. Greenbacks would still be current, while gold would bo the standard of value. Prices would cease tbclr feverish fluctuations, and speculation would be killed. Instead of quoting gold at a premium, we would quote greenbacks at a discount, as is done la California. Business' would speedily adjust Itself to tbe change, and would gradually work back to a specie basis. 2. What would be the effect on the Na tional Banks ? Their notes now outstand ing would be redeemable la greenbacks. Those issued after the repeal would be re deemable In gold. The limitation of the Na tional Bank currency to $300,000,000 could then be repealed, leaving the only limitation on tbc issue of Bank notes the necessity of redeeming them in coin on demand. Now gold Banks would be started, and the Na tional Bunking system, instead of being a stumbling block In the way of specie pay: ment, would become an efficient aid. - It is well settled that tbc bank notes redeemable In coin on demand do not inflate prices, when the issue of the smaller denominations is properly restricted. Under a specie system, then, the National Banking law ought to be made in tact a general law, and an equal op portunity given to all who possess the re quisite capital take advantage of it. Al ready the monopoly of bank currency is be coming intolerable. 3. How would the repeal of the legal ten der act affect the National Debt ? If the debts ofindividuals, contracted in green: backs, arc to be settled in greenbacks, the same rule must be applied to the debt of the nation. The principal of no part of the funded debt, save the Ten-Forty five per cent loan, is specially made payable in gold. No provision is contained, cither in the law or In the contract, as to tbe currency in which the other bonds are to bo paid. [Laws of 1832, chapter S 3, p. 23]. The principal, therefore, Is payable in whichever class of legal tender the payer prefers. The whole funded debt, except tbc Sixes of 18S1, and the Ten-Forties, becomes payable at the op tion of the Government, In or before the year 1873. As it matures It ought to he paid in greenbacks. The currency to make these pay ments could he obtained, if necessary, by a free use of the printing press. Treasury notes being no longer a legal tender in cur rent transactions, an Increase thereof would not Inflate prices. They would be quoted at a little more discount, and, as they could only he used in settlement of old contracts and payment of taxes, the holders of them would he anxious to convert them Into r !ntcrost-bearing securities. Government would then be in a condition to make its own terms. Two courses, would be open: Either to fund tbc notes, at their current value in gold, Into a bond hearing, say live per cent, interest; or to fund them, at their lace value, into a three per cent bond, Datable principal, as well as Interest, in coin. The latter method would perhaps be preferable, as It wonld avoid the appearance of diminishing the amount of the debt, and would be equivalent to the arrangement first named. For a three per cent bond would sell at less than par, and purchases for a sinking fund could be made In open market. When It was claimed In England, subse quently to 1819, that the National Debt hav ing been commoted in a depreciated curren cy, a percentage should be stricken off from it, corrcspocding to the estimated amount of tbc depreciation, it was shown that the currency had never been de preciated below the standard of gold in ordinary times of peace; and it was further answered that the payment of tbe principal in coin was a condition of the loan, and formed part of tbe eonsideration of the contract. Vfe have no such difficul ties to deal with. No one doubts that oar currency is depreciated below tbe standard of gold in any times. Nor can.onr bond hold ers plead any obligation, on tbe part of the Government, legal, equitable, or moral, to pay the principal of the debt in coin. No sui.b condition was stipulated In the con tract. It was not nominated In the bond. Nor can it bo maintained that there is any obligation to continue greenbacks as a legal

tender in future transactions, or to make them equivalent to gold. There was no such agreement, expressed or implied, when the lean was negotiated. If it be said that the h'col tender «ct was in tbo natnro of a forced loan, let it be remembered that tbc Injustice was in making the law and not in repeal ing It. But they ore not the bond holders alone whose interests'arc to be consulted. The tax j aycrs aho are entitled to consideration: Much ol our debt was placed at about fifty cents on tbo dollar in gold, and tbc average price realized by Government, at a gold val uation. will be found not to vary much from sixty. Suppose a bond sold at thcequivalent offllty in gold, aud six per cent interest were paid thereafter, in gold, on its par value lo currency. Thercal Interest paid Is twelve per cent. If, now, by paying the principal in gold, one hundred per cent be added, wo reach a degree of usury seldom practiced In civilized communities. Fart of the English debt was negotiated as low as forty-eight,* but the interest was at three per cent. Part of ours was negotiated even lower, while wo have paid interest at six per cent. So long as the result of the war was doubtful, It was necessary to make the best terms possible. But the war having been decided by tbc American people In their own favor, they should now have tbe finan cial benefit of that decision. Tbe Intcre-t on the debt should be reduced. The greater portion of it can be funded, in tbe manner above set forth, at three per cent interest. That method cannot be applied to tbe Ten- Forties or Sixes of 1881. But leaving them out of the question, the Interest on the debt, supposing It all funded, can be reduced to less than one hundred millions before the year 1873. That is, fifty millions ol dollars per annum in gold can be saved to tbc tax payers of America, not only without repa diaticn or violation of contract, but simply' by enforcing the contracts heretofore made according to thelrtcims. The fact that co large a part of onr debt is held abroad is generally considered an evil.' The only way to keep onr bonds at homo is to make them worth more to our own citi zens than to others. That can only he ac complished by reducing tbe interest to three per cent, exempting them from local taxa tion, making them the basis of banking,, and tbc saiest Investment for trust funds. English consols stay at home. Onr bonds, when consolidated with the above features, will gravitate homewards. American con sols will then be more valuable to Ameri cans than to Europeans. That arch Tory Alison ascribes, the power and pcrmancnccof the British aristocracy to the funding system bronchi over from Holland by William of Orange and the subsequent financial policy of tbe Empire. Onr financial policy is a close copy of that which the Tories of Eng land clung to so fondly. We have a pro tective tariff instead of free trade, diffused in place