Newspaper of Evening Star, January 1, 1856, Page 1

Newspaper of Evening Star dated January 1, 1856 Page 1
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VOL. VII. WASHINGTON, D. C., TUESDAY. JANUARY 1, 1856. NO. 933. THE EVENING STAR, riBLISHKD r.VKRT AFTEKNOUN, (EXCEPT SUNDAY,) ji tkt Stif Buii4i>%ft,ro**ir of Pinntfl^mmim ??<??? and Eltvtntk ttrnt, By W. D. W AILACB, WU be (kmTod to nubscrlbers by carrier* at SIX AND A QUARTER CENTS, payable weekly to (be Agents; paper* served In packages at 37# #en> per month. To mail subscribers the sub r-riptiMi price Is THREE DOLLARS AND FIF TY CENTS a year i?<vfrt?c?,TWO DOLLARS for six months, and ONE DOLLAR for three . months; for less than three months at the rate of 1*12? cents a week. JET SINGLE COPIES ONE CENT. President's Message. v+-rttiz"W of thf Senate and ? A the Hons* of Ktvmintauvts ' The constitution of the United State? pro vider that Congrcs3 shall assemble annually on the fir3t Monday of December, and it ha? been usual for the President to make no com munication of a public character to the Sen* ate and House of Representatives until ad vised of their readiness to receive it. I have defcrrod to this usage until the close of the first month of the session, but my convictions of duty will not permit me longer to postpone the discharge of the obligation enjoined by the ctnAtitution upon the President "to give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and rccommend to their consideration such measures a* he ."hall judge necessary and expedient." It is matter of congratulation that the Re public is tranquilly advancing in a career of prosperity and peacc. ruction I'.KLATIOMS ?CKMRU AMERICA. Whilst relations of amity continue to exist between tho. United States and all foreign powers, with some of them grave questions are depending, which may require the con sideration of Congress. Of such questions, the most important is that which naa arisen out of the negotiations with Great Britain in reference to Central America. By the convention concluded between the two governments on the 19th of April, 1850, both parties covenanted, that "neither will ever" ''occupy, or fortify, or colonize, or as sume or exercise any dominion over, Nicar agua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast, or any part of Ceutral Atncrica." It was the undoubted understanding of the United States, in making this treaty, that all the present States of the former republic of Central America, and the entire territory of each, would thenceforth enjoy complete inde pendence; and that both contracting parties engaged equally, and to the same extent, for the present and for the future, that if either then ha I any claim of right in Central Amer ica such claim, and all occupation or authori ty under it, were unreservedly :elinquishod by the stipulations of the convention; and that no dominion wa3 thereafter to be exer cised or assumed ir. any part of Central Amer ica. by Great Britain or the United States Tbis government consented to restrictions in regard to a region of country, wherein we had specific and peculiar interests ouly upon the conviction that the like restrictions were in the sama *ense obligatory on Great Britain. Bui for this understanding of the force and effect of the convention, it would never have been concluded by us. So cl-'ar was this understanding on the part of the United States, that, in correspondence contemporaneous with the ratification of the convention, it wao distinctly expressed, that tbo mutual covenants of non-occupation were not intended to apply to the British establish ment at the Balize. This qualification is to be ascribcd to the fact, that, in virtue of suc cessive treaties with previous sovereigns of the country. Great Britain had obtained a con cession of the right to cut mahogany or dye woods at the Balize. but with positive exclu sion of all domain or soreignty; and thus it confirms the natural construction and under stood import of the treaty as to all the rest of th ? region t > which the stipulation applied. It, however, became apparent, at an early day after entering upon the discharge of my pre :nt functi'-na, that Great Britain still con tinued in the excrcicc cr assertion of large au thority in ail that part of Central America commonly called the Mosquito coast, and cov ering the entire length of the State of Nicara gua. and - part of Costa Rica; that she re* garded the Balize of her absolute domain, and was gradually extendirg its limits at the ex pense of the State of Honduras; and that she nad formally colonized a considerable insular group known as the Bay Islands, ind belong ing. of right, to that State. All these acts or pretensions of Great Bri tain, being contrary to the rights of tho States of Central America, and to the manifest tenor of her stipulations with the United States, as understood by this government, have been made the subject of negotiation through tho American Minister at London. I transmit herewith the instmctiona to him on the sub ject, and the correspondence between bim and the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, by which you will perceive that the two govern ments differ widely and irreconcileably a* to the construction of the convontion, and its ef fect on their respective relation.4 to Central America Great Britain w construes the convention as maintain unchanged all her previous pre tentions over the Moequito coast, and in differ ent p%rts of Central America. The preten sions *= to the Mosquito c> ast, are founded on the a-sumption of political relation between Great Britain and the remnant of a tribe of Indian? on that c<Mk-t, entered into at a time when the whole country was a colonial pos se-sion of Spain It cannot be successfully controverted, that, by the publio law of Eu rope and America, no possible act of such In diana or their predecessors could confer on (iraat Britain any political rights Great Britain does not allege the at-rent of Sp?in as tho origin of her c'aims on tho Mos quito coast. She has. on the contrary, by re peated and successive treaties, renounced and relinquished all pretensions of her own, an l recognised the full and Sovereign right3 of Spain in the most unequivocal terms. Yet these pre ten lions, without so solid foundation in the beginning, and thus repeatedly ab jured. were, at a recent period, revived by Great Britain against the Central American States, the legitimate successors to all the an cient jurisdiction <>f Spain in that region. They were first applied only to a defined part of the coa.