Newspaper of The Chicago Tribune, March 6, 1867, Page 2

Newspaper of The Chicago Tribune dated March 6, 1867 Page 2
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Chicago tribune. DAII% TEI-WEEELY AKB TYEEEtT. OFFICE. Ho. 51 CLAKK-ST. Tlerearethreeedldoiiaof ihcTracita issnsd. Ist. very morning, for circulation by earners, newsmen and the wan*- «. Tbe Tn-TVrzn-T. Moo days. Wed ntsdiya and Fridays, tor th» malls only; and the Wxxslt, on Thursdays, for the galls and sale at our Counter and hr newsmen. Terms of tbe Cblrss* Tribunes Dally delivered in tte niy (per wee*),.., •r* ****** {per quarter) Dally, to xsaii mbfcrftcn (per aanatt, paja - blelo advance) ». 114,00 Tri-Weekly,(per anrow. payable In advance) «.00 Weekly, (per annnnupayab’.e In advance)..... 14.00 fyrr*cttas*lr*rts ol Uk year at the use rates, •ywftrtmt rem'Uiag *&a order!fire or more Copies of either the Irl-Weekly or Weekly eliUoas tsay retain tec per cent ufUiesnbeerlpuoa price u a frunmiSSltUL. Hones to Bubsceibees.—ld ortenng the address ol yonr paper* chahee4. to -irevral delay, toe sure and specify wbatedition yen take—Weekly, Tri-Weekly, or Dally. Also, glveyocrpaßSEXTaodfatare address Money, toy Draft, Express, Mosry orders, or In 'SegUtered Letters, may be sent atom tUk. Adirees. * TttIBCSK nit, Chlrapc. 11l WEDNESDAY, MARCH C, 1507. TBF-VETO MESSAGE FALSEHOODS The President, in his reconstruction veto message, "with unsurpassed insolence, de clares that “ the bill would seem to show “upon its face that the establishment of “ peace nod good order is not Us real ob ject.” Again be says; “ The military rule ** which It establishes is not to b; used for “ any purposes of order or prevention of “crime; but solely as a means of coercing “ tbe people into the adoption of principles “ and measures to which it is known they are “ opposed, and upon which they have an un “ deniable right to exercise their own judg “ ment.” Tbe gross indecency exhibited by the President, in thus deliberately charging the legislative department of the Govern ment with false pretensions and a matured purpose of evil which it seeks to conceal, merits condemnation. It Is evident that the disappointments, the defeats and repeated humiliations endured hy Mr. Johnson, have embittered his spirit to such a degree that he finds It impossible to address Congress with the respect dne Irom one department of the Government to another, especially when the subject of reconstruction is involved. ‘With the mulish obstinacy na tural to a roan of coarse Intellect and great personal vanity, tbe only lessons he has drawn from two years of failure and de feat, are those of envy, hatred and revenge. The utter helplessness of his situation adds to the contempt with which the country witnesses his exhibitions of malice and venom. By wbat right does Andrew John son assert that the object of establishing military government in the South is not to preserve peace and good order? Is it be cause peace and good order already prevail there? Keitherlus assertions to that effect, nor tbe protestations of the rebels whom he las elevated to power In the South, can cover up the fact that violence and murder prevail iu every one of the ten unrecon ttructcd Stales; that lbs life of a Union lean is not sale a moment beyend the reach cf the bayonets of the soldiery; that thousand* have been driven hto exile be cause of their Union sentiment?, and dare not return; that the life of a frcciman is re gatded as of no value; that thesicrimes go unpmiit-Led, and that no effort h made by the so-called Slate officers aud’courts to bring robbers and murderers to justice, pro vided their victims arc Union men *»r ne groes. In short, the pretended governneuts M.t up by Andrew Johnson in tbcSoulmrn States, Lave been but tbe Instruments of rebel hatred and vengeance agahst the friends of the Union, while aid black. In Orleans a wholcsae massacre was deliberately organized by tin officers of the goveirmcct of that city and of the Stale, and pursued with a cruelty worthy of fiends. We find that wherever j Mr. Johnson’s Governments arc In power, j they arc the allies of disloyalty, murder, and j every crime. It is to protect the Union population from their blood-thirsty persecu tors, end to preserve peace and order, tha* military government is now established, o rather, that it is extended in the South ; for military rule has not wholly come to end ia that portion of the country, as Mr. Johnsoj very well knows. rinding that treason and disloyalty su - .vhced the nominal death of the rebellion, an \ that certain State organizations set up b Andrew Johnson were not only controlled by leading traitors, but were the actual per secutors and murderers of Union men, it was certainly tbe duly of Congress to luquirc whether these pretended governments were legal, and whether there was no method by which tbe Government could protect 1U friends in the South. And right here Is the whole issue between Andrew Johnson and the American people represented in Con press, namely, whether the President had the right and authority under the Constitu tion to organize Governments in the South ern Slates, or whether that power Is vested in Congress. If the President possesses that power exclusively; If he can make and pro claim a State Government on his own author ity, which every department of the Federal Government is bound to re cognize as valid and complete, then there is an end of the matter, and his veto of the Reconstruction Bill was an act he was in duty bound to perform. Bat if he has no such power; Hit is for Congress ant Congress alone to decide what are lawfu governments, and to admit or reject State formed either from new Territories or fro those iu which all legal government b* ceased through rebellion and war, then 11 that Mr. Johnson has done is without ae shadow of law to sustain It, ifsabsolndy null and void, and previous to the actic of Congress, the question of reconstruction,* a legal question, stood precisely tchcrc it did* the surrender of the rebel armies. Mr. Johnson says his “Southern incuts arc dc facto Governments, and reach are themselves tbe law of States tr>n all matters within their jurisdiction.” c also gees on to say that “ to pronbunce-he su preme law-making power of an eiblishcd Stale illegal, is-to say that the la'itself is •unlawful.” In these two sectcnccwc have the whole of Mr. Johnson’s nrgum*t, which is. In fact, no argument, but pry an un founded and monstrous assuupion of the whole ground in dispute, and,of the whole ground on which he was oerwbclmingly beaten before the country las All. He as sumes, first, that his Goveflments are dc facto Governments, and, second, that they arc established satc Govern ments. The two assertion arc scarcely ccnslslent with each *thc. since dc facto Is not a proper term hr wiilh to describe an established Stale Grvernnsnt. It would be absurd to call the Jovenment of Illinois a dc facto govcrcmwl because Illinois is an es tablished State It nay be that for certain purposes, within ther own territorial limit?, the President’s bastard governments are en titled to be describe} as dc facto, because they do actually and perform certain governmental functions. But whether tbev are or arc noreclillcd to that apoellatlon, has nothing rhatever to do with their valid ity ard tWlr claims to recognition by Congress. The government organized in £;<nsas by Missouri ruffians under the Lccompton Constitution, with the approval of Jamas Ba chsnan, may hove been a dc facto govern ment, Buchanan certainly insisted that it was, and was as anxious to have It recogniz ed as Johnson, for worse reasons, now is to hare his Southern bastards acknowledged as legitimate. But the Lccompton government was a swindle and a fraud, the offspring of violence and perjnry, and however much entitled to be called de facto , it received the ignominious fate it deserved. Ardrew Johnson has no more right to proclaim South Carolina a State in the Union under the Government he set up there, than Bnchacan had to proclaim Kansas a State under the infamous Lccompton Constitu tion. That Is a question which belongs ex clusively to Congress. The President does not discuss or even deny this. He simply arserts, first, that his governments arc de facto, and then that they nrn “established Stales,” and on Hist naked, unsupported and false assumption be denies the right of Congress to deny that they are States, or to Interfere to govern them. Mr. Johnson objects to military rule for tbe purpose of coercing the people into ihc adoption of measures • Lot in so doing he objects to having that le gally done by Congress which he himself did illegally. If the rebel States were never out of the Union, then Andrew Johnson bad ro right to deny recognition to the govern ment existing at the time of the military surrender, nor had he the right to continue military law there for the purpose of coerc ing the people to form new governments, abolish slavery, and repudiate the rebel debt! Yet all this he did. Can be pretend that the South would have abolished slavery or re pudiated the rebel debt if left to them selves ? Yet if they were States, these were “principles and measures upon which they Lad an undeniable right to exercise their own judgment.” The whole trouble with the President is, that his personal pride and van ity are deeply wounded by the failure of his scheme. He cannot bear that the work of reconstruction should be touched by other hands than his own, aud considers‘himself as competent to put together the two pieces of a divided country as to sew up a rent in the elbow of a coat. But he must put up with the disappointment as best he can. Congress has settled the question; the people arc sutisCedAnd there is no appeal. It is as certain as fate that the South must be ruled by military Jaw until ready to come to Ibe prescribed terms. It is the decree of the lew-making branch of Government and of the people themselves, the source of all power. If Mr. Johnson docs not like it, let us see what he may do about it The way bavins been legally open-d to Ibe Southern States. It will now bo their own fault II they do not immediately return to the fold of the Union. In three months every one of them may get rid of military I role, if It is distasteful to them. Nor are tbc principles anfl'measureß proposed by Con i gross Opposed by-the people of the South, as Mr. Johnson pretends.. In tbc first 'place every negro is in favor of thisvery lav, and there arc a sufficient number of white men also In favor of it, to give ita friends a mu. Jority in the South. Mr. Johnson is still too blind to see anybody but rebels in the South; the next election?, like that In Georgetown, will open his eyes to this huge arror. . .« *» TUB IKKCB&NCE QCESIION. Wc published yesterday a letter upon the Insurance question, In which the writer un dertook to controvert the suggestions made some days ago by the Teibune, that Insur ance to the full value of the property was ruinous to Insurance Companies and unjust to those who were insured to a proper pro portion oftho value ofthe property. • We then assumed that Insurance was a legitimate business, in which capital waa-iit vested for the purpose of making money; that when the business of an Insurance Com pany was conducted on any other plan than that of making money, it was not legiti mate, and that the public had the right to assume that such company would eventual ly close Its doors or repudiate its obligations. Wc insisted that & safe business was as es sential to the protection o? the assured, as it was to the protection of the company; aud that to do a safe business, the rates of in surance ought to ho such as would in the ag gregate cover all the ordinary and average Josses, ard afford a dividend of profit to the stockholders. Wc Insisted also that these rates should not be the same in all cases; that the standard of insurance should be - one-third or one-half the value of the property; that the company should only insure in cases where the party insured f hould share the risk; and that the rates of insurance npon any value above that adopt ed as the standard, should Increase with ar ithmetical progression, -We suggested that there should be no insurance to the full value ofa stock of goods, unless the rates correspond with tthc difference between a risk where it was the pccunlary ’losa to tUe party assured to have a fire, and where It was to his profit to have one. Our correspondent thinks it would bo a ca lamity to refuse insurance to the full value of property, and he cites the case of a person holding a stock ofgoods, one fourth of which represented his own capital, and the other held on credit. A fire under such clrcum i tanccs, he suggests, would absorb the whole amount of the insurance for the creditors, leaving him penniless. Our correspondent states Lis case plainly, and in terms which bethinks admits 01 but one side to tho ar gument. Fire insurance is intended to insure property against accidents by fire, •tud not to guarantee men in the security of i heir investment. If a tiader purchases a hundred thousand dollars worth of goods, and pays thereon his whole capital of twen ty five thousand dollars, expecting to pay , the other seventy-five thousand out of the proceeds of his sales, he has hardly any right to