Newspaper of The New York Herald, March 7, 1844, Page 2

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated March 7, 1844 Page 2
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1 fcunk of ike river Kio Bravo del Norte, to the 37th parallel of latitude, and hence along that parallel to the Pacific " Thia noble and glorious proposition of General Jack.-o-i would have secured to us, not only tho whole of Texas, but also the largest aud most valuable portion of upper California, together with the buy a nd harbor of Sun Francisco, the best on the western coast ol America, and e<|iia! to any in the world. was deemed, as it it is clearly proved, moat deairable-to obtain the reannexation of Texas, down to a period as late ub August, 1835, is it less important al ibis period 1 We find the administration of Messrs. Adains and Clay in 1835 nod 1927, and that of Jackson and Van Bnren, in 1829, and subsequently in 1833 and 1836, making strenuous dibits to procure the reannexation of Texas, by a purchase Iroin Mexico, at the expense of millions of dollars. Let ine observe also the dates of tiiese efforts. That oi the first, by Messrs Adains aud Clay, in March, 1825, was within three yeurs only after the recognition of the independence of Mexico by this country, and prior to its full recognition by other powers; and it was within less than five fharB suhseouent to (he final ratification of ihe treaty by which we surrendered Texas, not to Mexico,but to Spain. Now, as Spain had not then recugubed the independence of Mexico, and the war was still waging between those nations, the only title which Mexico had to Texas, was by a succem-ful revolution, and is precisely the same title, and depending on the same principles, as that now possessed by Texas. The same remarks ajiply to the subsequent efforts of Messrs. Adams and Clay in 1827, and of Jackson and Van Buren in 1829, to acquire Texas by purchase from Mexico. And even at the latest period, no more time had elanee between the date of the recognition of the independence of Mexico, and the proposed purchase from her, than the time (now about seven years) since our recognition of the independence of Texas. Throughout the period of all these proposed treaties, the war was waging between Mexico and Spain. The brave Porter, our own gallant commodore, commanded the Mexican navy, aided by many American officers and crews. In the earlier part, also, of the conflict on the land, the gallant Perry, and the brave Magee, an American officer, with a combined American and Mexican army, had defeated the royal forces of Spain in many a glorious conflict. Throughout this whole period, Mexico was soliciting aud obtaining the aid of our countrymen, on tne ocean and on the land; and it is more than doubtful whether, in the absence ef that assistance, Mexico would yet have achreved her independence. On the 27th July 1829, Barradas, with a Spanish army of four thousand inen, captured the Mexican city of Tampico,which he held until the 10th September of the same year. Yet, on the 26 h August, 1829, whilst the fate of this expedition was yet undetermined, the administration of Jaek.-on and Van Buren, as we have seen, proposed the purchase of Texas from Mexico If, then, there he any force in the objections, that Texas was aided in her conflict bv American citizens. that the war is still waging, (which it is not,) or tnat the independence of Texas is still unre- I cognised by Mexico, or that a treaty with Mexico (as we had with Spam) had been ratified,?all these reasons apply with far greater force against the proposed purchase of Texas from Mexico in 1825, 1827, and 1829, when Mexico was yet unrecognised by Spain; when our treaty, surrendering Texas to Spain, was ui resoind* d, except by the revolution in Mexico; a-id when our cit zens were still aiding, as they always had done, the people ol Mexico in their struggle for independence. It is true, that, in 1K37, within a few weeks or months succeeding our recognition of the independence of Texas, and before her reecgniton by any foreign powers, it might have subjected us to unjust imputations; aud therefore might have been deemed inexpedient, at such a time, and under such circumstances, to reannex Texas by a treaty tothis Union. But now, when seven years have elapsed since our recognition of the independence of Texas; and she nas been recognized for many years as an independent power by the great nations of Europe; and her sovereignty fully established, and fully acknowledged, there cau be no objection to such a treaty at this period. The reasons assigned in 1825, 1827, 1829, 1833 and 1880, for the reannexalion of Texas, apply now with full force. These reasons were, that U.. l. 1 - - iic Lniuinr, as n uouuuary, wan mo near new