-t of Nicaragua, afterwards to the whole of its Atlantic coast, and lastly to a part of the coast of Costa Rica ; and they are now reasserted to this extent, notwithstanding engagements to the United States. On the eastern coast of Nicaragua and Costa Rica, the interferences of Great Britain, though exerted at one time in the form of mil itary occupation of the port of San Juan del Norte then in the peaceful possession of the appropriate authorities of the Central Ameri can States, is now presented by her as the rightful exercise of a protectorship over the Mosquito tribe of Indians. But t^.e establishment at the Balise, now reaching far beyond its treaty limits into the State of Honduras, and that of the Bay islands, appertaining of right to the tame State, are as distinctly colonial governments as those of Jamaica or Canada, aud therefore contrary to tlio very letter as well as the epiritof the con tention with the United States, as it was at f the t uie of ratification, and now is, under stood by this government. The interpretation which the British gov ernment. thu-1 in assertion and act, persist- in ascribing to the convention, entirely changes its character While it holds us to all our ob ligations, it in a great measure releases Great Britain from thotu which constituted the con sideration of this government for entering into the convention. It is impossible, in uiy judgment, f< r the United States to acquiesce in such a construction of the respective rela tions of the two governments to Central Amer ica To a renewed call by this government upon Great Britain to abi'ie by, and carry into ef fect, the stipulations of the convention accord ing to its obvious import, by withdrawing from the po.vie^sion or colonization of portions of the Central American States of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, the British gov ernment has at length replied, affirming that the operation of the treaty is prospective oi.ly, aud did not require Great Britain to al>a 1 Ion or contract any possessions held by her in Central America at the date of its con clusion. This reply substitutes a partial issue, in the place of the general one presented by the United States The British government passes over the question of the rights of Qreat Bri tain, real or supposed, in Central America, and assumes that she had such rights at the. date of the treaty, and that those lights com Frehendcd the protectorship of the Mosquito ndians, the extended jurisdiction and limits of the Balise, and the colony of the Bay Islands, and thereupon proceeds by implica tion to iufer, that, if the stipulations of the treaty be merely future in effect, Great Bri tain may still continue to hold the contested portions of Central America. The United Mates cannot admit either the inferences or ?he premises We steadily deny, that, at the date of the treaty, Great Britain had any pos sessions there, other than the limited and pe culiar establishment at the Balize, and main tain that if she had any they were surren dered by the convention. This government, recogniiing the obliga tions of tho treaty, has of oourse desired to see it executed in good faith by both parties, and in the discussion. therefore, has not looked to rights which we might assert independently Of the treaty, in consideration of our geogra phical position and of other circumstances, which create for us relations to the Central American States different from those of any government of Europe. The British government, in it3 last commu nication, although well kknewing tho viows of the United States, still declares that it sees no roason why a conciliatory spirit may not ena ble the two governments to overcome all ob stacleo to a satisfactory adjustment of the sub jeet Assured of tho correctness of the construc tion of tho treaty constantly adhered to by this government, and resolved to insist on the rights of tho United States, yet actuatod also by the same desiro which is avowed by tho British government, to remove all causes of serious mi-understanding between two nations associated by so many ties of interest and kindrod, it has appeared to me proper not to consider an amicable solution of the contro versy hopeless. There is, however, reason to apprehend, that, with Great Britain in the actual occupa tion of the disputed territories, and the treaty therefore practically cull, so far as regards our rights, this international difficulty cannot long remain undetermined, without involving in serious danger the friendly relations which it is the interest as well a.- the duties of both oountries to cherish and preserve. It will afford me sincere gratification, if future efforts shall result in the success, anticipated here tofore with more confidence than tho aspect of the case permits me now to entorUio. RECRUITMENT. One other subject of discussion between tho United Statos and GrcatBritain has grown out of an attempt, which the exigencies of the war in which she is engaged with Russia induced her to make, to draw rccruits from the United States. It is the traditional and settled policy of the United States to maintain impartial neu trality during the wars, which from time to time occur among the great powcis of the world. Performing all the dutiesof neutrality towards the respective l-elligerent states, wo mav reasonably expect them not to interfere with our lawful enjoyment of its benefits Notwith tanding the exi-tcnco of such hostil ities. our citizens retain the individual ri^ht to continue all their accustomed pursuits, by land or by sea, at heme or abroad, subjectonly to such restrictions in this relation, as the laws of war, the u.age of