of concentrated taxation, a bank monopoly, and an inconverttolc currency, and now paper fortunes arc in process of be ing transmuted into gold. Only one thing is lacking to make the parallel complete—tbe law of primogeniture and even that is not rcccssary—corporations fill its place. Factory, Lords, railroad Barons and banker Princes, arc our nobility. There is a breach, already made, through which this stronghold of op-; pression may be entered and destroyed, and. i bat is, the repeal of the legal tender act. Ir public opinion is not yet ripe for that pol icy, it certainly demands what will prove a preparation for it, viz., that the contraction, of the currency shall cease. . It seems probable that the creation of a; sound system of finance must be deferred till ■ after tbe coming Presidential election. Ini the meantime, if Congress will pass a specific; contract law. permitting individuals, by; special agreement, to make their contracts payable In 'whichever class of legal tender they prefer, it is possible that the good sense of tbc American people will solve tbe finan cial problem without further aid, and relieve our legislators of a.task to which they seem unequal. C.A.Mank. Tho Temperance Movement in Wash* i log ion. ■ At the temperance meeting in the House. of Representatives, in ‘Washington, on Sun day evening last, Representative Dodge, of; New York, read the following list of Senators ; and Kepressnativcs who had signed the. pledge: Messrs. Wilson of Massachusetts, Yates, , Wiley, Pomeroy, Ross of Kansas. Morrill of: Maine, Cragin, Colfax, Price, Plants, Per ham, Grinncll, Washburn of Massachusetts, Terry, Wimlom, Cook, Delano, Patterson, Holmes, Wentworth, Wilson of Pennsylva nia. Newell, McKee, Hubbard, Lynch, Rice • of Maine, Lawrence of Ohio, Henderson of 1 Oregon, Dawes, Julian, Barker, Van Aernam, Hnhba’d of Connecticut, Alley, Cobb, Saw-: yer, Woodbridge, Upson, Hlgby, Mcßuer, ‘ Am r s and Dodge. Senator Wi son said Mr. Dodge had, left out'the name of Thaddcas Stevens, i [Applause J Mr. Stevens had not for thirty • j ears drank a drop oflntoxlcattng liquor. I Senator Wilson Introduced Speaker Colfax' to tbc meeting as one who disrbargcd- : the duties of tbe ••helrwllh so.moch honor W himself and satisfaction to the lion**, and vxpre**ed iht? hope that tbe temperance ex ample of Mr. Colfax woulo be followed by all ihemembers of the House. . ’Speaker Colfax in bis remarks said his de votion to tbe cause <*atcd farther back than any written pledge. thirty years ago when be witnessed the death ol a companion from delirium tremens, be resolved that he would never follow,. In the road of a drunk ard; He eloquently admonished the.vonag ot the great evil, and said tha: in the coarse of his t weive years legislative service there had never bem less of intoxication than now in Congress. Bis remarks were mach-ap pianded. Representative Grlnncll, of lowa, showed that that State bad taken the lead of all oth ers in (because ot temperance. Representa tive Patterson made tbe closing speech. WHITTIER'S NEW POEM. “Die Tent on the Beach.” Interesting Selections from Ad vance Sheets. The Plot of the Poem. Sketches of the Anther’s Friends, and ‘ The Brother of Mercy.” [Special Correspondence of tbe Chicago Tribune.] Boston, Massachusetts, February 17. Through the courtesy of Messrs, Tlcknor <fc Fields, I .am enabled to send yon, con siderably in advance of its publication, a description of and extracts from- Mr. John Grcenleaf Whittier’s now volume of poems, “ The Tent on the Beach,” having been fur nished with advance sheets of the book. It is somewhat larger than “Snow Bound,” having a hundred and seventy two pages, but this is by no means all new matter. Beside the longpoem which gives tbe volume Us title, and which occu pies a hundred pages, there are five “Na tional Lyrics” and eight “Occasional Po ems,” all of which, I believe, have been pub lished in the Atlantic Monthly or read at some pubUc gathering. And some portions of “The Tent on the Beach” itself have hith erto seen the light in print. For this is a row'of pearls on one silken string, each os writers in all ages—from the dim birthday of “The Arabian Nights” to the cm of “ The Wayside Inn” and “ Magby Junction”—have been fond of. A party of friends amuse each other by telling talcs In torn; that Is the groundwork of the structure of innumerable books. In Whittier’s poem these friends arc three in number, modern New Englanders, encamped fur a summer holiday in a “Tent on the Beach,” each as are now the fashion for seaside sojourners. A vignette of the tent and the surf precedes the letter-press. Tue trio we are told: Rested there, escaped awhile From cares *hat wear the life away. To eat the loins of tbe Nile And drink tbe poppies of Cathay, To ding tbeir loads of custom down. Like drift-weed, on the sand stones brown. And in tbo sea wares drown tbe restless pack Of duties, claims, and needs that barked upon their track. The members of this picnic are referred to respectively as the Man of Books, the Edi tor, and the Traveller, and their portraits arc drawn in such a manner as to convince the reader that they are real personages, al though hardly so minutely defined as to indi cate their identity to the great public. I select the sketch of the Editor, for the en tertainment of the readers of the Tribune: And one there wa s a dreamer ho. Who, with a mission to fulfil. Had leit the muses’ haunts to turn The crank of ao opinion mill, Making his nitric reeo of cone A weapon In the war with wrong, Taking bis fancy to tbe breaking plough That beam-deep turned the toe soil for trnth to spring aud grow. Too quiet seemed the man to ride Tbc winged HippognS Reform ; Was his a voice from side to st>'e - To pierco tho tnmnlt of tbe storm ? A silent, shy, peace-loving man lie seemed no fiery partisan To bold bis way against the public frown, Tbo ban of Cbnrch and finite, the fierce mob’s bounding down. For while be wrought with strenuous will Tbe work bis hands nad bound to ao, He beard Ibe fitful mnsic still Of winds that out of Dreamland blew. The dm abont him could sot drown What tbe strange voices whispered down; Along his task-field weird processions swept. The visionary pomp of stately phantoms stepped. The common air was thick with dreams. He told them to the toiling crowd; Such mnsic as the woods and streams Sangiuhla ear he sang aloud; In still, shut bays, on windy capes, lie bean) the call of beckoning shapes. And, as the gray old old shadows prompted him. To homely moulds of rnyme he shaped their legends grim. Eo rested now his weary hands, .. And lightly moralized and laughed, As, tracing on 'he shifting sands 1 A burlesque of his papor-craft, Ee saw the carries waves o’ermn, ills words, as lime before bad done. Each day’s tide-water washing clean away, 1 ike letters from tbo sand, the work of yesterday. Of the three friends gathered.ln “The Tent on the Beach,” the one called familiar ly the Book-man Is undoubtedly Mr. James T. Fields, who