urleuns; that the defence of ihat city wan rendered insecure; and that the Arkansas and Red river, and all their tributaries, ought to be in our own exclusive porweH-.ioii. The present boundary is the worst which could be devised. It is a succession of stem and curves, carving out the great valley of the West into a sh ipe that is absolutely hideous.? It surrenders the Red river, and Arkansas, and their numerous tributaries, for thousands of utiles, to a foreign |K>w?r. It brings that power upon the (iulf, within a day's sail of the mouth of the Mississippi, and in the interior, by the curve of the Sabine, within about one hundred miles of the Mississippi- I' places that power, for many hundred miles, on trie banks of the Red river, in immediate contact with sixty thousand Indian warriors of our own, and with very many thousand of the fiercest savage tribes in Texas, there to be armed and eqtiipi?ed for the work of death and desolation. It enables a foreign power, with such aids, to descend the Red river, to the junction of the Mississippi, there to cut off all communication from above or below, to arrest at that point all boats which were descending with their troops and munitions of war for the defence of New Orleans, and fall down suddenly on that city, thus isolated from the rest of the Union, and subjected to certain ruin. From the mouth of the Mississippi to the Sabine there is not a sinvle harbor where an American vessel of war could find shelter; but westward of the mouth of the Sabine, in Texas, are several deep bays and harbors; and Galveston, one of these, has a depth of water equal to that at the mouth of the Mississippi. Rooking into the interior, along this extraordinary boundary, we find a foreign power stretching for many hundred miles along the Sabine to the Red river; thence westacveral hundred miles along that river to the western boundary of our Indian territories; thence north to the Arkansis, and up that stream to the southern boundary of the territory of Oregon, and at a point which, according to the reoeni uii>st able burvey of Lieutenant Fremont, is within twenty iniles of the pass of the Rocky mountains, which secures the entrance to Oregon. We thus place a foreign power there, to move eastward or westward, upon the valley of the Columbia or MisatsMpoi. We place this power north of St Louis, imrili ol a portion of Iowa, and south of New Orleans, utid along this line for several thonsund miles in our rear Such is the boundary at present given to the valley of the West: such the imminent dangers to which it is subjected of Indian massacre; such the dismemberment ol the great valley, and of many of the noblest sin-nn-t a i l tributaries of the Mississippi; such the surrender of so many hundred mites of our coast, with so nany bays and harbors; such the hazaid in which N'ewOrleans is subjected, and | tnc outlet <>t .iii niir commerce to the gulf. :Such is our present boundary; andtfa can he exchanged for one that will give ua perfect security, that will place our own iwople ana our own settlements in rear of the Iri.Ji m tribes, and that will cut them otr from foreign influence; that will restore to us the uninterrupted navigation of the lied river and Arkansas, ami ol all their tributaries; that will place us at the north, upon a point to command the pass of Oregon, and, on the south, to secure New Orleans, and render certain the command of the Gulf of Mexico. In pursuing pur ancient and rightful bound ?rv, before we surrendered Texas, along the Del Norte, we are brought, by a western curve of that great river, to a p-tint within four hundred miles f the P acifie ocean, and where the waters of the Del Norte almost commingle with those that flow into the Western ocean. Up to this point on the Del Norte it is navigable tor steamboats; and frotn that point to the Pacific is a good route lor caravans, and where, it is believed, the Pacific may be united with the Del Norte tnd the Gulf by a railroad, not longer than that which now unites Buffalo and Boston; and where, even now, without such a road, we could eommind the trade of all the northern States of M 'Xico, and of a vety large portion of the western roast of America. The importance of Texas is thus described by Mr CI iv, in his s;ieech of the 3d of April, 1H20: "All the accounts concurred in representing Tex s to be extremely valuable. Its superficial extent w is three or four times greater than that ol Florida. The climate was delicious; the soil fertile, the m irgms ol the rivers abounding in live-oak; and the country admitting of easy settlement. It possessed, moreover, il h- were not misinformed, one of the finest (Kjrts in the Gulf of Mexico. The productions of which it was capable, wete suited to our wants The unfortunate captive