exj>ect an Insurance company to underwrite his liability and. capital, without paying therefor at rates correspond ing to the risk assumed by the company. Taking mankind as it runs, there is a vast difference between a risk upon a -lock of goods insured at their full and original value, aud a risk on a stock o! goods :mnrcd nt three-fourths of their value, the other fouith representing the entire capital •f the person insured. And the error of our correspondent may be traced to his inability to see the difference between the two classes of risks. It he can once bring his mind to comprehend that legitimate insurance is a risk taken in which the owner shares with the Insurance Company the liability to loss from accident, he will then understand why higher rates should be charged upon risks borne exclusively by the com pany, Trc company can afford to take Tuch a risk at rates which would be ruinous verc the company to become sole insurer, aid the owner has nothing to lose and cvery • hng to gain by a fire. It may be a valua ’doald in obtaining credit to be able to as ■sunthc creditors that the entire debts and espial of the party arc covered by insur ance; creditors who have shoved heavy stocksof goods upon Impecunious traders, fed betcr satisfied against loss when they hold ftsjgned policies covering the en tire cos. of thrir sales. They know that a liberal insurance against fire randy jails to be au Insurance against a falling mar ket- Take the ense put by oar correspond ent, of a man whose 'boun fide "capital, all told, is only equal to ore-fourth the amount ol insurance on his slo-k of goods; suppose Ins stock depreciate* in value twenty-five ver cent, Is not his mpltal utterly lost, aud is there a possibiliy of his being able to con tinue in l-osinessualcss a lucky Ore should occur in Lis neighborhood? Suppose withh a gjwn area that every other dcahr, Is insured in a like proportion, is the tnsirance company that assumes at ordinary iats to pay all losses by fire happening In ilit district, doing a business that is coasis- int with its own security ? Take one half fie cases of applications by responsible par ies for insurance to the full value of their woperty, and they will not hesitate to give is a reason therefor that all their neighbors being insured in that manner, the risk of fire is proportionately Increased by the with drawal ©fall interest on the part of the in sured in preventing fires. If a merchant, whose place of business 3 surrounded by the stores of those so liber. l ly insured that a fire would be profitable ra-ber -ban a loss. Is unwilling to continue Ip own insurer to one-fourth of the value of 2is own goods, how ouubt an insurants company feel that, for a small premium at the lowest rales, has issued policy after policy upon the whole of the insured property forits original value ? What rate would a caplUlist charge to insure the owners of that property against lo« by depreciation of goals, dishon <-sly of clerks and agents and of the princi- i-als ? Aud in the risk of the fire insurance company arc not all these included ? Every dollar of its insurance Is staked upon the personal honesty of the entire number of ’. hose it insures for the full value of their property, and it insures each against the rascality aud dishonesty of all the others. This is no part of the legitimate business of fire insurance, and insurance companies can not afford to do it without an oppression of other insurers that is not justifiable. Insurance rotes ought to be graded ac cording to the ordinary average losses. Persons insuring for one-half the valne of :hc!r property should be charged according lo the rates of losses on that class of insur ance, and not charged with rates necessary io cover losses upon insurances to .the total value of the property. Let the latter, as they are extraordinary risks pay extraordi uary rates, and do no: subject those who .-hare the risk with the company to a tax lo make good the losses of those to whom -ires arc often a great and direct benefit. THE Timill.XlMn CONGRESS. With all Its faults of procrastination aud ’ts short-comings, the Thirty-ninth Congress deserves the gratitude of the country, aud will receive higher praise from the future historian than from its contemporaries. The two years of Its existence form one of the most important periods in the great strug gle with rebellion. During that time the military power of the South succumbed to the Union arms, and the Southern Con federacy was overthrown, President Lincoln *as assassinated, and the treachery of his successor involved the country in new perils, certainly not less, and perhaps greater than those of the armed rebellion ; hat preceded it. Under any circumstances the task ol reconstructing the Government, :orn by four years of bloody strife, and of '■estoripg the insurrectionary States to the Union on proper and safe conditions, was one demanding the highest statesmanship In Us most favorable aspects the question was beset with difficulties and dangers so great that a false step might result la the loss of all the fruits of victory, and even plunge Ihe country once more into civil war. When to these difficulties we add the base treachery of the President, his deliber ate attempt to crown the de feated armies of treason with the laurels of victory, to restore the leaders of rebel lion unconditionally to power, to crush the spirit of loyalty la the South, and practi cally revive the inhuman system of slavery, wc see that the Thirty-ninth Congress had to confront the gravest questions under cir cumstances of almost appalling difficulty. It was not to be expected that iu its first session it would bring all these hard prob lems to a satisfactory solution. It required that session, in fact, to make up and pre sent fairly to the country, the Issues be tween Congress and the President. But these Issues having been submitted to the people In the autumn elections, and Congress having been sustained by overwhelming ma joritics, the country had the right to expect , that at the very beginning ol the second ses sion, the question of reconstrnetion would be promptly settled on the basis of equal rights and eternal justice. But Congress faltered, hesitated, procrastinated. Its com mittee, falsely styled a Reconstruction Com mittee, prevented all action until the loyal press of the country, Leaded by the Chicago Tribune, denounced the cowardly* vacillation and criminal delay, iusucMcrmsthat m spite of the obsti ucllcn committee, Congress in the Inst day? of its session, came nobly up to the work before it, and adopted a measure that embodies the views dud wiehesofthc people ou this great question. We have no hesitation in toying that the Thirty-ninth Congre«s is under a deep debt of obligation lo the* loyal press of the country, for Insisting that it should not leave this question to bo settled by Us successor. Had it done so, it would have been loaded down with contempt and execration, aud would have gone down to hicfory as a body too weak and cowardly lo wield the power It he’d absolutely In Us grasp. As it is, the lost hours of that body redeemed most of its errors. Among the noblest, ns It was also^omong the first great acts of this Congress, elands tho District of Columbia Suffrage BUl— the first law ever passed bj tho National Congress fully embodying the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence. Impl y results of that larr, v as shown 1 In the laic Georgetown election,' fiQly vindicate its whdom. Its justice needed no vindication^ The Thirty-ninth, Congress also gave us a Bankrupt Act and the. Tenure of-Office Bill, the latter over thd President’s veto. The people have profound reason to be grateful, also, that it did not pass the Tariff Bill. The Reconstruction Law, however, Is the great measure ot this Congress, and for that law It will be remembered, and, according to its success or fiiiluic, will the wisdom of the Ttirty.-ninlh Congress’ be judged. We believe it will win for its au -thors—and supporters a place on the brightest-pages of history.- Judging witha knowledge of-its faults,* we bellevo'tbat on the—whole the- Thirty-ninth Congress-hss been honest and faithful in its adherence to the principles it was* instructed' by the people to carry out, andthat timidity and hesitation were Us chief besetting sins, over which, however, it triumphed at the last. THE CITY POSTMASTER. The Senate in the last hoars of the session confirmed the nomination of Colonel R. A. Gilmore as Post Master of this city. This vote of the Senate fs, of Itself, evidence that that body in Us action upon the President’s appointments, has not been governed by mere purposes of revenge. Whenever the appointee deserved confirmation he was con firmed. Without pausing now to discuss the injustice of ihe 'removal of Mr. Hoard, it Is but just to say that Col onel Gilmore makes an excellent and most efficient Postmaster: that the Post Office, under his charge,ls a place of business and not a mere asylum orhospltal for seedy partisans. Colonel Gilmore as a railroad officer learned the value of accuracy, promnt* ness and strict attention to business In all its details. This knowledge he will make useful Id tho admluhtratlon of the Post Office. The political sentiments of tho Postmaster arc not ot tho Copperhead kind, and It is quite certain that Colonel Gilmore did not sacrifice his principles In order to get or retain the office. The act of Congress fixing the tenure of office emancipates all Federal officers from Executive decapitation except for just cause, and enables them to hold and express their opinions freely, without any feat *f removal therefor. It makes official competency and personal fidelity tho test of ofllce»oldin fr and the public will feel satisfied to know that, when they have a faithful officer, *» e j 9 not to be dismissed because he refuses to dirt, and endorse Executive betrayal of the party of freedom. ' The Government Is abont tu lesmuc mill tar> control of (he South. In other words, wo are about to go hack lo where wc were two years at the close of the war. This fact is aa admirable comment upon the stateamaneh p of the domi nant partv. Republicanism has wrangled and fought for two years, and now the country finds itself where itwaa whenJohoston surrendered to Sherman.— Times. It is “an admirable commenton the states 1 manship of the dominant party,” that it has not yielded a hairsbreadth of its principles nr purposes to the furious assaults made upon it by a treacherous Executive aud a donghCicc Democracy. The “Government” is about to commence . where It should have commenced two years ago. For the time thus lost iu the work of reconstruction, Andrew Johnson and the Copperhead party alone are responsible. If Johnson bad promptly called Congress to gether after the assassination of President Lincoln, a measure of reconstruction might have been framed aud cuaetcd in the sum mer of ISGS, under which all the Southern States would new be represented in Con gr'vs. and ou much caster terms than they have gotten. But Johnson concluded to usurp the law-making authority of the Government, and reconstruct the rebel States to suit himself aud the rebels, and with the assistance of the Copperhead party succeeded in postponing a legal reor ganization of the rebel Slates for two years. He and they have kept the whole country in turmoil aud trouble since the summer of It was not until after the decisive judgment of the people last fall in condemnation aud repudiation of the “ Copper-Jobnson” pol icy, could the work of reconstruction he ta ken out of the usurper’s hands and proceeded with In accordance with the Constitution. It will now go forward to completion with out hindrance or delay. And if the ex-rebels don’t like the “military control” provided by the Reconstruction Act, they need n«»t endure it three months. Tlwy have only to organize lawful and regular State Govern ments, in accordance with the spirit and let ter of the act, submJ their new on fclitutions to Congress or inspection aud ac ceptance, elect Senators and Representatives who can take the oath, amfrcsnmetheir old places iu the Union, fiom which they seceded six yea" B fi°- t** gratifying matter con nected wit* l^e passage of tho Reconstruc tion Bill net the veto of the apostate Ex cculive * s the enormous majorities by which itwa# Jone - Look again ot the figures: Sena 0- J’ tftS 33 J'flys id Majority doing almost four filths. House—Yeas Isays Majority ."sa Being almost tbrec-fourths. Among the ten negative votes In the Sen ate arc four cast by renegades and deserters from the Republican party, viz.: Doolittle, Cowan, Norton and Dixon. A few hours afterwards Cowan ceased to be a Senator, and was replaced by sturdy old Simon Cam eron. He was also rejected as Minister to Austria. His betrayed constituents arc after him with a sharp stick. “Verily he shall have his reward.” Among the nays In the Honse there were three Republican renegades who betrayed their constituents, viz.: Kuykendall, of Illi nois, Stillwell, of Indiana, and Hale, of New York. But the places of official honor which have known them will know them no more forever. Their public careers are terminated among men. Cs?