nations, or spocial treaties, may impose; and it is our sovereign right that our territory and jurisdiction shall not bo invaded by either of the belligerent parties, for the transit of their armies, the operati ons of their fleets, the levy of troops for their service, the fitting out of cruiscrs by or against cither, or any other act or incident of war And these undeniable rights of neutral ity, individual and national, the United States will under no circumstances surrender. In pursuinco of this policy, the laws of tho United States do not forbid their citizens to sell to either of the belligerent powers articles, contraband of war. or to take munitions of war or uoldiers on board their private ships for transportation; and although, in so doing, the individual citizcn exposes his property or person to some of the hazards of war, his acts do not involve any breach of national neutral ity, nor of themselves implicate the govern ment. Thus, during the progress of the pres ent war in Europe, our citizens have, without national responsibility therefor, sold gun powder and arms to all buyers, regardless of the destination of tho.je articles. Our mer chantmen have been, and still continue to be, largely employed, by Great Britain and by France, in transporting troops, provisions, and munitions <>f war to the principal seat of mil itary operations, and in bringing home their sick and wounded'soldiers; an^^uch u.-oof our mercantile marine is not interdicted either by the international, or by our municipal law, and therefore dues not compromit our neu tral relations with Russia. But our municipal law, in accordanoe with the law of nations, peremptorily forbid", not only foreigners, but our own citizens, to fit out, within the limits of the United States, a ves sel to commit hostilities against any state with which tho United States are at peace, or to increase the force of any foreign armed ve?.'el intended for such hostilities against a fxiendly state. Whatever concern may have been felt by either of the belligerent powers lest private armed cruisers, or other vessels, in the service of one, might bo fitted out in the ports of this country to depredate on the property of the other, all such fears have proved to bo utterly groundless. Our citizens have been withhold from any such act or purpose by good faith, and by respect for the law While the laws of tho Union are thus pe remptory in their prohibition of tho equip ment or armament of belligerent cruisers in our ports, thoy provide not less absolutely that no persou shall, within^the territory of jurisdiction of tho United States, enlist or en tcr himself, or hire or retain any person to enlist or enter himself, or to go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the United States with intent to be onliotod or entered, in the ser vice of any foreign state, either as a soldier, or a marine or seaman on board of any ves sel-of-war, letter of marque, or privateer. And these enactments arc also in strict con formity with the law of nations, which de clares, that no state has the right to raise troop? for land or sea service in another state without its consent, and that, whether forbid den by tho mutual law or not, the very at tempt to do it without such consent, is an at tack on the national sovereignty Such being the public rights and tho muui cipal law of tho tnitcd States, no solicitude on the subject was entertained by this gov ernment, when, a year sincc, the British Par liament passed an act to provide for tho en listment of foreigners in the military service of Ureat Britain. NothiDg on tho face of the act, or in its public history, indicated that the British government proposed to attempt re cruitment in the United States; nor did it ever give intiurttlon of such intention to this government. It was a matter of surprise, therefore, to find, subsequently, that tho en gagement of persons within the United States to proceed to Halifax, in the British province of K'ova Scotia, and there enlist in tho service of Oreat Britain, was going on extensively, with little or no disguise. Ordinary legal stcp3 were immediately taken to arrest and punish parties concerned, and so put an end to act* infringing the municipal law and de rogatory to our sovereignty. Meanwhile suit able representations on the subjeet were ad dressed to the British government. Thereupon it became known, by the admis sion of the British government itself, thatihe attempt to draw recruits from this country originated with it, or at least had its approval 4DCt,0tl' but U a,8? aPPe?red that the ESS? ,*ge??S enga?ed in u had " stringent riKtdi^r1*10 the It ii difficult to understand how it should na\e been supposed that troops oonld be raised here by Groat Britain, without violation of the municipal law. The unmistakable object of the law was to prevent every such act, which, if performed, must bo either in violation of the law, or in studied evasion of it; and. in either alternative, the act dono would be alike States"8 t0 the 0overeiKDty of the United In the meantime, the matter acquired addi tional importance, by the recruitments in the United States not being discontinued, and the fact that thoy were prosecuted upon a syste matic plan devised by official authority; that recruiting rendezvous had been openod in our principal cities, and depots for the reooption of rocruit? established on our frontier; and the whole business conducted under the supervi sion and by the regular co-oporation of Brithh efnoers, civil and military, sorno in the North American provinces, and some iu the United states. The complicity of those officers in an undertaking, which could only be accomplished bj defying our laws, throwing suspicion ovor our attidude of neutrality, and disregarding our territorial righto, is conclusively proved by the evidenco elicited on tho trial of such of their agents a.