of St Helena wished for ship*, commerce, and colonies. We have them all, if we do not wantonly throw them away. The colonies o' other countries are separated from them by vast seas, requiring great to protect them, and are held subject to a constant risk of their being torn from their grasp. Our colonies, on the contrary, are united to, and form a part, of our; and the same Mississippi, from whose rich de|H>site the best of them (Louisiana) has been bum. <1, will transport on her bosom the brave, the patriotic men from her tributary stream*, to defend and preserve the next most valuable?the province of Texas." "He was not dn(??se I to disptrage Florida; bat its intrinsic value was incomparably less than that ol Texas." In lb*1 leitni of instructions froin Mr Madison, as Secretary of Stale, of the 29th July, l{t()8, he says, "the aoqui-miou of the Floridas is still tube pursued " lie adds, the exchange of any part of western Louisi in i, which Spain may propose for "the cesaiou of the Florida*," " is inadmissible." " In intrinsic value there is no equality " " We are the Undisposed 10 sacrifices to obtain the Floridas; because then position and the manifest course of events guaranty an early and reaionible acquisition of them " In Mr. Madison's letter, also, as Secretary of State, of the 8th July, 1804, he announces the opposition of Mr. Jefferson "to a perpetual relinquishment of territory whatever eastward of Rio Brave " In the message ol President Houston of the 5th May, 1H37, he aayc that Texas contains " four-fifths ol all the live oak now in the world." Cotton will be itagreat staple, and some sugar and molasses will be produced ? The grape, the olive, and indigo, and cocoa, and nearly all the fruits of the tropics will be grown there also. In Texas are valuable mines ol gold and silver; the silver mine on the San Saba having been examined and found to be among the richest in the world. In the recent debate in the British Parliament, Lord Brougham said: " The importance ol Texat could not be overrated. It was a country of the greatest capabilities, and was in extent full us large as France. It possessed a soil of the liuest and mosl fertile churacter, and it was capable of producing all tropical produce; and its climate was of a mosl healthy character. It had access to the gulf, to the river Mississipiii, with which it communicated by means ot the Red river." The possession of Texat would ensure to us the trade of Santa F>- and al the northern States of Mexico. Above all, Texai is a large and indispensable portion of the valley ol the West. That valley once was all our own ; bu it has been dismembered by a treaty formed whei the West held neitherof the high executive station! o| the government, and was wholly unrepreseiitec in the cabinet at Washington. The Red river anc Arkansas, divided and mutilated, now How, will their nunieroustributaries, for many thousand miles through the territory of a foreign power ; and thi West has been forced back along tne gulf, from thi Del Norte to the Sabine. If, then, it be true tha the sacrifice ot Texas was made with painful reluc tance, all those who united in the surrender will re joice at the re-acquisition. This is no question of the purchase of new terri tory, but of tne re-annexation of that which onc< wiia sill nnr own Tt in not m nnpntion of fh? pytpn sion of our limits, but ot the restoration of forme boundaries. It proposes no new addition to the vallej of the Mississippi; but ot its re-union, and all its wa ters, once more, under our dominion. If the Creatoi had separated Texas from the Union by niountaii barriers, the Alps or the Andes, these might be plausible objections; but he has planed down the whole valley, including Texas, ana united every atom ol the soil and every drop of the waters of the mighty whole. He has linked their rivers with the great Mississippi, and marked and united the whole for the dominion of one government and the residence of one people; and it is impious in man to attempt to dissolve this great and glorious Union. Texas is a part of Kentucky, a partion of the same great valley. It is a part of New York and Pennsylvania, a part of Maryland and Virginia, and Ohio, and ol all the western States, whilst the Tennessee unitec with it the waters of Oeorgia, Alabama, and Carolina. The Alleghany, commencing its course in New York, and with the Youghiogany, from Maryland and Monongahela, from Virginia, merging with the beautiful Ohio at the metropolis of western Pennsylvania, embrace the streams of Texas at the mouths of the Arkansas and Red River, whe nee their waters flow in kindred union to the gulf. And here let me say, that New York ought to reclaim lor the Alleghany its true original name, the Ohio, of which it is a part, and so