is not the less a poet than he is himself a publisher. Wo are charmingly told that - Eia bojfacod Wdes not outgrown, Eflovc.l bmuelf tbe Finger’s art; Tenderly, gently, by his own Re knew and Judged an author's heart. No Rbsdamantbtne brow of dcom Bowed tbe dazed pedant trom Us room. And bards, wbose name I- legon, if denied, Bot u eft intact their verses and Choir pride. The Traveller of tbc trio is as unquestion ably Mr. Bayard Taylor. These friends and their lazy occupations of fishing, boating and rowing having been fully and charmingly described, the poet proceeds to give the stories which they told or read to each other as They sal around their lighted kerosene. Bearing tbe deep bass roar their every pause be tween. After every poem is given the comments of the group upon it, —a group increased as the evening goes on by a “ fair singer from a neighboring tent,”, wao joins tho gentlemen and contributes to their amusement by a poem and a couple of original songs. Tbo poems thus'lntroduced, with these, are twelve In number. Several of them, as “Tbo Palatine,” “Abraham Davenport,” and “The Maids of Attitash,” have been published within the last year in the Atlantic Monthly. Others are entirely newand one, entitled “ The Brother of Mercy,” Is so beautiful and so characteristic, so worthy of tbe poet’s best mood, that I shall complete my budget of extracts by asking you to make room for. it in foil. Hero Luca, known of all the town Aa tbe gray porter by the Puri wall, Wfiore the noon ibadows of tbo gardens fall, Pick and in dolo% waited to lay down Rib last sad harden, and beside his mat The barefoot monk ol La Cerloea saL Unseen, in square and blossoming garden drifted, Soft sunset lights through green Vol d’Amo sifted: Unheard, below the living shuttles shifted Backward and forth, and wove, in love or strife. In mirth or pals, tbe mottled web of life: But when at last came upward trom tbe street Tinkle of bell and tread of measured feet, The sick man started, strove lo nso in vats. Sinking back heavily with a moan of pain. And tbc monk said, “ ’Tis but the Brotherhood Ol Merc? going on some errand good: ’ Their block masts bj tbe palace wall I see.” Piero answered faintly, “woe Is me I This day for tbe flrattimc in forty years In vain the hell bath sounded in my cars,] Calling me with my brethren of the maak, Beggar and prince alike, to some new task Of love or pity—haply from the street To bear a wretch plague stricken, or, with feet Bushed to the quickened ear and feverish brain,- To tread the crowded lazaretto’s floors, Do\\n the long twilutbt of the corridors, . ’Midrt tossing arms aud faces full of pain. . I loved tbe work: 11 was its own reward. 1 never counted on it (o ofiset My sins, which are many, or makeless my debt ' To the free grace and mercy of our Lord; But somehow, father, it has come to Oe lu these long years so much a part ol me, 1 should pot know myself, if lacking it. But with the worker 100 would die. And in my place some other self would sit Joyful or sad,—what matters, if not I T And now all’s over. Woe Is me I”—“ My son.” The monk said, soothingly, “ tby work Is done; And no more as a servant, but tne guest Of God thou entsrcFt thy eternal rest. No toll, no tears, no sorrow for tho lost Shall mar thy perfect btiss. Thou shall sit down • Clad lu white robes, and weara golden crowa ; Forever and forever.” Piero tossed : On his sick pillow: “Miserable met i am 100 poor lor such grand company; : Tdc crown wonld be too heavy for this gray Old head; and God forgive me if 1 say It wonld be hard to sit there night aud day, Like an image in the Tribune, doing naught With these hard bands, that ail my life have wrought. Not for bread only, hut for pity’s sake. I’m doll at prayers; Iconlo not beep a*ai:e. Counting my beads. Mine’s lint a crazy head, Scarce worm tbo caving, if all else be dead, • And if one goes to Heaven «lthont a heart, . God knows nv leaves behind bis better part. 1 love my fellow men: tho worst I kno v 1 wonld do good to. Will death change me so That 1 shall sit among the lazy saints. Turning a deaf car to tue sore complaints Ot souis that safer? Why, I never vet Left a poor dog in tho circttU' bant beset. Or ass o’erladon I Moat 1 rato man less Than dog or ass, In holy selfishness? Mclhlnks (lord, pardon, Ifthe Ihongbtbo Bin!) ■ The world of pain were bettor, if therein One’s heart might still he human, and dcaires Of natural pity drop npou its tires Some cooling team.” Thereat the pale monk crossed . Els brow, and. mattering. “Madman! thon arc lost I” Took up his pyx and fled; and, left alone, ■ The sick man closed his eyes with s meat groan ; That sank Into a prayer. “Phr will be done I” ' Then was he made aware, by soul or ear. Of somewhat pore and holy fending o'er him. Aid of a voice like that oi ncr who bore him. Tender and most compassionate: “.Never fear! For Heaven Is love, as Hod himself la love; Thy work felow shall he thy work above." And when be looked, lo I In the item monk's place He saw tie shining of an angel’s face I After such specimens as I have given yon, criticism would te an impertinence; and I will only say in conclusion, that if not des-' lined to create sach a sensation as the slm-; pier “Snow-Bound,” tho new- work fullyi equals that as a work of art, and with that,; will give Mr. Whittier a more general recog nition than he has bad hitherto, os a poet; with no superior in his own land. Bailwat RECKiEßSyxss.— Five chickens were' recently found roosting upon the iron connecting! brakes of a railway car, in which pbsiion they: had ridden from Louisville to Nashville.'- Thef chickens coaid not have done that on the Camden l & Amboy.road, it they had, the conductor woolo have been discharged for letting them ndo free. SPRINGFIELD. Doings of the Third flinse. The Proposed Act to Dislocate tho State Capitol, A Bill for the Relief of the Lobby. Schedule of Fees. (Special Correspondence of tho Chicago Tribune.) Bpui*onxLD. 111., Pebrnar* 10. The following bill, which had previously passed tho Third House, was introduced Into the House of Bepresentdtlves this afternoon. Its reading was received with shouts of laughter: DILL FOB AX ACT TO DISLOCATE THE STATE CAPITOL. Section 1. That for the purpose of legislation, ibe Governor shall, wirhla slztr days after the passage hereof, appoint three while free holders to tbe office of “Capitol Commissioners,” who shall bold ibetr office during good behavior. Ihev shall be commissioned by the Governor, and shall take an oath faithfully to perform the dimes of their office, and to-account for all moneys tLof may come into their hands, and all \loladoa of such oa’h or failure to report to the General Assembly shall be explained In the usual manner. tixe. S. It shall be the duty of the said Commis sioners, as soon as maybe aftertnetr appoint ment, to advertise In some weekly newspaper, published in Illinois, having a circulation not ex ceeding thieo Hundred, the Capitol and grounds and all otser public property tor sale at public rc/idue to the gulden cash bidder, provided said Commlsf loners shall not act as auctioneers at sncheale, nor be in partnership with any auction eer, nor appropriate any ot the proceeds of such sate to their own nse unless it shall bo deemed necessary by a two-thlrda vole; and witn the pro ceeds of snch sale they shall cause to be built and constructed a train of cars, with all the neces.