-* have been apprehended and convicted. Some of tho officer* thus implica ted art- of high official position, and many of them beyond our jurisdiction, so that legal proceedings eould not reach tho source of the mischief. These considerations, and the fact that the cause of complaint was not a mere casual oc currence. but a deliberate design, entered upon with full knowledge of ourlawc and na tonal policy, and conducted by responsible functionaries, impelled mo to present the caso to tho British government, in order to sccure, not otily a conation of tho wrong, but its rep araaon. The subject is still under discussion, the rosultof which will be communicated to you in due time. I repeat the fecommcndafion submitted to the last Congress, that provision be made for the appointment of a commissioner, in con nexi-m with Great Britain, to survey and es tablish the boundary line, which divides the ,.e.r."!?)ry ^ ashington from tho contiguous British possessions. By re^on of tho extent and importance of tho country in dispute, there has boon imminent danger of collision between the subjects of Great Britain and the ctizcns of the Lnited States, including their respective authorities in that quartcr? The rospect of a speedy arrangement has contri utedihitherto to induce on both sides forboar aoee to assert by force what each claims as a right. Continuance of delay on the part of tho two governments, to net in the matter will in crease the dangers md difficulties of tho con troversy Misunderstanding exL-ts as to the extent, charactcr, and value of the possessor rights of r 1L ., 011 s- ^ Cl)U,ra?!y and the property of the Puget s Sound Agricultural Company, roserved in our treaty with Great Britain rel ative to the Territory of Orogon. I have rea son to believe that a cession of the rights of both companies U) the United States, which would be the readiest means of terminating all questions, c>?n be obtained on reasonable terms; and with a view to this end, I present the subject to the consideration of Congress. The colony of Newfoundland having enac ted the laws required by the treaty of the 5th ot June, J854, is now placcd on the same foot lng, in respect to commercial intercourse with the Lniled States, as the other British North American provinces. Tho commission which that treaty contem plated, for determining tho rightsol fishery in rivers and mouths of rivers on the coasts of he I mted States and the British North Amer ican provinces, has been organized and has commenced its labors: to complete which there is needed further appropriations for the service of another season KOUlfD DUES. In pursuance of the authority conferred by a resolution of the Senato of the United States, passed on the J1 of March last, noticc was given to Denmark, on the 14th day of April '? .r? ln!vnl[on of l.his government to avail 1 .>plf of the stipulation of the subsisting con vention of friendship, eommercc, and naviga tion between that Kingdom and the United _rates, whereby cither party might, after ten years, terminate the-samo at the expiration of one year from the date of notice for that Toe considerations whkh lod mo to call the attention of Congress to that convention, and induced the Senate to adopt the resolution re ferrtd to, still continue in full force. The Oonvtndon contains an artiole which, although It docs not directly engage the United States to submit to the 1 position of tolls on the ves sels and cargoes of Americans pacing into or from the Ba.tic sea, during the continuance of *? ? rnaj' l???sibility, be con strued as implying such submission Tho ex action of those tolls not being justified by any principle of international law.it becamo the nght and the duty of the United States to re lieve themselees from the implication of en gagement on the subject, so as to be perfectly th ? av!f- premises in such way as their public interests and honor .^hall demand. I remain of the opinion that the United States ought not to submit to the payment of the -.und due?, not so much becauso of their amount, which is a secondary matter, but be eau e it is in effect the recognition of the right of 1 onmark to treat one of the groat maritime highways of nations as a close sea, and the navigation of it as a privilege for which tribute te rn? it1?1* UI'?n th?Se Wh? haV? occasi,JD ffV?rnin?ni' -?n tt former occasion not ULliko the present, signalized its determina tion to maintain the freedom of tho seas, and Th?RgrKat "<lUfal ^annels of navigation. TheBarbary States had, for a long time, co erced the paymcni of tribute from all nations whose ships frequented the Meditorraean. To the last demand of auch payment made by them the United States, although suffering less by their depredations than many other nations, returned tho explicit answer, that we preferred war to tribute, and thus opened the way to the relief of the commerce of the world from an ignominious tax, so lonp sub mitted to by tho more powerful nations of Europe, a iltr Tntn'\ of Payment of the Sound dues differ from that of the tribute formerly conceded to tho Barbary States, still their ex action by Denmark has no better foundation in right. Lach whs, in its origin, nothing but a tax on a common natural right, extorted by hose, who wero at that time ablo to obstruct the freo and secure enjoyment of it, but who no longer possess that power. Denmark, while resisting our assertion of the freedom of the Baltic Sound and Belts, has indicated a readiness to make some now ar rangement on the subject, and has invited the governments interested, including the United States to be represented in a convention to assemble for the purpose of receiving and con sidering a proposition, which she intends to submit, for tho capitalization of the Sound dues, and the distribution of tho mm to b? S " commutation among the governments, according to the respective proportions of their maritime oommcrce to and from the Baltic I have declined in behalf of the United States to accept this invitation, for the most cogent reasons. One is, that Denmark does not offer to submit to tho convention tho question of her right todevy the Sound dues. A second is, that, if the convention were allowed to take cognizance of that particular question, still it would not be competent to deal with the great international principle involved which affects lhe right in other cases of navigation and com Meru8..- e#(i0Lm' M wel1 as that of access to the Baltic. Above all, by the express terms of the proposition it ii contemplated, that the consideration of the Sound dues shall be com