marked and called by that name in the British maps, prior to 1776, one of which is in the possession ot the distinguished representative from the Pittsburg district ot Pennsylvania. The words " Ohio" and "Alleghany," in two different Indian dialects, mean cltar, as designing truly, in both cases, the character of the water of both streams; and hence it is that New Yoik iB upon the Ohio, and truly stands at the head of the valley of the West. The treaty which struck Texas from the Union, indicted a blow upon this mighty valley. And who will say that the West shall remain dismembered and mutilated, and that the ancient boundaries ot the republic shall never be restored! Who will desire to check the young e,:gle of America, now refixing her gaze upon our former limits, and repluming her pinions for her eternal flight! What American will say that the flag of the Union shall never wave again throughout that mighty territory; and that what Jefferson acquired, and Madison refased to surrender, shall never be restored! Who will oppose the re-establishment of our glorious constitution, over the whole of the mighty valley which once was shielded by its benignant sway! Who will wish again to curtail the limits of this great Republican empire, and again to dismember the glorious valley of the West! Who will refuse to replant the banner of the Republic upon our former boundary, or surrender uir niKninae auu ivcu xvivcr, unu rrir<in?ier ine coast of the gultt Who will refuse to heal the bleeding wounds of the mutilated west, and reunite tite veins and arteries, dissevered by the dismembering cession ofTexaa to Spainl To refuse to accept the annexation is to resurrender the territory of Texas, and redismember the valley of the West. Nay, more, under existing circumstances, it is to lower the flag of the Union before the red cross of St. George, and to surrender the Forida pass, the mouth ofthe Mississippi, the command of the Mexican gulf, and finally lexas itself, into the hands of England. As a question of money, no State is much more deeply interested in the reannexattcn of Texas than your own great Commonwealth of Kentucky. There, if Texas becomes part of the Union, will he a great and growing market for her beef and pork, her lard and butter, her flour and corn; and there, within a very short period, would be found a ready sale for more than a million dollars in value, of her bale rope and hemp and cotton bagging. Nor cannot it be that Kentucky would desire, by the refusal of reannexation. to mutilate and dismember the valley of which she is a part; or that Kentucky wquld curtail the limits of the Republic, or diminish its power and strength and glory. It cannot be that Kentucky will wish to see any flag except our own upon the banks of the Sabine and Arkansas and Red River, and within a day's sail of the mouth of the Mississippi, and the outlet of all her own commerce in the Gulf Many of hsr own people are within the limits of Texas, and its battle-fields are watered with the blood of many of her sons. It was her own intrepid Milam, who headed the brave three hundred, who, armed with rifles only, captured the fortress of the Alamo, defended by heavy artillery, and thirteen hundred of the picked troops of Mexico, undet one of their best commanders. And will Kentucky refuse to re-embrace so many of her own people mr permit them, without leuving Texas, to return to the American Union! And if war should ever again revisit our country, Kentucky knows that the steady aitn of the western riflemen, and the brave hearts and stout hands within the limits of Texas, arc, in the hour of dunger, among the surest defenders of the country, and especially of the valley of the West. The question ol reannexation, and of the restoration of ancient boundaries, is a much stronger case than that of the purchase of new territory. It is a stronger case also than the acquisition of Louisiana or Florida; not only upon the ground that these were both an acquisition of new territory, but they embraced a foreign people, dissimilar to our own in language, laws, and institutions; and transferred without their knowledge or consent, by the act of a European king. More especially, in a case like this, where the people of Texas occupied a region which was once exclusively our own; and this people, in whom we acknowledge to reside the only sovereignty over the whole and every por tion of Texas, desire the reannexation?that we cannot re-establish onr former boundaries, and re store to uathe whole or any |?ortion of the territory was once our own, is a proposition, the bare statement of which is its best refutation. Let us examine, now, some ol the objections U3"d against the reannexation of Texas. And here, it is remarkable that the objections to the purchase ol Louisiana are the same now made in the case of Texas; yet all now acknowledge the wisdom of that great measure; and to have ever opposed it, is now regarded asalike unpatriotic and unwise. And so will it be in the case of Texas. The measure will justify itself by its results; and its opponents will stand in the same position now occupied by those who objected to the purchase of Louisiana. The objections, we have said, were the same, and we will ex imine them separately. 