“Thc Richmond Whig takes Its bitter medicine, but not without fearful grimaces and contortions of countenance. It refers to the advice given by the New York World to accept and swallow the Reconstruction pill, and also to that of the New York Express which counsels “total inaction.” The Whig regards there two plans, evidently, very much avtbe negro preacher summed up on the path of fi««nan existence, when he said: “My bredren, dar ia Jos two roads frew dis world. One ob dem leads v» perdition, and de todder one straight to damnation.” Nevertheless, between tho two it is disposal to choose the road pointed out by the World, to prevent the establishment of what it calls a “Brownlow despotism” in Virginia. It Minds upas follows: 41 In this view of the matter, the Southern States may not consider themselves called upon any longer to champion a lost cause, which it U as much the duty of others as theirs to uphold and aelend. They have sacrificed their all in support ol sell-government. They consider it eunuch for thcmiiow, seeing empire In the near future, lo adopl such mcaeurcs os will render its advent as Rule lojorinna to them as possible. Tiny would. If they could, avoid forty year*, of devastating wais among contending chieftains, such as have laid waste Mexico, and cmhrace at once peaceful empire and a magnanimous and omnipotent Cswar. Perhaps universal sufirage, under the tutelage of martial Jaw. will supply the surest, tho speediest and the safest means to that con summation.” The selection of Colonel Charles E. Lippincott, of this State, as doorkeeper of the House of Rex)resenlativcs for two years, is a well-deserved favor. Hoifiade an excel lent record asa soldier, and in his race last fall for Congressman of the Fulton District,came very near redeeming that heretofore Copper head stronghold. He cut down the majority of Ross, his competitor, lo a few hundred, which, at the previous election, had been upwards of 4,Q00. A more deserving or mer itorious selection could not have been made. In the caucus be received almost the solid vote of the 'Western members. His compet itor, Ira Goodenow, of New York, was a very popular mac, wbo had held the office for six years, to the entire satisfaction of his Con gressional employers. The office pays well. In printers’ patlancc, it ie a “lat take.” ESTThe Board of Supervisors of Cook County yesterday resolved to pay two dol lars per day to one reporter from each of the city papers. Their intentions were no doubt of the best , and tbeir alleged reasons w.ll be found iu the report of their proceedings io anotfier column, but we fail to eee : the jus tice of the payment ordered. The proprietors of respectable newspapers are in the habit of paying their own reporters, and do not wish other parties to establish a' lien oa their services. The Tribune requires no such assistance, and wc would respectfully recommend tbit the Board apply the money in question to the relief of the paupers in this county. tST* It would seem from the despatches that Governor Brown, of Georgia, in accord ance with the conclusions announced in his late letter, is leading a movement for the immediate organization of civil government under the new Reconstruction Bill.-A meet ing was held in Atlanta, on Monday, to con sider the question. A majority wasopposed to the movement, and so the minority with drew and held a meeting by themselves. We have no doubt that in a Uttto while tho Governor will fiud that his minority has in creased to a powerful majority. Time and discussion are alone needed to convince the people that it la the best law they will get, and that they had better accept it at once. Six weeks ago we were iufonned that the Liberal forces were within a short dis tance of the City of Mexico, and were rapid ly advancing on it. The latest news tells us they are still rapidly advancing.' If both despatches are true the troops must have passed the city a long time ago, and their advance must now be aaay from it. ENfILANB. The Struggle for Electoral Befonu in Great Britain. v \ Opening, qf the Contest Jn Parliament. Hr. Disraeli's Introduction of tlie Blnisfcrial Plan. i Graphic Sketch of tlie Scene in the house of Commons. [Special Correspondence of the Chicago Tribune.] London, England, February IS. The Tory scheme of Parliamentary Reform proves hut an invention for increasing the power of the landed interest,’ bronght for ward in a method specially devised to catch the votes of those who feel something must be done, and want that something to disturb the present oligarchical system as little as possible. I was a listener in the House of Commons on Monday, and propose to give you some account of the scene. APPEARANCE OP THE ROUSE. Tire Speaker of the House of Commons, on taking the Chair, at 4 o’clock In the afternoon, had'before him a wonderful display of bare heads, seemingly fixed together and moving by a common Impulse. In the strangers’ galleries hats are not allowed to be worn, aud as the galleries were crammed, a marvel lous variety of the human skull was exposed. Downstairs, on o row at the bottom of tho Chamber, under a gallery, sat the Duke of Cambridge, ihe Prince of Wales and Prince Teck, the husband of Princess Mary. The Commander-In-Chief is a stout, tall, bald headed man, with anti-popular leanings. These he showed during tho delivery of Mr. Dhrooli’s speech, by joining .in tho cheers which greeted some Toryfled sentiment. For any one but a member to cheer is a breach of privilege, and if an honorable goiitlcmau had chosen to call attention to It, the little Scrgcant-at-Arms must have taken the Dakc into custody. Sometimes his Grace, who is an excitable man, looked for sympathy to the Prince of Wales, but I was glad to sec that the Prince was cool and composed, and did not give even a look that could be construed. into a sign of appioval. He Las been too well trained to allow an exhibition of political feeling ever to escape him In public. The Vrince of Teck. a tall, thin, dark young man, of UWc Intellectual jpwer, seemed to take It all & a Joke, and laughed nt tho smallest of Mr. bisracll’s facethc—perhaps to show that he understood tie language In which it was spokcu. A rather ludicrous incident occurred ih that quarter of tho House during the evening! At about six o’clockthc Duke of Cambridge was hurriedly sent for— all thiougli the Fenians I What drcac'jul fellows Ucy arc for fright ening us and thee bursting out Into laughter! Theh’s Isa revolution by hoaxes. They had macaged somehow to make the people of Chester brieve an intention to besiege the Castle. Tho police were called out, volunteers were under arms, and the military telegraphed fa*. The Duke of Cambridge lost half of Mt. Disraeli’s speech through it. He received a despatch, and hurriedly left to give directions for sending a body of Scots Fusilccr Guards to the aid of the bewildered town. As you are aware, jt all proved little more than a hoax, the last of which will not be heard by Ilsvieliius for a long timo to come. On the other tide of the Ilnusc, also be neath u gallery, sat Earl Russell. Last year he was there on a similar errand—the intro- durcr of the subject on that occasion, how ever, having been, not Mr. Disraeli, but Mr. Gladstone. The Earl was with the Bisliup of Oxford and commented freely wilt Dr. W'ilberfurcc upon the speech is it proceeded. Upstairs I many other peers, Whig and Tory. Lord Houghton, the literary nobleman; Lod Overstone, the Che millionaire, (tbesou ofa dissenting parson nbo afterwards turned banker); and Eirl Gianvillc, were among fcie number. >n:. DISRAELI BEFORE rUGINNINOIIIS SPEECH. Mr. Disraeli has jet aroused the en thusiasm of Parliamct. One side takes him as a useful leader, iuthas no kind of per sonal icgard for hiu. Had he been a favor ite, could he havc,>asscd up the Chamber to his seat, on a iij'ht like this, without the greeting of an irlatcd cheer? The House was full and expetant. lie came iu by the door which waslarlhcst from his scat, and sauntered up ihe floor with his curious, mincing gait, * with an air which seemed lo invite enouragement or notice. But the members only gazed ot him. This was itrelf e chilly commencement, aud was made wor.-e a lew minutes after by some blundering on the part of a clerk which broight Mr. Disraeli tolas feet at the wrong meiient, and caused him to look rather ridiulous os having made & false start. Wlllc the House was laughing, the Right Hmorable gentleman tried to smile, ensued bis legs and joined his hands over hkknec. “What a pure Jew he is! " Such if the yearly exclamation of visitors. Age throws Into prominence every trait peculiar *o his race; and the thinness of the hair, and the lines In the countenance make him look far more of on Israelite than when O’Connell was vulgar enough to taunt him with his birth. He was dressed to-night in light, grey trowsere, and in a dark frock coat, lightly buttoned across his chest. lie wore a small black tic round his throat, aud a stiff white collar. Black becomes him best. It assorts with the singular deudness of his complexion. WHAT THE HOUSE WAS DOING. There are some 350 or 200 members ofPar • (lament who arc only to be seen on nights like tins. They arc country squires for the most part, returned by a faithml tenantry, and care little tor speeches. They must be in town or within reach In case of a parly divi sion ; but they regard attendance as a par ticular bore. That Mr. Disraeli should have bccome’the leader of these stubborn, pre judiced, and really ignorant men Is a wonder still to be explained, for he must he to them in most things an alien. This class filled the galleries, chuckling to each other that by hook or by crook “Dizzy” would get them out of the scrape of pretending to care for reform. Mr.Gladstonennd the ex-ministers were on a bench immediately opposite to Mr. Disraeli,—only a table standing be tween them. Mr. Bright, burly and strong, sat at the end of a bench, resting his head on his hand, and Mr. MU! was immediately be hind. The party divisions were not strictly toot, and Whigs and Tories were huddled together on some of the benches. I saw a a polite old Conservative taking snuff with a vehement Radical, aud a Liberal ex ofilclal supplying *an opponent with Information which the other had been too deaf to catcb. The Chamber was getting dark, andpmplc were just wishing the Speaker would give the signal to turn on the gas. when the light suddenlystreamedthrough thcbeautllul cell Ing, and with a sense of satisfaction we com posed ourselves for THE SPEECH, The utterance of Mr. Disraeli is so forced, so theatrical, that the man who hears it for the first timo won ders if this can actually be oratory. He gives the Idea of unreality more than any speaker I know. His features favor ; it. lie looks ae though he had summoned an ex pression to them, and it had come very un willingly. You would think the man was joking who suggestedlie might after all be siu cere. I hate to write these things of one who is a brilliant writer, and who has never been ashamed of his craft; but they are true. He has chosen the side of the privileged few, and if he cannot conceal the insincerity of his choice, one mustsay so. I think wchave grown honcster in politics since Mr. Dis raeli spoke last as a Minister of State, or his artificiality must have deepened ; for never has he appeared so hollow, so au dacious nnd - absurd. At- the very setting out he struck every one into an ironical feeling, If not into a cheer, by as serting that the country would not endure that the new Reform measure “should be thrown out upon some canning or, captious point of detail”—as it he aud Lis followers had not, last session, pursued that precise policy with the measure of Mr. Gladstone. Then he even went so far as to say that it must “ no longer be a question which shall decide the fate of Ministries.” And, when a burst ol ironical cheers was heard, he sought to diminish its significance by observing that It had come “ from a very limited quar ter”—meaning the benches on which the Radicals sit. Thespeech bad its surprises,loo,for his own party. If there la oue idea more closely rooted than another in the mind of a Tory member of Parliament, it Is that Cord Pal merston baled reform, and only adopted it, to uscMr.Dlsraeli’s expression,in order to satisfy “ Indispensable colleagues.” Mr. Disraeli re marked to-night that this was the general belief, and several of bis supporters laughed a knowing kind of assent, and cheered their agreement with the opinion. Judge their amazement when Mr. Disraeli continued: “Now there is not the slightest foundation for any such conclusion,” and proceeded to contend that the noble Lord took to reform for sheer love of It! This was a crnclstrokc, lor it deprives the Tories of one of their dar ling illustrations. The neatest of his hits pel hips, was in his picture of the various Governments which have undertaken to deal with reform. These he characterized in po litical terms, as he pursued his narrative. One was “a pure Whig Government;” an other “a coalition Govcrraent;" a third “a Conservative Government;” a fourth “a moderate Liberal Government;" ,nnd then be came to the last session. Here he drop ped his voice and said: “In 1800 there wa a”—and fibrpenstife'-U'V seeking for a word, and»‘filing—fo .find it, added, with mock ■defctdncb,■. “a Qorernment which,” &c.; Thla : sort of 1 ploy is made ,‘amuslng to