mingled with, and made subordinate to, a mutter wholly extraneous, the balance of power among tho governments of Europe. While, however, rejecting this proposition, and insisting on the right of free transit into and from the Baltic, I have expressed to Den mark a willingness, on the part of tho Unitod States, to share liberally with other powers in compensating her for any advantages, which commerce shall hereafter derive from expen ditures made by her for tho improvement and safety of the navigation of the Sound or Belt*. I lay before you, herewith, sundry docu ments on the subjeot, in which my views are more fully disclosed. Should no satisfactory arrangement be soon concluded, I shall again call your attention to the subject, with recom mendation of such measures as may appear to be required in order to assert and secure the rights of the United State?, so far as they are affected by the pretensions of Denmark. * FRANCE. I announce with much gratification, that, siaco tho adjournment of the last Congress, the question, then existing between this gov ernment and that of Franco, respecting the French consul at San Francisco, has been s ?t .sfaotorily determined, and that tho relations of the two governments contiuuo to be of tho most friendly nature. GREECE. A question, also, which has been pending for several years botweon tho United States and the Kingdom of Grecce, growing out of the sequostration, by public authorities of that country, of property belonging to the prosent American oonsul at Athens, and which had boon the subject of very earnest discussion heretofore, has recently been settled to tho satisfaction of tho party interested and of both governments. 8PAI!?. Vi ith Spain, peaceful relations are still maintained, and somo progress has been made in ecu ring tho redress of wrongs complained of!?y this government. Spain has not only di. avowed and disapproved tho conduct of tho ofti:ers, who illegally seized and detained tho stoamer Black Warrior at Havana, but h(s also paid the sum claimcd as indemnity for tho loss thereby inflicted on citizens of the United States. ,I.n eonsequenco of a destructivo hurricane, wnich visited Cuba in 1844, tho supreme authority of that island issued a decree, per muting tho importation, for the period of six months, oi certain building mitorials and pro visions, freeofduty, but revoked it when about half the period only had elapsed, to the injury of citizens of the United States, who had pro ceeded to act on tho faith of that degree. 1 he Spanish government refused indemnifi cation to tho parties aggrieved until recently, w iien it was assented to, payment being prom ised to be made so soon as the amount duo can be ascertained. S i tistaction claimed for the arrest and search ot the steamer LI Dorado has not yet been a< corded, but there is reason to believe that it will bo, j<nd that case, with others, con tinues to bo urged on tho attention of the ?Spanish government. I do not abandon the h 'Pe of concluding with Spain some genoral arrangement, which, if it do not wholly pre vent the recurrence of difficulties in Cuba, will render them less frequent, and whenever they shall occur, faciiitato their more speedy settlement. MEXICO. The interposition of this government has been invoked by many of it.? citizens, on ac count of injuries done to their persons and property, for which the Mexican republic is responsible. The unhappy situation of that country, for some time past, has not allowed its government to give duo consideration to claim-" of private reparation, and has ap peared to call for and justily some forbearance in such matters on the part of this govern ment. But, if the revolutionary movements, which have lately occurred in that republic, end in the organization of a stable govern ment, urgent appeals to its justice will then be made, and, it may bo hoped, with success, for the redress of all complaints of our citI xens. CENTRAL AMERICA. In regard to tho American republics, which, from their proximity and other considera tions, have peculiar relations to this govern ment, while it has been my constant aim strictly to observe all the obligations of politi cal friendship and of good neighborhood, ob stacles have arisen in some of them, from their own insufficient power to check lawless irrup tions. which in effect throws most of the ta^k on tho United States. Thus it is that the dis tracted internal condition of the State of Nicaragua has made it incumbent on me to appeal to the good faith of our citiiens to ab stain from unlawful intervention in its af fairs, and to adopt preventive measures to the same end, which, on a similar occasion, had tho best results in reassuring the peace of tho Mexican Statos of Sonora and Lower Califor nia. TREATIES. Since the last session of Congress a treaty of amity, oommeree and navigation, and for t ,e surrender of fugitive criminals, with the kingdom of the T wo Sicilies; a treaty of friend ship, commercc, and navigation with Nicara gua ; and a convention of commercial recipro city with tbe Hawaiin kingdom, havo been negotiated. The latter kingdom and the State of Nicaragua have also acccded to a declaration, recognising as international rights tho principles contained in the convention be tween tho United States and Russia of the 22d of July, 1854. These treaties and conventions will be laid before tho Senate for ratification. TREASURY. The statements made, in my last annual message, respecting tho anticipated receipts and expenditures of tho Treasury, have been substantially verified. It appears from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, that tho receipts during the last fiscal year ending June 30, 1855, from all sources, were sixty-five million three thous and nine hundred and thirty dollars; and that tho publio expenditures for the same period, exclusive of payments on account q? the public