1st, The extension of territory; and 2d, the question of slavery. As to the extension of territory, it applied with much greater force to the purchase of Louisiana. That purchase annexed to the Union a territory double the size ol that already embraced within its limits; whilst the reannexation of Texas, according to the largest estimates, will add but one-aevenih to the extent of our territory. The highest estimate of the area of Texas is but 818,000 square miles, whilst that af the real of the Union is 2.000,000 square miles. Now, the British territory, on our own continent of North America, exclusive of the West Indies, and north of our northern boundary, is 2,800,000 square miles, being 500,000 more than that of our whole Union, with Texas united. Indeed, we may add both the California? to Texas, and unite them all to the Union, and still the area of the whole will be less than that of the British North American possessions. And is it an American doctrine, that monarchies or despotisms are alone fitted for the government of extensive territories, and that a confederacy of States must be compressed within narrower limits? (if all the forms of government, our confederacy is most specially adapted for an extended territory, and might, without the least danger, hut with increased security, and vastly augmented benefits, embrae a continent. Kach State, within its own limits, controls all its local concerns, and the general government chiefly those which appertain to commerce and our foreign relations. Indeed, an you nugment the number of States, the bond of Union is wronger; for the opposition of any one State is much lew dangerous and formidable, in a confederacy ol I thirty Sum, thai of three. On thia subject, expei rieace is the best test of truth Has the Union , been endangered by the advance in the number ot i States from thirteen to twenty-six! Look also at all the new States that have been added to the ! Union since the adoption of the Constitution, and i tell me what one of all them, either in war or peace, has ever failed most faithfully to perform its , duties; aud what one of them has ever proposed or threatened the existence of the government, or the I dissolution ot the Union'! No rebellion or insuri rection has ever raised its banner within their liI mits, nor have traitorous or Union-dissolving con; ventions, in war or in peace, ever been assembled t within the boundary of any of the new States of tha West; but in peace they have nobly and faithfully , performed all their duties to the Union: and in war i the spirit of party has fled belore an ardent patrioti ism, and all have rushed to the standard of their common country. From the shores of the Atlantic t and the lakes of the North; from the banks ot the [ Thames and the St. Lawrence to those of the Alat bania and the Mississippi; from the snows of Cana da to the sunny plains of the South?the soil of r the Union is watered with the blood of the brave i and patriotic citizen soldiers of the West. And is I it England would persuade us our territory and poj pulation will be too great to permit the re-annexr ation of Texas! Let us see how stands the case t with herself and other great powers of the world, i The following facts are presented from the most i recent geographies)? 1 British empire?area, 8,100,000 square miles; po> 1 pulation 200,000,000. i Russian empire?area,7,500,000 square miles; po, pulation 75,000,000. : Chinese empire?area, 5,500,000square miles; po pulation 250,000,000. t Brazil?area, 3,000,000 square miles; population - 6,UU0,UU0. United States (including Texas)?area, 2,318,000 square miles; population 19,000,000 Here is one monarchy (the British empire) near; ly lour times as large as the United States, inclu uing Texas; and one monarchy and three despotr isms combined, largely more than ten times our f area, also including Texas; and to assert, under - these circumstances, that our government la to be r overthrown or endangered by an addition of onei seventh to its area, is to adopt the exploded argument of kings and despots against our system of i confederated States. President Monroe, a citizen of one of the old thirteen States, in his message of 1823, thus speaksof the effects of the purchase of Louisiana:? " This expansion of our population, and