the hearer br change of manner an di tone, but it scarcely bears telling in “print" "*■ ! Many partsjof -the addrets'i were as stilted as a achool-boy essay; others bad the miati ness and Tahcred. At times I was reminded-of Jhj, celebrated author of “my policy.” It must have been trying to Earl Russell to hear himself patronised by one whom ho respects so little. “I do not blame Lord John Russell,” said Sir. Disraeli, at one'place. A little farther on: “I do not object to. the conduct .of Lord Russell. I bring n(/ charge of misconduct against him.” Then we were ’told a score of times of the period “when I first had the hohor : of ■ holding office;” of “the party which honors me with its con* fldence;”"and oC “the distinguished party with which I have the honor to act.” The self-complacency of his criticisms upon the Representative Assemblies of France, the United States and Germany, was offensive in itself, and especially unbecoming in a Minister of the Crown. The whole passage was as follows: “There Is Franco, a country In the very van of civilization—perhaps if 1 were not In the Uonse of Commons I might even venture to say the first of Emopcan nations—inferior to none brvivaclty of mind, in aente in intellect, in wonderful perse verance, and in patriotic feeling. Well, sir, that nation has a popular Assembly, audit Is elected by universal suffrage. Docs any -one contend that the Legislative Assembly of France Is canal, I nil! not say on European. But on cosmopolitan considerations, to too Douse of Commons? (Hear, hear.) All I can say is that if there be any Englishman who thinks that (be Legislative As sembly of France can claim that position, lam sure there Is no Frenchman who docs. (Laughter and cheers.) But then it may be said that oar representative In stitutions arc not suited to Oitbcr race-, and that even the Constitution of France has been rudely invented in circumstances of dis order and disturbance. Across the Atlantic yon have a House of Itcpiescntanvcs which was in vented by toe children of our own loins, and cer tainly under (be inspiration of as pure a patriot as ever existed. -That House is elected by universal suffrage, and I would ask—Docs any ono contend that the House of Representatives at Washington is equal to authority to the House of Commons? And what Is the cause? Why, It la this—not that the Americans are as a ration inferior to ns in auy point—they possess the same blood, the same brains, the same intelligence, equal energy, and ntibaps more cntcrp.ise; but the ilouscis elected by one class—there is no variety, and neither the representatives of France nor tbe representa tives of America rate the country in which they arc Institutions. (Hear, hear.) I will venture to refer to another case. 'There is now a German Parliament 1 am proud of my countrymen, bnt I do not suppose there is any one in this House Mho will contend that they havo Intellectual power superior to the German nation.. [Hear, heir.l Well, that intellectual people have now a Parliament, and that Parlia ment Is elected by universal suffrage, and yet what is the first arrangement they make ? Why, that the Ministers of the King shall not sit In that House. (Hear, Lear.] Well, then, we see those extremely popular and representative Insthutions clccted[by one preponderatlngclass, and what do wc see as the consequence ? Why, that the assem blies lose that character which we believe, and justly believe, to be the characteristic of the House of Commons. They lose it from the want ol that variety of element which gives various wisdom, diversity of knowledge, and dcllljcraivc power, and by that deliberative power a moral command over society.” , nzai* When he approached the subject of the American Chamber, the chilling silence of the House appeared to deter him from offering comments which he had previously decided to make. lie grow nervous, and ftslt for words that should bo unobjectionable; but the whole allusion was had, 'Worse was his gross attack upon Mr. Goldwin Smith. It Is Mr. Disraeli’s practice to fasten tipoa every man oflcacing ability who outers the Llbe ral ranks, lie will let the mediocre men Bionr., crwlll compliment them; but he al ways seeks to detract by »lmnUi«d contempt from the Influence of the mon whom he fears. Ho did not shrink last year from treating Mr. J. Stuart Mill itf this fashion, feeling by his instinct that that single-mind ed man, who lives in the pure atmosphere of principle, would be, go far as his Influence went, a counter agent to himself. Of Mr, Goldwin Smith, the latehet of whose shoes he Is unworthy to loose, he spoke ns “a rampant lecturer,” “this wild man,” ami so forth. The Prince of Wales looked uston'shed, and well he might, at hearing Is Oxfoid tutor—the scholar for whom his father, the Prince Consort, had so strong a regard—referred to in such JohMouton lan guage. This port of the speech will cost Mr. Disraeli very dearly. More distressing to my patience, however, than his taunts, aud even than his assurance in claiming to have spoken without reserve and to ho far from “angling for a policy,” were his generalizations; his mares’ nests in history ; the showy gilding of his sentences upon constitutional liberty; his wonderful assumptions; his ponderous sentences about the Planlagcnts and Tudors; his flattery of the Peerage, and the flash solemnity of his declarations and appeals. HOW IT WAS SPOKEN. There are men who ray Mr. Disraeli so de lights in an opportunll y like Monday’s, when he can lecture the whole House of Com mons and treat the world to a spectacle of his cleverness, that ho would sacrifice n Min istry to obtain it. Perhaps he will prove to have done so in this instance. At any rate, you could not glance at him, after he bad warmed to his work, without detecting his satisfaction in it. He was without a note. He had learned the speech, and occasionally he was obliged to pause to find it in his memory; hut lie had more thau mastered the words—ho had fixed beforehand upon the method of delivering them. The oulj* unrehearsed part was that which was due to a slight cold, which did not Indeed affect his voice, but compelled him to keep a handkerchief in bis hand and frequently to pass It across his lips. Had you come In at the peroration, you would have seen something in this wise: Standing at the table, with his arms folded across his breast (the white handkerchief in one of the hands), was Mr. Disraeli, and In tones of artificial wcichtlncfis, word after word slowly aud emphatically uttered, he was eajit.g: “1 here is no greater error than to censure the ptgihms of perilous times with the philosophical calmness oi assured security (arms here unfolded and the doubled fists resting on the table). There if no greater error than to gauge the intellect of the jia'-t and Its deficiencies, not by ita own siandaid (handkerchief swept across the bp*), hut by the accumulated wisdom (bauds suddenly thrust behind) which lime t as bequeathed us, ana which Is our magnificent patrimony. I Handkerchief hastily slipped into n breast pocket but removed a second or two altcrwards. j Those who take & larger nod nobler view ot human afiaira will. I think, reco-’oizo that, alone amongst ihe coumrlcs of Europe ftho fl*. are turned towards Mr. Bright), England has now for almost countless generations exhibited in her Parliament a pure cxamplar of Itiq govern ment ; and If in the awful vicissitudes of her his tory (the voice here like Hamlet’s phostj she has tnuniphcd over the daugets which mcuiced her, ti was mainly by her House of Commons mat aba created and cherished that public spirit which Is the soul of commonwealths, and without which Empire has no glory, and the wealth of uatioas is but the means of corruption and decay.” And a low how ol the head signified the task was at aa cod. J have no time or space, or I would con tniftt with tins gaudy rubbish the natural eloquence of Mr. Gladstone, who spoke im mediately afterwards. I shall seem harsh to many, but this is a time when the whole truth should be told. England’s condition is too grave for the iucompetcncy of the quacks who trifle with her, to be excused because of the adroitness of their roguery. FOREIGN ITEMS. Lcltcrs from Damascus announce the arri val there of the great annual caravau from Bagdad, consisting of two thousand five hundred camels, one-half of which were laden with tonmbekl (the tobacco used for morgilcs) while the remainder carried the travellers. This year the desert Is reported to have been perfectly quiet; no attempt has been made to molest any traveller, and the caravan passed without encountering any difficulty. The betrothal of King Louis 11. of Bavaria to the Archduchess Sophia, sister of the Em press of Austria, Is to take place ou'thc 15th of Slay. More than one hundred thousand infants, of less than a year old, die every year in England. The editor of the Discussion, of Madrid, has just hcen sentenced to death for articles which he had published. The Russian Government has authorized the establishment of a society for the spread of the Greek faith among heathens,j Mussul mans and Buddhists In Russian territory. The operations of the society will bo directed in the first Instance to the conversion of the Pagan tribes in the Altai and Trans-Baikal country, and the counteracting of Mussul man and Buddhist propaganda la those parts. . A Scotch journal (the Inverness Courier) records the death of an eccentric individual named Hugh Miller, at the age of eighty two. He adhered to the ancient style of tying the hair in a qua/e, and wore the broad blue bonnet in vogue nearly a century ago. The door ot his house had to do service for both bipeds aud quadrupeds, the owner and his cattle occupying respectively the oppo site ends of tbe same domicile, while the poultry were allowed to roost or lie in cither cml, as their instincts dictated. To the modern modes of agriculture Hugh was a pcffect stranger, adhering rigidly to thegood old system of Ullage which obtained some sixty years ago. He plowed shallow, sowed bis grain at least seven weeks later than tbo ordinary time for doing so, and, as might be expected, reaped a deficient crop. M. Paul Hcdonin, of Rouen, a member of many learned societies, has Invented an ap paratus to which h;C has given the name of ‘•Electro-Bathometer,” which can deter mine with exactness the depths which have hitherto remained unknown. Some experi ments have probably already taken place near Paris. The depth ol the Seine, and that ofthe Boulogne, aro not indeed im measurable by the old method, hut M. Hcdonin wishes to prove that he can ascer tain accurately with his apparatus any depth whatever. The shock of the sound log lead against the bottom determines a* magnetic current which indicates at the surface, with electric promptitude, the precise Instant of contact. If thls invontloa is successful we can easily see how useful it may become in laying submarine cables, &c., &c. - THE ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE. Some of the Things Donoflt ’■ the Late Session, v llow Thcjr Were bonis and Who Did Them. Personal Sketches of the Legisla tors. The Imlnslrial-Dnivertily-Stalc-llonse-Pen itentlary Bing. [Special Correspondence of the Chicago Tribune.] SrnaoPiXLD, 111., March 3. In the late Illinois Legislature there were few men who could, even by the severest ex ertion of imagination on the part of their most ardent admirers, bo deemed “towering Intellects,” but there were quite a number ofmen possessing good honest intentions, and with reasonable ability for rendering them available. Mach has been said of dis honesty among them, of “bribery” and direct interest In “steals,” but such charges have been much more easily made than substan tiated, and it may be pretty safely averred that at least no disgraceful petty swindling has been Indulged in. All which has been done has been effected by a “ring.” Even before the opening of the sesaion, one of the largest subjects to come before the General Assembly bad been so thoroughly and ably canvassed by private interviews with legis lators, that the number of votes to be ulti mately cast in Its favor had been determined, to within three. In order to achieve this end —the location of the Agricultural College, or “Industrial University,” as it has been vari ously termed, at Champaign—it was found necessary to link it to another scheme of equal magnitude, namely, the proposed Ca nal improvements, and to strengthen these, the new State House swindle, the Southern Penitentiary swindle, and the lease of the Joliet Penitentiary were all joined in. one “ring,” clustered together like a bunch of grapes. The friends of. each measure were generally pledged to all the rest. If the State House swindle is left out of the ac count, the “ring” did more good than evil; but, aside from the issue of tbo benefit or barm resultant from its action, it must be said that consummate generalship was ex hibited in more than one instance In tbo reconciliation of conflicting interests, and parliamentary engineering which in the end carried through successfully all thus asso ciated. The prime minister in tbe weaving of this tangled web was undoubtedly a gentleman registered in the Manual as “Clark R. Griggs, farmer, Massachusetts.'” Mr. Griggs Is thoroughly a “gentleman of the old school,” ever courteous, kind, and rather Impressive in de* meaner; personally about -six feet in height, and, although only set down us forty-two years of age, already the cares of an active life have woven in his dark brown hair some threads which harmonize more nearly in tint with his large grey eyes. Socially, no man can be more frank and guileless thau he, hut in political matlpra, or Um carrying of u legislative measure, Mr. Griggs certaiuly possesses more of Yankee shrewdness aud power of plotting than is generally conceded to the conven tional idea of an unsophisticated agricultur ist. His legislative career here is no new