debt, amounted to fifty-six million three hundred and sixty-five thousand three hundred and ninety-three dollars During tho same period, the payments made in re demption of the public debt, including interest and premium, amounted to nine million eight hundred and forty-four thousand live hundred and twenty-eight dollars. The balance in the Treasury at the begin ning of the present fiscal year, July 1, 1855, was eighteen million nine hundred and thirty ono thousand nine hundred and seventy-six dollars; the receipts for tho first quarter, and the estimated receipts for the remainiug three quarters, amount, together, to sixty-seven million nine hundred and eighteen thousand seven hundred and thirty-four dollars; thus affording in all, as the available resources of the current fiscal year, the sum of eighty-six million eight hundred and fifty-six thousand seven hundred and ten dollars. If, to the actual expenditures of the first quarter of the current fiscal year, be added the probable expenditures for the remaining three quarters as estimated by tho Secretary of the Treasury, the sum total will be seven ty-ene million two hundred and twenty six thousand eight hundred and forty-six dollars, thereby leaving an estimated balance in the troasury on Julv 1, 1856, of fifteen million six hundred and twenty-three thousand eight hundred and sixty-three dollars and forty-one cents. In the above estimated expenditures of tbe present fiscal year are included three million dollars to meet the last instalment of the ten millions provided for in the late treaty with Mexieo. and seven million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars appropjp?ted on ao count of the debt due to Tcias, which two sums make an aggregate .Amount of terfmil s lion seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and reduce the expenditures, actual or osti mated, for ordinary objects of the year, to the sum of sixty million four hundred and seven Jjf-six thousand dollars. The amount of the public debt at the oom raenceinent of the present fiscal year, *u forty million five hundred and eighty-three thousand six hundred and thirty-one dollars, and, deduction being made of subsequent pay ments, the whole public debt of the federal government remaining at this time is less than tortv million dollars. The remnant of certain other government stocks, amounting to two hundred and forty three thousand dollars, referred to in my last message as outstanding, has since been paid. I am fully persuaded that it wo*ld be diffi cult to devise a system superior to that, by, whioh the fiscal business of the government is now conducted. Notwithstanding, the great number of public agents of collection and dis bursement, iris believed that the checks and guards provided, including the requirement of monthly returns, render it scarcely possible for any considerable fraud on the part of those agents, or neglect involving hazard of serious public loss, to escape detection. I renew, however, the recommendation, heretofore made by me, of the enactment of a law declaring it felony on the part of the public officers to in sert false entries in their books of record tor account, or to make false returns, and also re quiring them on the termination of their ser vice to deliver to their successors all books, records, and other subjects of public nature in their custody. Derived as our public revenue is. in chief part, from duties on imports, its magnitude affords gratifying cvidcncc of the prosperity,' not only of our commerce, but of the other great interests upon which that depends. The principle that all moneys not required for the current expenses of the government should remain foi active employment in the hand.* of the people, aud the conspicuous fact that the annual rcvenuo from all sources ex ceeds, by many millions of dollars, the amount needed for a prudent and economical adminis tration of public affairs, cannot fail to suggest the propriety of an early revision and reduc tion of the tariff of duties on imports. It is now so generally conceded that the purpose of revenue alone can justify the imposition of duties on imports, that, in readjusting the im post tables and schedules, which unquestion ably require essential modifications, a depar ture from the principles of tho present tariff is not anticipated. ARMV. The army, during the past year, has been actively engaged in defending the Indian fron tier, the state of tho service permitting but few aud small garrisons in our permanent fortifi cations. The additional regimcits authorized at the last session of Congress have been re cruited and organized, and a large portion of the troops have already been sent to the field. All the duties which devolved on the military establishment, have been satisfactorily per formed. and the dangers and privations inci dent to the charactor of the service required of our troops, have furuished additional evi dence of their courage, zeal, and capacity to meet any requisition which their country may make upon them. For the details of the mil itary operations, the distribution of the troops, and additional provisions required for the mil itary service, I refer to the report of the Sec retary of W ar and the accompanying docu ments. . Experience, gathered from events which have transpired since my last annual message, hap but served to confirm the opinion then expressed of the propriety of making provi sion, by a retired list, for disabled officers, and for the increased compensation for the officers retained on the list for active duty All the reasons which existed, when these measures were recommended on former occa sions, continue without modification, except so far as circumstances have given to some of them additional force The recommendations, heretofore made for a partial reorganization of the army, are also renewed. The thorough elementary educa tion given to those officers, who commence ihcir .