-arr equipments, adornments and conveniences inci dent to or necessamora State Capitol; which said train shall be denominated a “Government Train,” and shall bo under me charge and con di.Uorship of a person to be appointed to that position by the Commissioners aforesaid, by and \nib the advice and consent of the Commliulanois appointed pursuant to (he general Railroad law of ibis Slate. Sxc. 3. The said several cars shall be designated as follows: No. 1. Governor’s Mansion, prowled no carden shall be aitaced thereto; No. 5. Grand Army of the Republic; No. 3. The Se> ate; No. 4. House ol Representatives; No. 5. The Third House; No. 6. Reft- shment Car. provided no member shall he peimitted to occupy the door more than fave minutes at any one lime. The re freshment car shall be double decked, and the up per story thereof shall he famished with brds, stationery and other usual comml'lee furniture; No. 7. State Officers; No. 8 Railroad and Peni tentiary Commissioners, State Geologi t, Aii[a tsnt General; No. 9. Grand Jury; No. 10. Police Force; No. 11. Presidents of Corporations. Sec. L On the first Monday in January In each year (ihe Confutation notwithstanding* the said seven) cars shall be occupied by the several or ganizations as aforesaid, and the tram so mad*.* up shall proceed over, along and upon the several railroads of the State of IIIGjoIb, under the charge of the conductor aforesaid. Sec. 5. It stall be the dnly of the conductor to stop the Gorexnmect train oniy at stations wnose Inhabitants shall* cause to be erected in a cod* spicnous place at their own expense a *i»n, upon which thail he printed, written, inscribed, elc/t-d or engraved the following decter, to vrii: "Jjecialatlon Wonted H-re,” When the said tram shall bare stopped, the Speakers of the stvnal Houses shall ca*f ihtm to order, and announce substantially as follows: “Genthintp —lbe people of this locally navlng complied with the provisions of law, I pronounce ibis bodv open to business.” Ibe order of busi ness shall be as 1 Hows: 1. Report of Assessor of Internal Revenue, showing the amount of income of the preceding jear. 2 Report of Town showing the value of the rod ana personal pioperty. 3. Statement showing the amount of money on deposit, or subject to eight draft on New York. 4. last o( bills npon * hich action is desirable by the people of the particular locality. Sec. ti. All hills shall originate tn the Third House, and no bill shall be Introduced that is not accompanied by a certificate of the Speaker there of. that the provisions of law and time honored custom requiring the payment of certain fees thereon prior to the introduction of the same, have been complied with. Sec. 7. The following tariff of fees, to bo paid porsnant to the foregoing section, is hereby es tablished, viz: Insurance Chatters $ 100.00 Inanrance Chatters, with a Bank.... - 200.00 insurance Charters, with patcutamund ment 37ti Railroads, genuine 10,000.00 Railroads, floating charter.... 75.00 Horse Kail, without consent of Com- moo Council 9,999.90 Horse Roil, with consent ot Common Council 3.000.00 Bills to consolidate Railroads 2,5< 000 Gas charter- 200.00 Bills to make the persons therein named heirs at law of certain other persoes therein named: ten per cent on the as sessed value of the estate to be inher ited. Coal companies, with power lo run rail road tracks: fIOO per each mile of track. Same, with power to coademn right of way: doable that amount. Manufacturing companies, with railroad: one-fourth of tbe aleck. . Bills “to repeal tbe act therein named” 300.00 Skaiinc park, piam ....... . 10.00 Skating park, with power to take public property 500.00 To revive defunct insurance companies. 100.00 Bill lomake stpccial corporation, and authorize parties organized under gen eral law, to do acts not provided for by each law—f 50 for each pe-sou who ascertains me purport of tne bill. Elevator, without a ra lrosd track 000.00 Elevator, with a rallroac track 10,000.00 And double that amount if any money Is spent to defeat the uiiL To amend tbe statute of limitations in certain icsp^cts—ten per cent of tbe amount oi debts avoided thereby, to bo paid by the party seeking the pas sage of the.blll. For entering tbe appearance of any mem ber in opposition to any bill introduced as atorcsaid. doable tbe tee above pre scribed shall be paid. For entering toe appearance of an attor ney not a member of the Flrat or Sec ond House— lire same fees as in case of introdoctlcnof hill-. Bllis to lease the Penitentiary: twenty five thousand per annum, during tne duration of tbe term Bills allowitg cities to speculate In real estate: oue-half the profits. To allow DeEalb County to chance County Seat alone a north and south lino - 300.00 Park Bills, naming Commissioners 6,u00.00 Park Bills, Commissioners appointed by the Supreme Conti 000.00 The Speaker or the Third Boose ahtil be au thorized to make a reasonable reduction from tne above rates at Chicago, Springfield, Cai ro, East St- Louis and LaSalle County, on account of the la.ue amount of busi ness. *lbe Speaker of the Tbird House shall disburse the moneys received as aforesaid in the most equitable manner. The above raus shall not he increased except by a vote of one-third or the members In the Thiro Bouse, or in case of a deficit in the Treasurer's account Sac. 7. Ibe rights, powers, duties, privileges, salaries, emolument, honors, stationery, rules, regulations, provisions and order of procedure of the several State officers, agents, employes and departments shall remain and continue as now provided by law, except as modified, altered, changed or amended by the provisions of this art. Sxc. 8. It shall bo the duty of the Conductor aforesaid, by condemnation or otherwise, to sup ply himself with a first-class telescope, of suf ficient range to enable him to discover, at least three miles distant from any station, the erection ol tbe sign provided in section two of this act. and aa soon as lae same shall he discoveretUhesbaUihoreupon give notice to the members of the several Bouses, tn order that they may prepare for business, provided nothing here in shall be construed to operate as a lien on Clark'a Refractor, unless proceedings for con demnation have been regularly instituted. No member of either House shall, daring the time said train shall stop at any such station, engage In the bneinessof faro, dice, cards, or other de vice for the transposition of monov, and every violation of this provision shall subject tbe ot lender to a forfeiture of two dollar*, to he de ducted fromhlajperdiem. Incase the