accession of new States to our Union, have had the happiest effect on all its highest interests. That it has emii nently augmented our resources, and added to our strength and respectability as a power, is admitted by all. It is manifest, that by enlarging the basis of our system, and increasing tne number of States, i the system itself has been greatly strengthened in both its branches. Consolidation and iisunion have i thereby been rendered equally impracticable. Each government, confiding in its own strength, has less to apprehend from the other; and in consequence, each, enjoying a greater freedom of action, is rendered more efficient for all the purposes for which it was instituted." It is the system of confederate States, united, but not conspndated, and incorporating the great principle which led to the adoption of the constitution?of reciprocal free trade between all the States?that adapt such a government to the extent of a continent. The greater the extent of territory, the more enlarged is the power, and the more augmented the blessings of such a government. In war it will be more certain of success, and therefore wars will be less frequent; and in ' peace, it will be more respected abroad, and enjoy greater advantages at home, and the less unfavorable will be the influence on its prosperity, of the hostile policy of foreign nations. It may then have a home market, which, as the new and exchangeable products of various soils and climates are augmented, will place its industry less within the controlling influence of foreign powers. Especially is this important to the great manufacturing interest, that its home market, which is almost its only market, should be enlarged and extended by the accession of new territory, and an augmentcdpopulation. embraced within the boundaries of the Union, and therefore constituting a part of the domestic market. By the census of 1840, the total product of the mining and the manufactures of the Union, was $282,194,985; and of this vast amount, by the treasury report, but $9,469,962 was exported, and found a market abroad. Almost its only market Was the home market, thus demonstrating the vast importance to that great interest of an accession of territory and population at home. Nor is it only the mining and manufacturing in terestsuiai wouiu leei me muuence 01 such a new and rapidly augmenting home market; but agriculture, commerce, and navigation, the products of the forest and fisheries.the freighting and ship-building interests, would all feel a new impulse; and the great internal communications,by railroads and canals,engaged in transportating our own exchangeable products, would find a great enlargement of their business and profits, and lead onward to the completion of the present and the construction of new improvements?thus identifying more closely all our great interests, bringing nearer and nearer to each other the remotest portions of the mighty whole, multiplying their trade and intercourse, breaking down the barriers of local and sectional prejudice, and scouting the thought of disunion from the American heart,and leaving the very term obsolete. Indeed, if we measure distance by the time in which it is traversed, this Union, with Texas reannexed, is much smaller in territory than the Union was at the adoption of the constitulion. Then, the journey from tne capital to the then remotest corner of the republic couta not be traversed in less than a month; while now, much lets than one-half that time will take us to the mouth of the Del Norte, the extreme southwestern limit of Texas. Such are the conquests which steam has already effected, upon the water and upon the land ; and. when we consider the wonderful advance tf'hicn they are still making, we must begin to calculate a journey upon land, by steam, from the Atlantic to the Del Norte, by hours, and not by weeks or months. And lie, who, under such circumtt inocs, would still say that Texas was too large or distant for reannexation to the Union, must have been sleeping since the application of steam to locomotion. But it Texas is too large for incorporation into the Union, why is not Oregon also, which is nearly double the size of Texas'? and if Texas is too remote, why is not Oregon also, when ten days will take us to the mouth of the Del Norte, whereas three months bv land, and five months by sea, must be requiteo for tne journey to the mouth of the Columbia. Texas, also, is a part ot the valley of the Mississippi, watered by the same etreams, and united with it by nature, as one and indivisible ; whereas Oregon is separated from us by mountain barriers, and pours its waters into another and distant ocean. And if Oregon, although disputed, and occupied by a foreign power, is, as I believe it