-crvice with the grade of cadet, quali lies them, to aconsidcrablejextcnt. to perform the duties of every arm of the service ; but to give the highest efficiency to artillery requites the practice and special study of many years; and it is not, therefore, believed to be advisa ble to maintain, in time of peace, a larger forcc of^ that arm than can be usually em ployed in the duties appertaining to the ser vice of field and siege artillery. The duties ot the (>taff in all its various branches belong to the movements of troops, and the efficiency of an army in the field would materially de pend upon the ability with whioh those duties are discharged. It is not. ao in the case of the artillery, a speciality, but requires also an intimate knowledge ot the duties of an of ficer of the line, and it is not doubted that, to complete the education of an officer for either the line or the general staff, it it? desirable that he shall have served in both. With this view, it was recommended on a former occa sion that the duties of the staff should be mainly performed by details from the line; and, with conviction of the advantages which would result from su<?h achangc, it is again presented for tho consideration of Congress. . mvr. The report of the Secretary of the Navy, herewith submitted, oxhibits in full the naval operations of the past year, together with the paesent condition of the service, and it m*ko* suggestions of further legislation, to which your attention is invited. The construction of the six steam frigates, for which appropriations were made by the last,Congrc.ss, has proceeded in the most sat isfactory manner, and with such expedition as to warrant the belief that they will be ready for servico early in the coming spring Im portant as this addition to our naval force is, it still remain* inadequate to the contingent exigencies of the protection of the extensive sea coast and vast commercial interests of the United States. In view of this fact, and of the acknowledged wisdom of the policy of a gradual and systematic increase of the navy, appropriation is recommended for the con struction of six steam sloops-of-war. In regard to the steps taken in execution of the act of Congress to promote the efficiency of the navy, it ia unnecessary for me to say More than to express entire concurrence in the observations on that subject presented by the Secretary in his report POST OFKKK. It will be perceived, by the report of the Postmaster General, that the gross expendit ure of the department for the last ^fiscal year was nine million nine hundred and sixty-eight thousand three huudred and forty-two dollars, and the gross receipts seven million three hun dred and forty-two thousand one hundred and thirty-six dollars, making an excess of expen diture over receipts of two million six hundred and twenty-six thousand two hundred and six dollars; and that the cost of mail transports during that year was six hundred and seven ty-four thousand nine hundred and fifty-two dollars greater than the previousyear. Much of the heavy expenditures to which the Treas ury is thus subjected, is to be ascribed to the large quantity of printed matter conveyed by the mails, either franked, or liable to no post age by law. or to very low rates of postage compared with that charged on letters ; and to the great cost of mail service on railroads and by ocean steamers. The suggestions of the Postmaster General on the subject deserve the consideration of Congress. INTERIOR. The report of the Secretary of the Interior will engage your attention, as well for useful suggestions it contains, as for the interest and importance of the subjects to which they re fer. The aggregate amount of public land sold during the last fiscal year, located with mili THE WEEKLY STAB. Tkl? excellent t- amUy ud Nrw Journal-cm? talatng a greater variety of Mmrtliii readies than eun be fmi?4 la any other?i? pnbnebed ea flatw lafMonla? Single copy, ? ???! M to mil. ?? ?? Tneoptw .......?* * ** Twenty ooptea............... ???????????????I? w lET" Casb, mmiiiK in abvancs. IE7" Single coatee (la wreppm) eaa be peeearrd at the counter, Immediately aftee the leant of the paper. Price? Taaaa Cents. rosTHA?Taa? who act an a^fiiti will be allowed a commission of twenty per oeat. tary scrip or land warrants, taken up under grant* for roads, and aalocted a.- rwaap land* by Statee, is twenty-four million tea hundred and filty seven thousand four hundred nod nine acres: of which the portion soli was if tcen million wren hundred and twenty-nine thousand five hundred and twap'y-four acres, yielding tn receipts the turn of eleven million tour hundred and eighty-fire thousand three hundred and eighty dollars. In the same period of time, eight million seven hundred and twenty three thousand eight hundred and fifty-four acres hare been surveyed ; but, in consideration of the quantity already sub* ject to entry, no Additional tract# hare been bmught into market. The peculiar relation of the general rev ernmeni to the District of Oolumbia renders it proper to c >tnmend to your care not only its material, bat abtu its moral interests, inclu ding education, more especially in thoee parts of the district outside of the oitiesof Washing ton and Georgetown The commissioners appointed to revise and codify the laws of the District have made such progression in the performance 'J Jfeeir U* as to insure its completion in the time pre scribed by the act of Congress. Information has recently been received that the peace of the settlements in the Territories of Oregon and Washington is disturbed by h< stilitics on the part ct the Indians, with in dications of extensive combinations of a hos tile i haracter among the tribes in that quar ter, the more seri-iu- in their possible effect by reason i l the undetermined foreign interests existing in those Territories, to .which your at ? i^10" k*3 already been especially invited 1 . ?clcnt measures have been taken, which, it iis htlieved will restore quiet, and afford pro vtection to our citizens. v In the Territory of Kansas, there have been a* ti prejudicial to good order: but as yet none have occurred under circumstances to justify the.intcrpogition of the federal Executive. Thafr could only l?c in case of obstruction to federal law, or of organised