car for Presidents of Corporations should be inadequate, thPT..shan be divided Into divisions of filty-elgnt, aid each division shall be entitled to the occu pancy of each a car for one week only. Tbe General Assembly shall continue in ses sion from the first Monday in January to the last Saturday In December, provided they may take a vacation of one day in August, to visit the several State Institutions, and for tbe purpose of locating at any College they may deem advisable. Sec. 0. in case the General Assembly shall deem tbe public exigencies such that a State Con vention shall be required for tbe purpose of alter ing. amending, changing or imoroving (he Con*, slttntion, or the forming of a new Constitution, they shall cause notice to be given in som-t month ly paper whose circulation does not exceed one hundred copies, of tbe time and place of each Convention; and they shall by tbe proper act au thorize tbe people, without distinction of race or color, to assemble tn matt*, in some grove. They shall prescribe the rales to gorem.sach mee lng. ana the same, when organized, shall have fall power and authority to alter, amend, change. renew, rejuvenate, reorganize, modify or Improve tbe Constitution of this State, provided at- such Convention each member present shall be authorized aod re-, quired to make at leas' me speech, and provided raid Convention shall not be authorized to alter or amend this act, or do any act which shall inter-, lere with the vested rights of any of tbe officers herein named, or of any corporation, bnt the same shall continue to impose on the public as usual. , Sec. 10. Tbe trunk» of all persons leaving ihis ; train at any time shall be searched, provided uo> oidmary sized satchel shall be subject to sneb in spection. . in orde/that tbe members may eojoy the longest liberty, the said train eball not stop at Joliet, except on the return trip. arc. il. The handsomest man in McHenry County shall be Ibe first foreman ot the Grand Jury, and shall hold his office for one year. UU successors shall be appointed by the Superinten dent of tbe Refreshment Car. Sec. IS. Whenever tbe Internal Improvement Bill shall have been passed, and the improve mtnfa ttcrein contemplated have been complied, the sala train shall be pnt on scows, and the sum mer legislation shall be conflccd to points on tbe tine or such Improvements. Sec. 33 No photographs or drawings of Agri cultural Colleges or canal routes, or other Inde cent subjects, shall be permitted on the train. The General Assembly shall be authorized to make all nredtnl rules to prevent tbe spread of infectious di-eases on the said train. Sec. 14. This act shall be a public act, and take effect after the commencement of ibis session. Channcey Page, me Valparaiso Mur- derer. j From Iho Volparalso(lnd.) Vldette, February 19 ] We visited Laporte lost week, and white there were informed by those in a position to know, that Page, the supposed murderer of his wife, is seeking by every means in his fiower, to win a good name. He has sndden y become pious, and spends ranch of his time reading the Bible and conversing upon the subject of religion with his fellow-pris oners. This is well; and while we fear it is but the “dcceltfulness of sin,” may we not, hope that even into bis heart may come some rays of heavenly light that shall lead him to repentance. The editor of the Laporte Herald la’ely visit-; ed Mr Page in bis cell, and found him; to be very sociable and entertaining. He, stoutly protests bis Innocence and professes, to believe he will be cleared from tbe charge now resting upon him. To others he boa said that if Mbs Lndolpb lived he .had no fears hut that she would clear.him of the charge when she saw blm. It seems almost-' incredible that there should be any mistake about this man’s guilt, bat he clings to the. hope of being declared innocent by a jury of. his countrymen. Mr. Farrand, of Laporte,- Is his counsel, and will doubtless do all for him that can be done. Wreck of ilie Bridib Emigrant Skip; Revebb. ■Serb;. Havana Correspondence (Feb. 13) of the New The saddest case of all is the wreck of the’ British emigrant eblp Derby, from Galvea-' too, Texas, which port she left on the 2Cth' of December, with one hundred and fifty; emigrants from Brazil. The intention of tho Captain was to call here and provide the Vessel fresh Oco-hilfof the eml • ranta arc women and children—the men marly all helonelogto Texas. Tho vessel sunck on a rock at the Plays de Banes, about 5 o’clock on Sunday morning, and It uaworder that the onlv disaster we hare to ri cord are some wooed* and bruises re* celrcd while the passengers were attempt ing to make their way to the shore. The women were as calm and coo* as If they ,V‘ e m°. danger, while the men worked like Trojans, risking their lives a*, cveij moment to bring the women and chil dren safely on shore. Shortly after the last person had reached the land the vessel com menced breaking op. Some saved all their clothing, but the machinery, mills and agri cultural Implements with which the vessel was loaded, and rained at over $50,000, will prove n total loss. The vessel was worth abrnt SIO,OOO, and had been chartered by the agent of the compary for $7,500. Before leaving New Orleans for Galveston she was seized four times by the SberltT for debt, nod again on her arrival to Galveston, when the claims against the vessel bad been sat isfied. it was rumored about that she was uuseaworthy, but. the Government in spectors declared her to good order. The emigrants are to receive iron the Brazilian Government as much land as they desire to cultivate at fifty cents an acre, with a credit of five years, and the free im* portatlon of all agricultural Implements, The lards are situated la the Province of San Paolo, in the Tagnape region, and near the coast. Among the prominent persons of this expedition I notice Judge Dyer, of Hills Cliy, Texas. Major Braxton, of Virginia, Captain and Doctor Barnsley, of Mississippi. Judge Tarver, ol Freestone, Texas, and many ex-officers of the Confederate army. Many of them were very wealthy before the war. I understand that a subscription will be op* ued at the United States Consulate and at the Telegraph Hotel, in aid of the ship wrecked. PARISIAN FASHION GOSSIP, The Grand Ball at tho Hotel de Title— Bank, Beamy and Fashion In Fro* cession—Scene on the Grand Staircase —No Crinoline—A Countess’ Dress— Fete of the SBatlngCluh—Outdoor Cos- tomes. [Puis Correspondence (January 25) of tbo New The hall at the Hotel dc Ville, the fete de unit organized by the members of thcSka'.ing Club, and Madame dc Persigny’s lawsuit w Ub her couturier (not to say tailor), have all been equally enjoyed in the course of this week. A ball given by the Ville de Paris, repre sented by Baron Haussmaun, is ever a great sensation, but, like every great achievement, is not without its attendant evils, among which I do certainly place the preliminary rules and regulations that have to oc submit ted to on ail the