thing to him, he having gone through his novitiate m the Massachusetts Legislature, where, without doubt, he learned to perceive the point of the rural adage, that “the curly bird catches the worm.” Acting upon this maxim, Mr. Griggs employed some two months before the opening of the session In travelling over the Slate, visiting members and “selling the pins” for the location of the Industrial University at Champaign, so that when the business of the General Assembly was commenced, already the hardest and worst of his work was over, and, with the excellent support he was able to give on the floor of the House, lie was enabled to achieve whai at the previous ses sion was deemed almost u hopeless task. Hon. H. C. Guilds, of DuPagc County, was another of tbe leading members, but ap peared so little before the public that few, except those directly associated with him iu the business of the House, eujoyed an oppor tunity of forming a correct estimate of his abilltv. He Is well known in Chicago from his partnership in the great “Mechanical Bakery,” and a personal description of him would, to many of the renders of the Tm iicne, be quite superfluous; still, for those who know him not, it may he said that he is a Vermonter, Iblrly-sevcu years of age, of medium height, wears a huge heard, which, like his hair, is “ black us the raven’s wing,” and has a pair of keen, black eyes, which, when not bent on serious business, twinkle with humor and good nature. His thorough knowledge of Parliamentary tactics aud kecu judgment of meu have enabled him to “put through” some things, which, without his aid, would have stood little chance for success. Colonel E. B. Payne, of Lake County, set down as “Lawjcr, from New York, aged thirty-one,” was another able member, but it Islo be feared, somewhat prejudiced some against him by seeming at times to manifest too keen an interest iu matters in which it could not he said he was particularly in terested, affairs of mere local importance. Payne Is a tall, thin, nervous man, a rapid thinker, ami one who, from his peculiarly nervous organization, is quick to act upon his thoughts, speaking often when to a less impetuous person it would seem that his desired ends might bo as well, if not better, attained by silence. Probably no two mem bers, except Ilnrlbut and Odclt present a more vivid contrast than Colonel Payne and Hon. Sir. Childs. While Puync, is ever eager, and uneasy, Childs has a look of im perturbability and calmness; while Payne speaks often, Childs only speaks on rare emergencies; while Payne gets excited readily, is indeed thin-skinned,” Childs never harts his digestion by any such emo tion. Both arc good men, hut M variously different.” Payne was one of the leaders in the anti-railroad crusade aud ably seconded General Hurlbut’s well-directed efforts against the monopolies. L. L. Bond, one of the representatives from Cook, was better liked the more that he was seen. One could not but appreciate the large steady brain and generous manly heart by which be was controlled. Mr. Bond is a native of Ohio, aged about thi rty-scrcn, and physically was one of the largest men in the General Assembly. His huge round bead is thickly covered with short brown hair; heavy eyebrows shade his quiet, deep, hazel eyes; a brown moustache and cropped, beam but partially conceal the clearly cut lines of determination about bis mouth, and his whole appearance is that of one of a receptive and retentive mind, seldom speak ing and never except upon Important general measures or a local interest confined to his own county. Hr. Bond, when he did speak, carried a very considerable weight of in fluence, and at all times was as much re spected as an honest and intelligent legisla tor as he was liked lor his manly virtues and rare social qualities. SOne phrase used in that last sentence, “ an honest ond intelligent legislator,” calls up the remembrance of Robert Clow, a quiet Scotchman, a farmer from Grundy County, who won honorable distinction by always voting right and making no speeches. He was ever observant, and never voted without having made up his mind to the rectitude of bis course, but the task of convincing others be was willing to leave to more practiced and professional *' epecchUts.” Of largo figure, with a rather square, smoothly shaven face, he wears an air of quiet steady resolu tion which wins him respect at sight, and no act of his-during the session has ever for feited it. Amos Thompson, mechanic, sixty years of age, is a man ol medium size, hard-featured, and the! posses sor of a very peculiarly’ shaped head, one which always seems to ho smallest on the side you look at it, and comes to a point at the top. He confined his oratorical efforts almost exclusively to designating a committee for reference of his bills, uud early Id the session distinguished himself by his eccentric pronunciation of the word “Judiciary." which, as near as types can give his style, was “jew-dyshe-you-ary.” But Mr. Thompson was a well-meaning old gentleman, honest and sensible enough to keep quiet and stick resolutely to the inter ests of his constituents. Roaming over to the south side of tho House, among the Democrats, one would find one of the cleverest good fellows in the whole body, Win. C. Shirley, an extensive farmer aud stock raiser, from Macoupin County. Shirley Is rather below, medium height, plump and in so good a state of preservation that his forty-three years seem not more than thirty. His black eyes twinkle with keen appreci ation of a good Joke, and his smooth-shaven face pet mils constantly to be seen the play of a smile about the mouth,—good indica tions of a clever companion. The same good nature which made for him many friends out side the House, kept him from indulging in factious opposition, through mere party spite, In the House, and, consequently, he did not make a nuisance of himself, as Knapp and Epler did. He failed in his jocose prop osition to cede Cook County to the United States, In order that Us delegates might ran it as an independent State in their own way; but he succeeded in everything he seriously undertook, simply because he dipped In nothing po rtlcnlailyobjectionable. James M. Epler, a young lawyer from Coes County, was a good fellow socially, but politically he would sometimes make fac tious opposition aud patty demonstrations, especially im the earlv part #f the#esslon,vU an extent some respects, although it helpet kfaa in one way. Rumor says that a charming girl, Mias T——, who used frequently to.viait the matinee ■performances, of' the was charmed by'.his fldehey slid his unceasing struggle for a “lost c&aae,” and that by her influence he Is shortly,to be come a, “Unionist.” ;■ . ’ Charles Yoris, an Ohioan,,af stock broker, only twenty-seven years old, long, thin, good natured, ondalittlc awkward,.aslong and thin men are very apt to he. was quite a charac ter In his way. His “best hold,” In oratory, was a defence of the vested rights of mem bers to bo heard, to which end, whenever anybody was being “ shoked off,” Yoris would suddenly pop up, ejaculate, “Mr. Speaker, I Lope the gentleman will be al lowed to go on,” and Instantly drop on his scat again. There wasn’t much In what he said, but ho said it very funnily. When he rose, he entered upon an elaborate series of gymnastics, tossing hla long legs alternately over the hack of his chair, stretching out bis long arms to grasp any paper or hat In reach, and crumple it. Nothing was safe within range of his clutch. Ricks, sitting be*, side him, wrote a long letter one day and had just completed it, when Voris,starting up to speak, grasped and demolished it in an In stant, in innocent nnconscionsness of what ho was doing. Shirley, a few seats from him, always gathered his hat and gloves and beat a hasty retreat when Yoris rose. But Yoris was a good-tempered fellow, and one could not but accept his apologies. The Fourteenth District sent up Patrick Dolan, an Irish farmer, fifty-four years old, often called “Onld Dolan,” a large-framed, ruddy, and decidedly Hibernian looking and speaking gentleman. Dolan had a great deal of humor, but not much Parliamentary skill, and rarely, trusted himself on a speech; bnt when he did, Barney ‘Williams and Dan Bry ant were forgotten by the bearers, for a greater comedian than they stood revealed in “Onld Dolan.” Every one liked Dolan for bis oddity and whimsicality of manner, h!s gcLial kindness and his racy hamor, and scarcely ever did he ask a tavor from the House thatit was not unanimously granted. The length of this letter admonishes me to defer notices of other members fora more convenient season. THE BANKRUPT BILL. Tlie Aye* and Nooanpon Its Passage In the Afiouae. The Bankrupt Law is one of the important acts of the Thirty-ninth Congress. Members approached the subject with fear and tremb* ling. It was a two-edged knife that cat both ways. After squeezing through the Senate by a close vote, it passed the House by tbe narrow majority of two votes, while more than forty members dodged. The following are the House proceedings, on Friday, March 1, upon the final passage of the bill: Mr. Jenckes, Republican, of Rhode Island, from the Committee of Conference on the Bankrupt Bill, made a report that the House recede from all disagreement to all the Sen ate amendments, except one from which the Senate Is to recede. He explained that nine* tenths of the amendments were merely for* mal and verbal, correcting the text. One cs* sential amendment was to give the appoint ment of Registers to the District Court, the appointments to be mode, howevernpon the nomination and recommendation of the Chief Justice. Another amendment in reference to corporations was to confine the operation of the bill, as had been intended, to business, money or trading corporations. Mr. Maynard movedtolavthcCfmferenco report on the table, the effect of which would he to lay the hill ou the table. The vote was taken by yeas and nays, and resulted, yeas 71, nays 83. So the Conference report was not laid on the table. Mr. Blaine (Rep. of Me.), at half-past ten o’clock moved that the House adjourn, which was negatived—yeas 51, nays 00. . The previous question was seconded, and the mam question ordered ou agreeing to the report. Mr. Lawrence (Rep. of Ohio), renewed the motion that the House adjourn, and called for the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were not ordered and the House refused to adjourn. The vote was then taken by yeas and nays on ncrccing to the Conference report ou the Bankiupt Bill. Tbe greatest interest and excitement was manifested on taking this final vote, members crowding into the area watching the result, and endeavoring to change votes one side or the other. At one moment there was a majority of one in favor of the report, theu a majority of’ono against It; then a change of a vote from “aye” to “no,” and another change from “no” to “ aye.” Finally, to the great joy and relief of Mr. Jcnckcs, the result was announced py the Speaker as yeas 73, nays 71. The following is the vote—Democrats ia UaJks ; Ames, Holmes, Rice, (Ma<s.> Ashley (Ohio) Uotc&ktM. Rice, i Maine) Baxter, Ilnbbaidtw.Vai/Awsra, Caiman. Hubbard (is. V),£o*f, li*TQtn. HubbHrdlConn.lipa'dlug, Bldwcll, /r»M»«(N,Y.), Starr, Blow, Hnlburd, Strouee. Brar.degce, Humphrey, ‘lhber, Buckland, Hunter, 7ayhr{ N. Y.) HundT, Jenckes, Thayer, Chanter, Junta, Thomas, Francis Claike (Kansaß).Kcllejr, Tbomaa, jr. J.L. Conkbng,, Thornton, Darling, Ijiflln, Trimble. Darts, Longyear, Trowbridge, Djxou, Marvin, Upton, Donnelly, Meitner, Van Acrnam, Eliot. Moorhead, Van Horn, I'amswortb, Morris, Ward, (N.Y.) Ferry, Newell, Warner, Gccdytar, Pike, vvashtnnUlud.) Griswold, Pomeroy, Wcntwoitb, Dale, tiadtorti, Woodbndse, Hart, Raymond, Wnyhl—Tl, Hogan, NOES. Ancona, Fornuabar, McClurg. Arncll, Fink, Slcrcnr, Ai-bley, Garfield, Mlller(Pa,), Baker, Grmnei], Mo.