resistance to ter ritoral law, assuming the character of insur rection, which, if it should occur, it would be my duly pri^ptly to overcome and suppress. I cherish the ffope, however, that the occur rence of any such untoward event will be j>re ventsd by the sound sense of the people ot th? Territory, who, by its organic law p-.seessing the right to determine their own domestic in stitutions, are entitled. While deporting them selves peacefully, to the free exercise of that right, and must be protected in the enjoy ment of it, without interfercnr e on the part of the citizens of any of the Stairs. The southern boundary linw>/?f this Terri tory has never been surveyed and'established The rapidly extending settlement un that re gion, and the fact that the main route be tween Independence in the State of Missouri, and New Mexico, is contiguous to this line, suggests the probability that embarrassing questions of jurisdiction may consequently arise. For these and other considerations* I commend the subject to your early attention COXSTITCTIoNAL THEORV OF THE GOVERNMENT. I have thus passed in review the general state of the Union, including euch particular conccrns of the federal government, whether of domestic or foreign relation, as it appeared to me desirable and useful to bring to the spe cial notice of Congress. Unlike the great states of Europe and Asia, and many of those of America, these United States are wasting their strength neither in foreign war nor d*> uicstic strife. Whatever of discontent or pub lic dissatisfaction exists, is attributable to the imperfections of human nature, or is incident to all governments, however perfect, which human wisdom can devise. Such subjects of political agitation, as occupy the public mind consist, to a great extent, of exaggeration of inevitable evils or over zeal in social improve ment, or mere imagination of grievance, hav ing but remote connexion with any of the eon stitutionaj functions or duties of the federal government. To whatever extent these ques tions exhibit a tendency menacing to the sta bility of the constitution, or the integrity ot' the Union, and no farther, they demand the consideration of the Executive, and require to be ( resented bv him to Congress Before the Thirteen Colonies became a con federation of independent States, they were associated only by community of transatlan tic origin, by geographical position, and by the mutual tie of common dependence on Great Britain. When that tie was sundered, they severally assumed the powers and rights of absolute aolf government. The municipal and social institutions of each, its laws of pro perty and of personal relation, even its politi cal organization were such only as eact one choose to establish, wholly without interfer ence from any other. In the language of the Declaration of Independence, each State had " full^ower to levy war, conclude peace, con tract alliances. Cstabieh commcre. and to do ail other acts and things which independent States may of right do ' The seveial oolonies differed in climate, in soil, in natural produc tions, in religion, in r-ystems of education, in legislation, and in the forms of political ad ministration; and they continued to differ in these respects when they voluntarily allied themselves as States to carry on the war of the revolution. The object of that war was to disenthral the I nitod Colonics from foreign rule, whioh had proved to be oppressive, and to separate tbem permanently from the mother country: the political result was the foundation of a federal republic of the free white men of th? oolonies, constituted, as they were, in dis tinct, and reciprocally independent State gov ernments. As for the subject races, whether Indian or African, the wise and brave states men of that day. being engaged in no ex travagant scheme of social change, left th^ui as they were, and thus preserved themselves and their posterity from the anarchy, and tha ever-recurring civil wars, which have pre vailed in other revolutionized European colo nics of America. When the confederated States found it con venient to modify the conditions of their as sociation, by giving to the general government direct access, in some respects, to the people of the States, instead of confining it to action on the States as such, they proceeded to frama the existing constitution, adhering steadily to one guiding thought, which was. to delegate only such power as was necessary and proper to the execution of specifio purposes, or, in other words, to retain as much as possible, consistently with those purposes, of the inde pendent powers of the individual States. For objects of common defence and security, they intrusted to the general government eertaia carefully-defined functions, leaving all othera as the undelegated rights of the separate in dependent sovereignties. Such is the constitutional theory of our government, the practical observance of wbich has carried us, and us alone, among modern republics, through nearly three generations of time without the cost of one drop of blood shed in civil war. With freedom and conoert of action, it has enabled us to contend suc cessfully on the battle-field against foreign foes, has elevated the feeble colonies into powerful States, and ha* raised our industrial productions, and our oommerce which trans ports them, to the level of the richest and tha greatest nations of Europe. And the admir able adaptation of our political institutions to their objects, combining local self-government with aggregate strength, has established tha practicability of a government like ours to oover a continent with confederate States. The Congress of the United btates is, in ef fect, that congress of sovereignties, which good men in the Old World have sought for, but could never attain, and whieh imparts to America an exemption from the mutable leagues for common action, from the wars, the mutual invasions, and vague aspirations after i he balance of power, which convulse rem time to time the governments of Eurot*. Oar co-operative action rests in the conditions of [Coattaacrf e?/e?r* !??*?? J 1