Prefet’s official receptions. In the first place, all carriages and convey ances containing guests have to “follows leader,” a programme of the different streets through which all are to drive being drawn up beforehand, in order to avoid contusion. Ev ery thoroughfare is lined with municipal gardes, and police officers arc in great excite ment. The gendarmerie have enough to do to keep hack the files of people who press forward to look at the uniforms and elegant dresses of the invitedos they slowly advance; On approaching the edifice, which is mag nificently illuminated, vehicles advance al most. imperceptibly at the rate of ten paces in five minutes, when a stoppage again en sues, aid a long serpentine tail Is ever lengthening behind. It cannot be denied that things arc managed with admirable order, bnt many a beauty feels tempted to jump out of her carriage and walk, as mauv gentle men do, when they can bear municipal disci pline no longer. It Is all very well to feel tempted—the infliction must be borne till conveyances draw up one by one before the entrance, which they do at a minute's inter val between each, darting forth in turn and driving off in a contrary direction with mll itary concision. The grand staircase 1s covered with velvet pile and exotics. To the right and leltstand the biggest and finest men chosen from among tbe gardes. Ah! tbe lovely trains that sweep up that wide staircase. To what advantage are bare shoulders under glisten ing diamonds hero displayed. The richest toilets and most dazzling uniforms pass by in succession, and still the gigantic gardes look on like statues, neither betraying their admiration nor snrj rise by so ranch as the twinkle of an eye. They stand erect, view ing with equal Indifference the gray old war rior bearing all the badges of his different o ders and the bright young girl of eighteen making her debut in Parisian society in all tbe pride of youth, rank and beauty. It must be a terrible ordeal for a man. after all, to have to keep his eyes open end not admire when a fiilr creature un der a diadem of white Uiac and emeralds wonderingly examines their cast features, and parting her full, cherry Ups, audibly ex presses her wonder. Tbe most elegant toilets were made of white, salmon and pale green reps. Others were nothing bat ruby, ponceau and crimson velvet. All were fonrreaux, and not a trace of crinoline was visible. Tbe front widths of every dress, whether tulle, satin, silk or velvet, were perfectly flat. On the top of the grand staircase stand the Baron and Baroness Hanssmano, bowing to some as they enter,- smiling at others who were better known, and touching tbe Ups of the fingers •of th'so who were very well known indeed. This does not appear a very arduous task, but when these itbree shades of polite reception have to be observed until the very lost guest has been introduced it is not disrespectful to suppose that the baron and baroness are not sorry when they see tbe end of their friends. ' The first salle, or ball. Is called the Salle da Cat iaildes, over which Strauss and his or chestra preside. Then comes the Salon da Arcades, which is a kind ot earthly paradise —all founts in, garden, hothouse: then there is the marble gallery ami the famous otto man round which the very elite assemble. At two o’clock the Prefet’a supper Is announced; It Is laid , out in a banqueting room for not more than thirty, ana when these thirty have retired in due rank and order, tbe real fun of the other guests is at Its highest flow. Flirting, dancing and suppers arc kept up at the different buffets tQI young ladies are al most drawn away by their prudent parents. One of tbe coontesses present at the last Tuilcries ball wore two metres and a half of train to a gray satin fourreau. It was cov ered with a tulle tunic looped up with tea roses. She wore diamonds and pearls round her neck, waist and forehead. Nothing can be imagined higher than the headdresses. Bands of jewels and aigrettes on the forehead aro the most striking oma ments, batpoy/i or clusters of flowers tor the top, from which hang trails of flowers, frosted leaves and crystal drops, are also worn. The Skating Club fete was another great display. It was held on a large meadowy ar tificially iced over, in the Bola de Boulogne. Ladles came In'slelghs, attired In Polish and Hungarian costumes, with their hair loose over their shoulders or hanging io long plaits down their backs. Thev wore pretty little skates and high silk gaiters tightly drawn np to the knee. Electric lights In all colors lent a very original effect to the midnight scene, and It was very strange to see slight, delicate young girls, without wrapper or mantle, dart across the frozen surface heed less of cold; now bathed In silver light, now lurid with crimson glow, and still ever fit log into shade, according to caprice, as glow worms do. The gentlemen skaters looked like dork spirits pursuing elves, and all was silent save the sharp, cutting steel as it fur rowed the ice. It certainly was a most novel entertainment—a weirdlike idea. Mme. de Persigny’s troubles with Mr. Mangas are resumed by figures, which, I have beard, are ever the dearest statements of a case. The following bill was lately delivered to her: One robe of wnlic silk and gold, trimmed wiihwblteeatia,ayaienclenoes chemisette andsJcevcs SOOf. One bsll dress of brown tnlle and silver, with blue butterflies and anundersiip..... 1,200 f. One brown satin domino, tnlle; silver and blue butpriiles JJ3Of. One black silk costume, trimmed with jet, passementerie and moire ribbon .. TOOL The total, 3,050 francs, was thought exor bitant, and reduced by Mme. de Persigny’s steward to 2,500. Thereupon Mr. Mangos entered Into a very excursive correspon dence, addressed to tbe Duchess herself, aod which, to say the least, was expressed in rather an unusual style as coming from a tailor to tbe wife of an cx-Prime Minister. Tbe consequence is that the bill has been laid down In court, and the learned counsel ore debating on the price of butterflies In brown tuile. It is rather a brown study, I shculd think. It appears from other bills that have been inspected In Mr. Mangas’ establishment that his usual charge fora d-ess Is 3,200 francs; so Mme. Persigny got her’a cheap. One of Princess Dagmar’s dresses, made by the same court tailor, cost 7,000 francs. YVarth, tbe Empress’ tailor, puts down one naught less, and usually charges what Is considered reasonable. The Princess de Mcttcrnlcb’efrobes vary, like those of tbe Empress, from TOO to 1,800; but dresses I have seen at Wartb’s from 300 to 400 francs. These figures will interest ladies less than husbands, whom I will leave to their reflec tions. May they not think of their meat, bread and coal bills before, the tailor’s ac count is provided for. If indeed they do allow their wives to have a tailor. Sheep Fever in Vermont* The sheep fever lias been rapine violently in the State of Vermont, and is spreading to other parts of the country in