-rlll, Barker, Harding, Alters, Bim-bam, Uawklni, O'Neill, Blaine, Hayes, Orth, Boulwcll, Hill. Paine, Boytr, Hit*, Peibam, BromweU, Huboartl(W.Vo.)Price, Broomall, Hubhell (Ohio). UamlaH (Kr.). Vatni'btU, Julian, Hollins, Clarke (Ohio), Jftrr, Sawyer, Cooptr , Knontz, Schenck, Cullom, Kuykendall, Scofield, JJawton , Latham, SAanklin, Hefrecs, Lawrence (Pa.). Shcllabargcr, 2H Delano, J.a wrcnce(Oblo),Stokes, Bemiep, Lt Blond, Wa&hbam(Alass) Dodge, loan. Welker, Dumont, HarthaU, Wnaley, Ecklcy, Mansion, Wllaon,lown) i.ldndcf, Maynard. Wilaoa(Peaa.) THE NETT STATE. Nebraska Admitted to the Union. The following is the official document whose promulgation completes the formal admission of Nebraska to the Union : BY TUB PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES A PROCLAMATION, Wbeceas, The Congress of the United States did by an act, approved ou the IJUi day of April. ISOL authorize the people of the Territory of Ne braska to form a Constitution and State Govern mf-nt, and for the admission of such Stale into the Union equal footing with the ori r nnal States, upon certain condi'lons in said act speci fied: and. Wiieueas, Said people did adopts Constitution coiiformiug to the provisions and conditions of said act, and ask admission into the Union ; and. Whereas, The Congress ot the United Bta'es did. on the eighth ana ninth days of February, one thousand tight hundred and sixty-seven, in mod© prescribed by the Constitution, passamr ihcr act for the admission of the State of Nebras ka Into the Union, in which last named act U was firovldcd that it should not upon ike fundamental conditions that within the State of Nebraska there should he so denial of the cleclivo tianchisc, or of any other light, to any person by right of race or color, excepting In dians not taxed, npon the farther fundamental condition that the Legislature of said State, by a solemn public act, should declare the aisentof said State to the said fundamental condition, and should transmit to the President of the United Slates an authenticated copy of the said act of the Legislature of said Slate, noon receipt whereat the President, by proclamation, should forthwith announce the fact, whereupon said fundamental conditions should beheld as a part , of the organic law of ihe Stale- and thereupon and/ without any farther proceedings on the part of Congress, the admission of said State into the Union should he considered as complete: and, Whereas, Within the time prescribed by said act of Congress on the Bth and 9ib of February, 1887, the Legislature of the State of Nebiaska did pass on act ratifying the said act of Congress of Ihe 81h and 9th of February, 1887, and declaring that the aloiesaid provisions of ihe thltd section of said last named act of Congress should be a par; ol the organic law of the stale of Nebraska; and ’ Wuebsas, A duly authenticated copy of aneb act ol the Legislature of too State ofNebraaka has been received by me; dost, therefore, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United Stales ol America, do, ta accordance with the provisions of the act o! Congicss last herein named, declare and proclaim the fact chat the fundamental conditions imposed by Congress on the Stale of Nebraska to entitle that Stale to ad* mission to the Union have been ratified and ac cepted, and that the admission of the said State into the Union is now complete. In testimony whereof 1 have hereto set my hand and have caus ed the seal of the United States to be Done at the Czty of Washington this first day of March, in the year of «nr lord 18C7. and of the independence of the United States of America the Ahdeew Johnsox. By the President: lima u. Sewaiid, Secretary of State. UQUOB PnonißlTlOtf. How It Workiln Tfassnchdactts. [Prom Boston Advertiser, March 2.1 We had for a long time believed that there was just os much drunkenness in Boston as ever, that intoxicated persons were, unhap pily, just as otten seen in our streets as be fore the appointment of the State constables, and we yesterday sought the aid of figures to verify this belief, wo are aware that this. u a very difficult point to prove by statis tics. Human beings are affected by tbe slate of the weather, or by excess of joy and sorrow. Some drink to keep warm, some to keep cool, and certain benighted persons designedly celebrate every holiday by in toxication. Besides this, the war exercised an influence on the morals of the city which may be differently reckoned. Bat taking the figures from the annua) reports of the Chiei of Police of this city, for the last tea or twelve years, we find ihit if they prove anything they prove the soundness of our supposition. In 1854, there were 1,500 places in Boston 1 known to the police where liquor was sold, and the same year there were C,033 arrests for drunkenness; in 18W5, there were 1,515 places where liquor was sold, and the arrests for drunkenness were 14,752. Allowing the population o! the city to have been lofi.oio In 1854, and 200.000 In 18C0, this shows that the number of cases of drunkenness has more than doubled, while tbe number of drinking places remains substantially the same and the population has increased by less than one-third. This destroys at a blow the theory that the State con stables have accomplished anything for the cause of temperance In closing a few establishments here and these, which were not rich enouehtobear up under repeated attacks. In fact, tbe returns show that the number of places open has little’effect on tbo number of drunkards—and ; naturally enough, one would think, since there are only the same number of drinkers in.any From 1854 to 1860, the number of bir- : jx>3bi4 lioesee* from 1,500 to 3,230. ; The* > theytogaato decrease tmtll, in 1866; they munharell«sls- The number of arrests for . drunkennev, however, shows no snch.vAriA tlosa; llttilaß they were 14,904; in 18(B, • 17.987 i In 1804, 14,561; In 1865, 13,525 ; in 1866, 14,753. ,In the last three years the record of those drunken persons who have been merely-lodged, and those who have been brought op before the courts, has been kept separate, ontltis not necessary |to go Into-these details. These figures as they stand show more cases of drunkenness last year than In either of the two previous years, though in 1864 the army was disbanded and certain persons foretold a great Increase of lawlessness. The second yearof the experi ment of the State cocstaholary has just end* cd. We do not add to the above figures the arrests for drunkenness made by them, be cause it would make no material alteration. These figures ore clearly not encouraging to the friends of prohibition, but we can hardly hope that they will listen, to argu ment. As for tbe State constables,'we are not disposed to throw the blame on them. They have, perhaps, done what they. could Legislature met they hare shown remarkable to break up the traffic, and certainly, since the activity in the collection of a museum of demijohns and case bottles. They have at tempted too ranch, however, and this the great moss of the people see very clearly; when our legislators comprehend this fact, it will be the better for the cause of temper ance. THE WHITE HOUSE. Repairs and Decorations of tlic presi- dential mansion. [From tbo Rational Intelligencer, March 2.] We have refrained from speaking particu larly of the improvements which have been for some months in progress in the repairs and rcdecoratioDS of tbe Presidential Man sion till we could see the completion of the work and thus speak intelligently of the judgment, skill, and taste displayed In the matter. The utterly dilapidated and ragged condi tion of the East Room, and Indeed, all the apartments open to the public at the time these repairs were Inaugurated, is well known to this community, and not wholly unknown throughout the country. There was nothing in these .rooms which had not the marks of long, hard usage {upon it, and vandalism bad made its depredations upon everything that could bo cut and carried in fragments away. The renovation and improvements which are now scon In these drawing-rooms cannot fail to strike every beholder with the most pleasing and wonderful surprise. They hard ly seem like the same apartments, so much has taste and skill accomplished in their transformation and adornment. TUB BED ROOM Is decorated In the Pompeiian style, and fur nished with green and brown Wilton carpet ing. The windows arc adorned with rich crimson brocatellq and heavy lace cnrtalns. The sofas and chairs arc entirely new, and the mirrors have been all regUdcd. The frescoing of the celling is entirely new. TUB DLUE ROOM Is trimmed in blue and gold,moro modem in style than the Red Room. The decorations of the windows are blue hrocatelie, with heavy lace curtains. The side walls are in blue and gold, inlays of French decorations. The carpets ore similar in style to those of the Red Room, bnt in blue and gold colors. This Is the room In which the President re ceives his guests at the receptions, and is regarded now as the gem of the mansion. Passing from this to tbo GREET ROOM, tlic contrast Is at onc*e pleasing and striking. The decorations of the room arc in green and cold. The adornments of the windows of tnis room are esq nlsitcly beautiful and do pant. The style Is what is Known as Man title frj/rfyue—green brocateilc trimmed with gold silk fringe and tassels, the under curtolns being ofthe richest luce. The car pets are like those ol the other rooms, but in crccn and brown colors. The furniture has been renovated, and looks, no doubt, better than when it was new. In passing from this beautiful apartment into the spacious e - .EAST ROOM, tbo contrast In the size of the room, the colors of tho decorations, and the style of adornments,- all combine to make the most marked impression, The furniture of this room, which hns come down from tbc days of the first occupants of the mansion, and which emergen from the calamities of war .in a most sorry, condition, has been entirely ■rcupholstcrcd, furnished with the best French springs, covered with the best crim son brocatelle, and, in every point of view, converted into resting places such as the most luxurious might well desire to find. The decoration of tho walls is purely Ameri can In style. It was designed especially for this arartment.and notbmgresembling it is, indeed, to be seen Id any mansion In this coun try. Tire plain, solid walls are of dove color, with rosewood and gold mouldings, the in lays being in mosaic, and tbo ground-work ol the centres of pearl color, with gold stare. This* ornamentation is all done with the brush. The Improvements in this room, in connection with the retoncblrg of the ceil ing, are of the most marked and admirable character. By tlic sklllul arrangement Of colors, the artist has, in effect, raised the height ofthc ceiling at least font feet, which gives the room a vastly more imposing aud harmonious appearance. The draperies of the room are crimson brocatelle, in gold trimmings—known as the Parisian Bello pat- Urn—and are very chaste and becoming. The lace curlalns are most superb. The extraordinary height of the windows (higher than any in the world, except, perhaps, those of the Queen’s Palace, London,) made it necessary to have the cur tains all made to order, and they were made and embroidered bv hand. The ladies, who have nice tastes in ibis dhcctlon, will not fail to observe the remarkable elegance with which the whole of the work has been done. Tliesnpcib mirrors have all been regildcd. There is one feature in connection with these milrora which adds so uncommonly to the delightful embellishments of the room that il:will impress every beholder. We allude to the substitution of the beautiful gold and murblc-top bracket table In place of the in harmonious mahogany table, with its mirror beneath, upon which, formerly, each mirror tested. The change wrought In tbeappear ance of the roombj- these new fables Is most surprising. All the marble mantiepieccs have been polished anew, and the centres of them decorated with gold leaf ornamenta tions. The pilasters, window and door frames, and all the wood finish of the room, have been done in gold-leaf. The carpet of room k foreign manufacture, as arc all the others. The wood work of the inner main marble ball has also been elaborately gilded. Id the alcoves of this hall stand tbc marble busts of Mr. Filraorc and of John Bright, the friend of America. Passing ihraunb this ball from the East Boom, we en ter, on the left, THE STATE DIKING HOOJI, which lias been most splendldiy embellished in the Grecian style of decoration. The dra peiles arc of the cornucopia style, green bro catelle, with heavy gold trimming and rich lace under-cnrtalus, Thefurnltnrc is uphol stered in green brocatelle. A spacious table stood, at the time of our visit, in tUu centre ol the hall, with the preparations of gold and silver plate such os is used at a state dinner. Upon all the piste and utensils is, in plain letters, “The President's House.” Extending through nearly the whole length ot the centre of this tabloare arranged elegant vases of flowers stand ingnpon reflectors, giv ing the appearance oftheirepringingfrom the water. The covering of the table is a mag. ulflcent'whUe linen lablc-cloth, which, with the napkins, cost not less than five hundred dollars. The table scats thirty persons. At either end of the hall are two handsome mir rors. This room is adorned with the full length portrait of Washington, which Mrs. Madison preserved from destruction when 1 he British captcrcd Washington, by cutting it from its Irame as it hung in the Capitol. The floor of the hall is covered with a carpet of foreign manufacture, and of the Brussels style, we believe. On the north front of the mansion we enter the PBESIDEKT’S rniVATE DIKING BOOM, the decorations of which are oak and black walnut, with preen and gold brocatelle dra peries, and elegant lace under-curtains. The furniture Is covered also with greeuand gold brocatelle. The carpet, imported Brussels, is in scarlet and green colors. The mansion is furnished throughout with the best liish linen