a threatening manner. It is a sheep fever among men, however, and Us special location Addison Connty; the “Cornwall finish,” which was devised at Cornwall in that county, having, given the State as bad a name In parts of the West os Connecticut has long had from a few wooden nutmegs, real or legendary. Tnc amount of money which the breeding of sheep has brought into Addison Connty during the last ten years is surprising; and the county, formerly noted for Morgan and Blackbawk horses, has been largelyglven np, to the new speculation. Many farmers house their sheep in better buddings than they in habit themselves, and the sign of prosperity is the size and finish ot the ham rather than the farm-house. One man in Middlebnry lately sold a dozen ewes for a thousand dol lars; another sold a dear little lamb for two thousand, and several others for one thou- 1 sand each. Two well-known breeders have jost gone to the West with a load of slxty eleht animals, all of which will bring the usual fancy prices. The fever Is as much an epidemic as tulip fevers and silk-worm fevers, and most sooner or later finish its course. ' From the 1 a f av«*tte (lid.). Journal, February 13,1 The Wabash is on a terrible swell. Under the influence of the heavy rains of Friday bight, it raised at the rate of two inches an hour a good part of the day on Saturday, and at noon yesterday came to a stand, a few feet lower than the great rise of June. ISSB- The ieevees to both nriages and the bottoms are covered with water, so that the only commu nication since Friday with the opposite chore has been by boats. It will be im possible to estimate the damage to the levees until after the waters subside- The Main street bridge stands the flood like an old veteran. The timbers of three bridges floated down from above on Saturday and yesterday, a portion of one of which was captured a short distance above tbe old bridge. One of them w&s evidently part of au open railroad bridge, hat where uoy of them came trom is, as yet. unknown; though doubtless the Deer Creek bridge on the Wabash Road, this side of Delphi, for oUhedaome ot tbe timbers. Passengers and baggage are transferred by wagons over the Tlxaei. York Herald J The Flood In «ndt»n^, (ity \ ridpe at Deiphl. with but little delen tltn.Tbe bridge just this side of Huntington, < □ uetsmeiHto, was considered ntuafeoa Friday evpj log, and pa-scagers bad to be tr. n fened t»>er- a so. A nn-nherot car loads oi stock a-1* detained at the Wild Cat yards by the damage to these bridges. The delay wi.l only be temporary as w*>en the managers of the road set their b«-nds on baildlnga bridge, or coin? anything else, it gnes no with a i ash. An embankment east of Williamsport was washed out on Saturday m .ruing, hot the damage was repaired «be same evening. All bridges on Pine Creek, some three or f*>ur In number, on the ro»d from this city to Oxford, haye been washed out. The whole country is flooded. THE NATIONAL UNION ASSOCIA TION. Pioc* as of Organization. Cnoesr’s Orsaa Horan, I February, 18, 1577. f To tbe Editors of the Bspnblicaa Journals la Chi cago: Gentlemen ; The writer begs leave to re port to yon as follows, as to what has been done in the matter upon which you wore consulted on the 15th and 17th of September last. Your obedient servant. REPORT. On the 15th of September lost, the editors of all tbe Republican newspaocisin Chicago were conferred «lth on the subject of or ganizing a social and political club, to be composed of members of tbe Republican party, and simitar in its general plan and ob jects to tbeUulon League of Philadelphia. A written form ol agreement wjs submitted, and every Republican editor who was con sulted approved of the project, and promised to give it bis earnest personal and profession al sappport. On the 17lh of September the same form of agreement, duly enrolled In a bo»k which might make a part of the permanent record of'the organization, was offered, and was signed by editors of Chicago Republican newspapers ; and, subsequently, signed by the citizen who acted as the channel of con ferenceand organization. Tbe form ot agree ment read as follows: “Tbelate speeches of President Johnson and Secretary Reward having bi ought us to look the elarUlne fact ra the face that tbe pardoning, tho veto, ;be appointing, tbe temo log ana the other cxtcanve powers of tbe Government arc beli-g wielded against the Government tijelf, and in such a way tend* to faster instead of cm blng treason, rebellion and civil war: “We, the undersigned, c tlzens of Chicago, im prest ca with the scrioasceas and the length of ibis struggle which the treach ry of bad officers ol the Government may Urns, impose upon the people, and with the duty of all patriots to consolidate anew the loynl sentiment of the connt-y, hercoy agree ro form a National Union Association. “This organization is not intended to -apersrde any existing one. It is not intended as an ordinary political dull, to serve the purposes of merely tue pending State, or even Presidential, election, it aims both at more permanency and more vigor, and will prepare to fight it out on this line. If it takes a lifetime. “ With this view. It will possess itself of a ‘nit able house and lo*, with furniture, a reading room, and a continuous system of means with which to stimulate and enliven public sentiment. In rto way of publications and public meetings, alter the manner of tne Union League of Philadel phia. As in the case of the last mentioned asso ciation, the lees of membership of the Natloial Union Association shall be fitly dollars admis sion, end trccty-five dollars per annum. Signed, Chicago, September 17, t6C6—the seventj-nirth anniversary of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. Chablxs L. WiLSOS’, Horace Wnm, tIOrETU ilEDItt, Wqxlas Bnoss, D. Busut. Hass so uce Davis, V. B. Desslow, Hesqt M. Sjoth, A. McCot. These articles of agreement were pur posely submitted, signed and dated on the anniversary of the Constitution of the Gov ernment of the Union, as a mark of honor to that great oay ot nationality and freedom, and with the view that the same should be the anniversary of the Association which is thus organized to aid in upholding and estab lishing its principles. The name stiikes some at first unfavorably —the words “National Union” being just now associated with the efforts of the sno- Doncrs of-the ruinous policy of President Johnson. Bat if we abandon a word because some one perverts it, we might fur the same reason abandon the 4tb of July, or even tno Constitution itself. The plain and undeni able truth is, that nationality is a part of this whole political and military struggle; and If we acsert the principle of nationally, as against its enemies, why surrender to its en emies the nse of the word? On ibis point the following extract is submitted from the Farew ell Addi ess of the Father of his Conn try. as both a warrant for the name, and as a tit and noble motto for the Association: “It is op infinite moment