wiudow shades, made in the best possible manner, with the newest style of trimmings. / An Important Dlucoyerr Concerning a Curious Disease* A committee appointed by tbe Medical Society of Vienna, and composed of Frofes fcors klob, Muller and Wcdl, has just pub lished a long report on tricblnlasrs, In which the startling fact is asserted that the real source of infection lies entirely In the rat, in which the malady is spontaneously de veloped, and which communicates it to the pig, lu Moravia, eighteen out of forty-nine rats examined were trichinized, a propor tion of nearly thirty-seven per cent. In Lower Austria the proportion was rot more than four per cent, and In the environs of Vienna about ten per cent, Tbe report confirms the fact that Irlchlnla . sis may be transmitted by food, from the rat to the rabbit, from the rabbit to the fox and hedgehog, from the rat to tbe pig, and from the pig to the rat. Even the calf may be in fected by being fed with the flesh of trichin ized rabbit. What is worse still, the larva) of flics feeding on Infected meat will transmit tiichlniasis to rabbits, provided the larva;. come fresh from the infected substance; for if a certain time be allowed to:pass, the trichiocs soon . die in the -diges tive tube of the lanrc. It Is im portant to notice that the report distinctly conflims the Innocnousnees of tri chioizcd meat when thoroughly salted, smoked or boiled, the latter process being by far tbe most efficacious. Meats roasted fur three quarters of an hour ispafefood; boiling requires a whole hour. And yet the report mentions cases of infection recently observed in Austria, so that means should be taken thereto protect the public from this disastrous malady. The first measure proposed Is the exter mination of all rats and mice, but not with out previously examining them, la order to ascertain the existence ol trichlniasis among them. If this examination should lead to affirmative results, then particular care should be taken in the locality to keep. pigs away from all sewers, heaps of manure, aud other such places frequented by rats. The flesh of tbe pig should be examined either after death, or even dnririg life, by means of incisions. The infected pig should be separated from the others, marked, and its sale prevented. Special slaughter houses should be organized for pigs, and the flesh examined by veterinary practitioners; and the, public ibcmselvcs are warned never to cat raw pork uuderany form, but strictly to consume It only well salted or smoked, boiled or reasted. Apothecary Women. Three young women recently passed the preliminary examination in arts at the So ciety of Apothecaries in London. No alter ation in the usual arrangements was made In their behalf, the candidates taking their places in the examination room with some thirty or forty of that sex which has hither to enjoyed almost exlusiyely the privilege of becoming apothecaries. The Lancet says; “Two ont of the three ladies passed the ‘written’ so satisfactorily that no farther test of proficiency was required. The third, however, was asked to favor the examiners with a. teie-a4eU an, the following day, 1 and the; Invitation having been cour teously accepted,, a passage of Virgil was translated, to the satisfaction of AH -parties -concerned. Aadsothe Interesting proceed ings terminated: and we may look forward, we suppose, to the time when these young ladies will he admitted into the ranks of the medical profession, to take their places by the ride of Miss Garrett, at present the only .representative of her sex in the * Medical Di rectory.* We shall require a new title - for these fidr votaries of science. They will not he Physicians* or ‘surgeons.* ‘Licentiates’ is strictly correct, hat not pretty. Shall we have to call them ‘apothecareascs?* ** THE DOMESTIC LIFE OF ABRA HAM USCOLR. Curious Correspondence Respecting tlie Religions Convictions and Domestic Belntlbnsof the martyred President— TheAnnßoUedse BomtDce Denied. Tbe following carious correspondence, re specting some incidents of a personal and domestic character in the life of Abraham Lincoln, appears In the Dnndce (Scotland) Advertiser of February 9: Bast Camxo, Strathmore, Fob. 1,1337, To tbe Editor of the Dundee Advertiser: Sir : Several weeks ago I read in the Dun dee Advertiser an article which went the round of the papers, both in America and this country, headed “Curious Love Ro mance in the Life of Abraham Lincoln,” which I was constrained to view as calcu lated* to put a stigma on the character of the illustrious martyr, by representing him as one wbo was destitute of those finer feel iugs and affections which most necessarily adorn tbe character of every truly great and good man. I lately received the following letter from the author of that article,whlch, in my opin ion, not only opened the way, but rendered it my imperative duty to to give him a re buke In reply, of which I send you a copy, hoping its circulation will place onr late be loved President and his family in a proper light before those who have read the shame ful attack made upon them by the author of the Ann Rutledge romance. I am, Sir, most respectfully, your obedient servant. (Signed) James Smith, Late pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, Springfield, 111. Spucsorrcm, 111., Dec. SO. 1860. Mr. Smith : My Dear Sir, —1 wish to ask of you a lew questions. They are as fol lows : 1. \Vhat year did you come to Snrlngfield, 111., as a preacher of the Ist Presbyteriau Church, and what year did you leaver 2. Have you any writings—letters or other such like evidence —proofs to show that while you were in this city, that Abraham Lincoln was converted to the belief that the Bible was God’s special miraculous revelation ; that he believed in special miraculous inspira tion, and miraculous conception—the mirac ulous conception of Jesus Christ, Ac., as the orthodox Christian world teaches and preaches ? S. TiVas Mr. Lincoln an honest man? If yon answer yes to the second and third ques tions, and produce written evidence, which you will please copy and send me. as to the second question—why didn’t he join your Church, the Ist Presbyterian Church of the city of Springfield ? If, In answer to tbe secontj question, you say you have no written or such like evi dence, please state to me what Mr. Lincoln did exactly and explicitly say on these ques tions. Give me bis exact tcvrds, and not your understanding of them by any kind of implication. If yon caunot give the exact words, give words that arc synonymous first, and, secondly, give the substance of the words. It has become a matter of interest to me to know bow to solve knowingly these ques liens. 1 knew yon as u gentleman la this city for several years. I knew you as a Christian. As you were a gentleman before you were a Christian, I ask you in that ca pacity .firaf to answer these questions, if yon phase , and then I ask you ditto as a Chris tian to answer the questions—if yon please. I was Mr. Lincoln’s law partner when you were here, had been before, and continued to be. Yours, truly, (Signed! W. H. Herndon. Hast CaMSO. Scotland, .lac. *2l, IS-'T. W. H. EcrtdoD, Esq., Springfield. 111. 67r—Your letter of the 20th December was duly received. ..Inityouask me to answer several questions in relation to the late illus trious President, Abraham Lincoln. With regard to yonr second question, I beg leave to say it Is a very easy matter to piove that, while I was pastor ot the lirst Presbyterian Church ol Springfield, Mr. Lincoln did avow his belief in the Divine authority and inspi ration of tbe Scriptures; and I hold that it is a matter of the last importance, not only to the present, but to all future generations of the great Republic, and to all advocates of civil and religious liberty throughout the world, that this avowal on his part, and the circumstances attending it, together with other interesting Incidents, illustrative of the excellence of his character, in uiy possession, should be made known to tbc pdblic. 1 am constrained, however, most respect fully to decline choosing you ns the medium through which such communications shall be made by me. My reasons arc as follows : Early iu December, lost an article went the round of the papers in this country, pur porting to be part of a lecture delivered by ycu ou Mr. Lincoln’s life and past hl-tory, which I read with feelings of mingled indig nation aud sorrow, because, coming as it did from his Intimate friend ana law partner, it was calculated to do the character of that great and good man an incalculable Injury, deeply to wound the feelings of his heart broken widow and her orphan boys, and to place that whole family, both the dead and living, iu a most unenviable light before the public. In the article referred to, speakirg of the death and grave of Miss Ann Rutledge, you represent Mr. Lincoln as having said “ That bis heart, sad aud broken, was buried there.” You give it as your opinion “ that he never addressed another woman ‘yours affection ately ” that “he generally and character istically abstained from tbe word ‘love;’” that be never ended his letters “ Yours affec tionately,” but always signed them “ Your friend, Abraham Lincoln.” Now, sir, I maintain that every reflecting person who believes yonr statements to be true, is bound to reply toyour third question —Abraham Lincoln was not an honest man, for he assiduously aud perseveriugly sued for the band, the heart, the love and tbc de votion for life of a young lady, who was much admired for her intelligence, her flue conver sational powers, and capability of making hersell very agreeable luany citcle, and who conid, if so disposed, have wedded with the first ol the land. Thishe did, when, accord ing to you, all be had to give m return was a dead heart burled iu tbe grave of another woman, and he was In such a mental condi tion that he bad to abstain from the use of the word love. Therefore when that yonng lady accepted his suit, and consented to b£ come hJs wife, he could not even go so far as to say, “lam yours affectionately.” Nay, more, when Abraham Lincoln led his bride to the bv menial altar. Immediately before that bond was tied which death alone ’ can dissolve, he most solemnly promised before God and man to be a faithful, loving, and affectionate husband until parted by death, when, according to von, he had neither love nor affection to bestow Therefore, your statements being true, Abraham Lincoln was worse thau a dishonest man. lie was often absent from his fami ly, and no doobt wrote his wife many let ters. According to you, he never ended any of these letters “ Yours affectionately ” but always “Your friend, Abraham Lincoln” —an insult which every lady of feeling and spirit would resent; and I must say, your statements being true, tome it is strange nay, passing strange!—that the lady to whom these letters were addressed, who, you know as well as I do, possesses exquis ite sensibility, spirit, and high sense of hon our, not only did not resent the first insult of that sort, but patiently and silently sub mitted to the repetition of It from month to month, and from year to year. And wbata cold hearted man must he have been who for many years thus treated the wife of his bosom, whom he had solemnly promised to love and cherish. Ycur statements alsocontaia araost cruel, ar.d I fear malignant, attack upon his heart stricken widow, as one for whom her bus* band entertained no love, no affection. Sir, was it not enough that she should he overwhelmed and stricken to the earth by the dreadful blow which has fallen upon her in the cruel death of her husband, you mast come on the scene and mingle your poisoned cballce into that enp of woe which she must drink even to the dregs? This is not all; but the necessary tendency of yourstatements is to pat a public brand upon the boys of tb&t great and good man, to whom you are under so many and great obligations, as the sons of a man who never loved their mother. Such Is the character of the martyred Presi dent, which must necessarily bo drawn from the statements made concerning him. and given to the public by his Intimate friend and law partner for twenty years. A law oflice is by no means the best field for judging the characters of each other by those who arc brought in contact there. No, sir. It is in the- family circle the man exhibits himself as be really is—his bearing towards bis-wife, his treatment of bis chil dren and dependents, his free and easy con versations with those who are admitted into that circle. There are to he found the best tests by which a man’s character and feel ings arc to be determined, and no one en joys better opportunities to be enabled to put a proper estimate upon the members of it than the pastor who is respected and es teemed by them—who has buried their dead and baptised their living; who, in seasons of sorrow, has administered to them those con solations which the Gospel of the Son of God can alone communicate; who is viewed by certain ol them as the honored instru ment in bringing them from darkness to light—from the degradation of sin and mis ery to faith In Jesus and the hope ot glory; who by them Is held to hare been “true to them ever In joy and sorrow,” and, os a con sequence, is admitted to their fall confi dence, and even iatheir secular affairs, when thought necessary, is asked for his advice and counsel. Tills is the man who, provided he possesses understanding and judgment above all other?, Is prepared to put a true estimate upon the characters of each of the members of snch a family. All the surviving members of it, lam as sured, will testily that soch was the posi tion occupied by your humble servant in the family of Abraham Lincoln—to say nothing of his calls upon myeclt and our pleasant conversations in drives over the prairies Luring seven years whenho and myseit were at home, scarcely two weeks ever passed during which I did not spend a pleasant evening in the midst of that family circle, and my intercourse with himself there con vinced me that Abraham Lincoln was not only an honest, but pre-eminently on up right man—ever ready, so far as In bio power, to render unto all their just dues—and that he was utterly incapable of withholding from the bride he led to the o’tar that which was her one, by riving her a heart dead and buried In the grave of another, but that, In *iho deep and honest sincerity of his soul, he cave her a heart overflowing with love and affection" and my intercourse with him and his lamily left the adding Impression upon my Imlnd by his demeanor towards her. that he was to the wife of his bosom a most faithful loving aad affectionate husband, who would on no occasion have insulted her by sending her a letter closing with " iour friend, Abraham Lincalo.” 1 do most solemnly teslifythat, during my oft repeated visits, 1 never saw a frown upon bis brow, or heard him utter a harsh or un kind word to bis lady, or any of her children, but seemcdoverflowingwithgcalallty.'good hamoramLklßdnesAr-clear.proo&of Us loro and affection. ? ThljL then, for the pres eat, is the vindica tion or-tbe'cfaaracter of- the martyred Presi dent from the fonl aspirations yon, sir, hare cast upon It; and by the person whose high honor it was to place before Mr. Liacola arguments designed to prove the Divine au thority and inspiration of the Scriptures, ac companied by the arguments ofinfldel object ors in their own language. To .the argu ments on both sides Mr. Lincoln gave a most patient, impartial, and searching investiga tion. To nee his own language," he examin ed the arguments as a lawyer who Is anxious to reach the truth Investigates testimony. The result was the Announcement by himself that the argument in favor of the Divine au thority andlcsplrationof the Scriptures was unanswerable. I could say much more on this subject, bat. as yon are the person addressed, for the present I decline. This much however: The preparation of that work cost me long and arduous mental labor, and If no other effect was ever produced by it than the infln ence It exerted upon tbe mind of that man whose name thrills the heart of every pat riotic American, I thank God that X was in duced to undertake the work. Immediately alter the above avowal, Mr. Lincoln placed himself and family under my pastoral care, and when at home he was a regular attend ant upon my ministry. I was always treated by him with high consideration, and he con ferred upon me'and mine disinterested acts of kindness. To say nothing of higher motives, I would feel I was making a most unworthy return for his many kindnesses did I remain silent on tbe present occasion ; more especially as the statement already re ferred to, made by you In your Ann Rutledge remsnee, followed by tbe letter from your self—to which this is a reply— not only opened the wav before me, but, In my judgment, rendered It mv Im perative duty to speak out as I have done, and thus to rebuke the false friend, wh», when their natural head and protector coaa no longer defend them, has entered into tie sacred sanctuary of Mrs, Lincoln’s famib, has dragged Us sorrow-stricken membea from before Us altar, and held them up o the public gaze as the wife and children if one who had no heart, no love, no affectln to bestow upon them. The assassin Booth, by his diabolical at, unwittingly sent tbe Illustrious martyr o glory, honor. and immortality; but his falo friend has attempted to send him down t> posterity with infamy branded on his foi neud, ns a man who, notwithstanding all b did and all he sufTetcd for his country's goo, was destitute of those feelings and atfectios without which there can be no real cxceiie cy of character. Sir, I am, with due your obedient servant, James Smith. N. B.—lt will no doubt be gratifying > the friends of Christianity to learn that vc: shortly after Mr. Liucolu became a memb* of my congregation, at my request, in tk presence of a large assembly at the anna meeting of the Bible Society of Springfiel, he delivered an address, the object of whit was to Inculcate the importance of havlr the Bible placed In possession of eve: family in the State. In the course of it 1 drew a striking contrast between tbe Dec logue and the moral codes of the most cm nent lawgivers of antiquity, and closed (i near as I can recollect) in the following lai gouge : “ It seems to me that nothing shoi ot infinite Wisdom could by any posslbiUt have devised and given to xnau this excel lent and perfect moral code. It is suited to men in all the conditions of life, and in cludes all the duties they owe to their Crea tor, to themselves, and to their feilownieu.” J. S. SPONTANEOUS GENERATION. Startling Illustration of tlic Darwinian Xneory of Animal Life. (From the Hamilton (C. W.) Times. The theory of Professor Darwin that all animal life has Its origin in the primary cell, acd that Its variety only presents the diifer ent stages of development, from the lowest orders to the most perfect creation, man. has been apparently sustained by a startling example in inis city, which will be likely t« engage in a high degree the attention ol th> scientific. During last fail Mr. Charles Mot zer, a German citizen residing on Bay street put up a large quantity cf bis favorite artl cie of diet, known as saner kraut , in tin preparation of which be tested lire efilcacy c a receipt suggested to him by a friend The experiment proved a failure, a tbc introduction of some duscriptio: of alkali bad the effect .of re ducing the cabbage into a mash and cam iug a strong fomentation, rendering th commodity entirely unlit for use as au arlici of diet. The mixture was left standing i the cellar undisturbed until Thursday las when a curious circum?tauce Kd to an c: animation of the tubs m which it was d. posited, resulting m a most wonderful di covery. On tbc day mentioned a eat enur ed from the Cellar into Mr. Motzer’s kbu en, having in ccstndv a large reptile of tl lizard species which wriggled vioieutly ar teemed extremely tenacious of life. M Mntzer at once proceeded to the cellar ai found some dozen or ruore of the same di cription of reptiles, which were exceedin' 1 lively end sought to secrete themselves u dcr boards, etc., on the approach ofa Hal "While prospecting about lor the source these ttiunge creatures, the tu's in whi the rawer kraut had been deposited w» examined, and presented a sight truly sta ling. The substance had been transiorul into a muss of lilc acd animation, aud 5 curious reptiles were observed in evr stage of development. The smallest apt mens were about two Inches in length, d seemed to be acquiring the least degre/ animation. Of these, the bodies were ute Transparent, with a slight yillmvLh tin. and abont the consistence of jelly. Spi nrena in a more advanced stage assumed pink hue, with bodies more opaque, ’e iuliy developed reptiles measured] from x to eight, and even ten inches n length, with bodies bard d hcfcby, of a brilliant crimson cir. Tbc back deepens Into a black line 1m the bead to the tip of the tali, while ie belly is of a delicate pink, merging :o while. The form of the reptile Is said t( e very similar to tho cbaineiion, having ar legs, with indications of claws, nndts movement are very lively. Tuo eyes re sharp and serpent-like, and smroended th a yellowish ring merging Into black, .v --eral specimens have been secured b a medical gentleman, and are preservedin spirits. A microscopic examination shrs a lice coating of scales, and serried foia tionof tbc tack aud tail.‘MAMotzerill allows tbc tubs to remain undlsturbed.nd is watching the progress ot the cuaus frock of nature, it bung evident thatbe entire stock of the dainty commodity, vrich was intended to supply bis table winter, will ultimately lake to itself lei, if not wings, and travel off on itsownaccuit, In which action the kingdom of replai is augmented by another very hiterertfu":pe clcs. If the climate of Canada will perm iu propagation. This remarkable case premia a grave warning to consumers of saner taut, to take great care that its preparation mot congenial to the generation of aulmallile, else a malady more fearful than the trhina spiralis may yet be engendered. A Hotel Clerk Browns Himself It tlic Ohio River. [From the Louisville Jonrnil, March 1. Yesterday morning the entire commnity was shocked by the tidings that 1 U. Myers. E.q chief clerk of the Naonal il°.e|, bad taken bis own life by loping from the steamer Rebecca, moorc just ob ?I e Poarth street, into the river, m re pairing to the National we learned tu fol lowing particulars: It appears that nothing unusual ws dis covered In bis deportment up to ab o clock yesterday morning, save a ntless ness that of late be had displayed so o en os to excite no particular attention. Othrwise there was no change discoverable. Ic at tended to bis duties promptly and coicctly, the last thought that would havculer ed the minds ol his oflicc mates won! have been that he was deranged in mtil. He evinced no symptom of iusanltyin *ord or action. When he lelt the hotel, t el-'ht o c.ock. no one dreamed that whemen -xt entered the doors it would be in the*Uiirac. td of a dripping corpse. Yet so it ras or dained. It appears that he proceeded dowcFourlh street to the river, and boarded the’ora S., which was lied up jnst above Fourth-ncarcr that street than Third, batbetweeabe two. Ho was observed by a yoang man wo knew him to pull off his hat, coat and v«t, with the utmost deliberation, and leap oto the river. The witness of the terrible at imme diately gave the alarm. Intelligcnc was at once conveyed to the National Hoteof what hud Hunspned, and Mr. Woodruffand his •attachesquickly repaired to the sot, and promptly used every means availabl to res cue the unfortunate suicide, who ould be seen occasionally to rise to the solace as the water bore him towards the fah. The body was finally caught at the foot *f Fifth street, taken into a house, medical attend ance immediately procured, and al efforts at ' resuscitation fulled. The corse was finally transported to the Nations where Coroner Dick Moore held an inqust upon It, the jury returning a verdict in scordunce with the above facts. Vitriol Throwing and CowVdlsc, fFiomlhe New Albany (Indiana) Ldgcr.) Great excitement prevails In Grencastle, in consequence of a cowhiding affar that oc curred in that town on Thursday morning. From a gentleman who left GreeitLSilc on Thursday morning, we learn particulars of the affair; A la9K>f that town, named James A. Scott, some what prominent as an attorney tid politi cian, had for some time been on terns of in timacy with a married Indy nared Ward. Scott had taken advantage of thi- Intimacy to circulate stories derogatory to Irs. Ward’s character for chastity, and these lories be coming widely circulated, createt consider able scandal in the town, from thick Mrs. Ward’s fair fame suffered severcl'. On Thursday morning she determined to visit a summary vengeance on Mr. Scott, and for this purpose she procured a bcttlo of the oil of vitriol and a cowhide. Shetben went to her brother and told him her litentlon to chastise Scott severely, reqncslbg him to accompany her and witness the affair. He loaded his revolver, and the tvo left the brother’s house to search for 3*ott. They met him on the public square, tnd the bro ther, pulling his pistol from ils pocket, cocked It and presented it at Scott’s bead, telling him if ho moved be wotld blow hU brains ont. Mrs. Ward then daihed the oil of vitriol in Sooit’s face, bis eyes being filled with It, and immediately comnenced lash ing him over the head, face ani back with the cowhide. Nearly Irantic with the pam caused by the vitriol, Scott called loudly for help, and a cfowd of citizens soon gathered around the parties and rescued Scott from his tormentors. It Is said that the sight of both of Scott’s eyes is ruined. The affair created intense feeling against the woman and ter brother, as it was generally believed that Scott was morcfsinneoagahist than sin ning. No arrests were made. (fueen Victoria a.« on Aathorc**. Tbo Edinburgh Cotront Is authority for the following statement In regard to Queen Victoria as an author; “ The preface to the collected speeches «f the late Prince Con sort, If not actually written bv her Majesty, was at least ‘inspired’ by her, and her reputation for literary skffl bus, on several occasions, given groxzds to reports that her Majesty has Intended that her name should be included in tbe roll of ‘ royal authors.* A rumor of this kind is again current, and we understand that it Is very- generally be lieved that her Majesty Is actually preparing a book of her own composition for the press.”