that too SHOULD PEOPERLT ESTIMATE THE IMMENSE VALUE OF TOOK NATIONAL UNION.” On the Ist ot October, what bad been done In this matter was reported to the dele gation from the Southern Loyalists’ Couveu lion, who were then In Chicago; and their great gratification apoa being made acquaint ed with these facts was expiesscd in tbe fil ing paper, and which, with their autographs, forms an interesting page in the enrollment book of the Association, Governor Brown low, especially, notwithstanding his nervous and physical prostration, was very emphatic in his expressions uf delight that a body of patriots was "being organized in Chicago similar to the great Union League which had just given them such a wonderful welcome lo Philadelphia. STATEMENT OF GRATIFICATION BT THE SOUTH- EKN LOYALISTS. We, the undersigned members of the dele gation of twenty-five irom the Southern Loyalists' Convention, neraonally acquaint ed with the Union League of Philadelphia, and Us plan of operation, taka great pleas ure in testifying to our sense of the vast good which it is rendering and will yet ren der to tbe Government, as against both Its armed and unarmed enemies. We record al so oar delight in learning that a movement has been begun, aiming at a similar organi zation in the patriotic city of Ch’cago, aud we heartily commend this movement to the support of all our fellow loyalists of this great political centre who would so consoli date their strength as to strike the most vig orous and effective blows for our common country. feigned Cnrcaoo,3>t October, 1566, W. G. BROWALOW, Governor or Tennessee. A. J. tIAMILTON, Ex-Governor of IVxas.’ MICHAEL liAUN, Ex-Governor of J-oulilana. C. U. BRASCOMB, of Missouri, Chairman ol die Southern Loyolb-c Delegation. FRED. F. LEDEKGERBER, of Missouri. HORACE MAYNARD, Member of Congress for Tenner see. JOS. S. FOWLER, Member of Congress for Tea- nesses. N, A. PAJTERSON, of Tennessee. W R stores, Member of Congrats tor Ten- nessee. HOPE BAIN, of North Carolina. JAMES w/hDNNICUIT, ofVlrginia. GEOROE iUCKEH, ofVugmia. JOHN POILO' E, of Virginia. P. NEWMAN, of Louisiana. B*. RANDOLPH, of Louisian*. \ E*. HOLCOMB, of Tennessee. I ESSE STAUNcEIi. of Texas B. C. WARMI TH. ot Louisiana. IORENZO SHERWOOD, of Texas. EDWARD J. DAVIS, of Texas. ____ BONA FIDE MEMBERS CONTINUED. At different times since tbe above, the fol lowing signatures have been obtained to the form of agreement, making a total.of one hundred and fifteen boiutjide members of the Association; F. Batbeway, John B. Uersrd, L. B. Braalej, Johns White, E. O. L. Faxon, G. B. Dunion, John F. Bea y, J. W.J. Culura, S. S. Williamson, Julian h. Ramsey, Sam B. Raymond, 0. H. Tiffany, S- N. Wilcox, W. F. Milligan, W. W. Boylncton, 1. S. Remolds, 1.0. IK 111UIU?, ““ i.ni»i»j| Charles E. Reed, H. A. Towner, Dr. William Wagner, Samuel Shackford, U. A. Rust, J. J. Richards. R. M. Hough, John S. Brewer, O. N. Hough, John A. Page, E. C Lame d, H. A. Pnndc. A. P. Stevenson, W T. Wmdiate, Psieii.mnller, ’ Georg*-F. Boiler, C. N. Sbirmtn, E. G Wolcott, Norman Williams, Jr., James F. Daliantyne* Edward O. Salomon, George A. Carmichael. Henry Grcenebanro, C. Comstock, Louis Wahl, W. E. Johnson. A. Jacohson, N. E. Fairbanks William Cox, Thomas a. Phillips, WHUum F. DTrolf, C. W. Andrews, Haro.d Sprague, J. C. Gntbrie, J. 31. Allen, D. B. Fisk, L. L. Bond. E R. Harmon, Charles C. P. Holden, Philip Wadsworth, Charles V. Dyer, M. D. Wells. C. G Over, D. Hobart Hilts, S. A. Irwin. T. A Kent, George A. Shufeidt, Jr„ Gilbert Pryor, James H. Bowen, Jr., George W. Glasha, N B, Judd, Hash McLennan, ti. U. Fleetwood, U. Sbewell. John Hamilton. Henry W. King, Gilbert H. Smith, Stcphm W- Rawsos, T. W. Wadsworth, James D- Stark, Jr. Ruif ell Benedict, B. V. Page, C. R. Farwelr, Edward Ely, P. Dixon, H. ?. Steclt, Frank R. Chandler, Perkins Bass, W. E Doecetc. T. Munson, E. W. Blalfbford, M. Van Alien, C M. Henderson, A. J. GaToway, W. 9. Henderson, Merrill Ladd, Abljab Keith, William A. Porter, Chas. H. Fargo, George C. Clarke, Henry D. Tales, Chauncay T. Bowen, W. A. Bill. George S. Bowen, Charles Hitchcock, L. D. Elmhark, N.N. Runyon, C Henry Cutler, J. Young Scammon, Timothy Wright. Henry M. Shepard, Thomas Jefferson, and tne Supreme Court. The two recent decisions of the Supremo Court of the United States, however they may have given encouragement to traitors, have nevertheless produced a reaction which will not stop until the exact relation of that branch to the other departments of the Gov ernment is clearly and irrevocably fixed. The last days of Jefferson were filled with apprehensions of the dangers to be appre hended from an irresponsible Judiciary. The following passages from bis letters ap ply with as much force to the recent decis ions of the Supreme Court of the United States as did the warning words of James Madison to the.usurpations of the Accident In the Presidential chair: ■ jzrrxreos to am. Carves, anTnorn 53.11*90. “You seem to consider the Judges a* the ulti mate arbiters at all couaUtutlouai question* —a uty danyerout doctrine indeed, and one icmch vovld place ut under the detjiotim of an chy. Our judges are as honest as other men, and not more so. • They have, with other*, the s imo passions forpariy, for power, and the pmuege* ol their corps. Tbelr maxim is boat Jttdicii etC ampllare jurisdictions and their power the more cancerous, a* they *»o In office for life, aud not responsible, as tbeotbof InncUonarle* are, to tLa elective control. The Cunabtniion has elected noaueh MD"Ir tribunal, knowing that, to what- CTcrbands confided, with the corruptions of Umo nd party, its members would became despots.** jxrrxnsox to xb. nmaoxn, august, Is'l. >• it bss long been my oplkion that the germ of dissolution ot our Feoeral Government la hi the constitution of our Federal Judiciary—an irre sponsible body (for impeachment is scarcely a scarecrow), working like gravity br night aai by day, gaining a little to-day and a htne mo-e to morrow, ana advancing its noiseless step liboa tblef over the field of Jurisdiction until all shall I)*- usurped from the States and the Govenneut roreolioared into one.” jxrrznsox to xdw. uvctcacox, Jtancs 23.1533. “One single obiecl, if your provision attain* It, will ex title yon to the endUea gratitude of an fu ture ages, in saving the people from judicial usnrpatior. The Supreme Judges are practicing on tbe Constitution by Inferences, analog es, »«yt sophisms, aa they would an ordinary law. They imagine they can lead os to a consolidat ’d Gov ernment, while tbeir road leads dlrecly to a dis solution. This member of tbe Government was at first considered aa tbe most harmless and help less ol all its organa; but it has proved the pow.-r ofdeclartngwbstth-lawta. ad lUntvoa by ■«>> fiit it and mlnli-g, slyly ai.o without alarm, the orjidatlons oftbeConstliu’lno, can do what open force would not daro to attempt.” Queen Victoria now welsha one hnndred and seventy pounds, it U sold, and threatens to be colossal. A. McCor.