to be, in truth and justice, all our own, Texas was once, and for many years, within oui limits, and may now again become our own by the free and unanimous consent, already given, of a/1 by whom it is owned and occupiecf. I have not thus contrasted Texas and Oregon with a view to oppose the occupation of Oregon: for I have always been the ardent friend ot that measure. I advocated it in a speech published long before I became a member of the Senate, and now, since the death of the patriotic and lamented Linn, I am the oldest surviving member of the special committee of the Senate which has pressed upon that body, for so many years, the immediate occupation of the whole Territory of Oregon. There, upon the shores of the distant Pacific, if my vote can accomplish it, shall be planted the banner of the Union; and, with my consent, never shall be surrendered a single point of its coast, an atom of its soil, or a J..... ..I ?ll , II.,I r nm tru liut ll,? surrender of any portion of Oregon, I am also against the surrender of the territory of Texas; for, disguise it as we may, it is a case of re-surrender, when it once was all our own, and now again is ours, by the free consent of those to whom it belongs, already given, and waiting only tne ceremony of a formal acceptance. Let not those, then, who advocate the occupation of Oregon, tell us that Texas is too distant, or too inaccessible, or too extensive for American occupancy. Let the friends rf Oregon reflect, also, that Texas, at the head of the Arkansas, is contiguous to Oregon, and within twenty miles of the pass which commands the entrance through all that territory, and the occupation of which puss bv a foreign power, would sepurate the people and Territory of Oregon from the rest of the Union, and leave them an easy prey to the army of an invader. In truth, Texas is nenrly as indispensable for the safe and permanent occupation of Oregon, as it is for the security of New Orleans and the Gulf. The only remaining objection ia the question of slavery. And have we a attention which is to cartail the limits of the republic?to threaten its existence?to aim a deadly blow at all its great and vital interests?to court alliances with foreign and with hostile powers?to recall our commerce and expel our manufactures from bays and nvers that once were all our own?to strike down the flag of the Union, as it advances towards our ancient boundary?to resurrender a mighty territory,-and invite to its occupancy the deadliest (tn truth, the only) foes this government hus ever encountered 1 Is anti-slavery to do all this 1 And is it so to endanger New Orfeans, and the valley and commerce and outlet of the West, that we would hold them, not by our own strength, but by the slender tenure of the will and of the mercy of Great Hritain 1 If anti-slavery can effect all thia, may God, in his infinite mercy, save and perpeturte this Union ; for the efforts of man would be feeble and impotent. The avowed object of thia party ia the immediate i abolition of slavery. For this, they traveriw sea F and land ; for tius, tiiey hold conventions in the j capital of England; and there they bfood over schemes of abolition, in aaaoctation with British societies; there tbev join in denunciations of their countrymen, until their hearts are filled with treason : and they return home, Americans in name, but Englishmen in feelings end principles Lei us all, then, feel and know, whether we live North or South, that this party, if not vanquished, must overthrow the government, and dissolve the Union. This party propose the immediate abolition of slavery throughout the Union, if this weie practicable, let us look at the conseauences. By the returns of the last census, the products of the slaveholding States, in 18-10, amounted in vulue to $-101,429,638. These products, then, of the South, must huve alone enabled it to furnish a home market tor all the surplus manufactures of the North, as also a market for the products of its forests and fisheries; and giving a mighty impulse to all its commercial and navigating interests. Now nearly all these agricultural products of the South which accomplish all these great purposes, is the result of slave labor; and, strike down these products by the immediate abolition of slavery, and the markets of the South, for want of the means to purchase,will he lost to the people of the North ; and North and South will be involved in one common ruin. Yes, in the harbors of the North (at Philadelphia, New York and Boston) the vessels would rot at their wharves for want of exchangeable products to carry; the building of shi|? would cease.and thegruss would grow in many a street now enlivened by an active and progressive industry In the interior, eollworlfl nn/f Aftnnla wtiiilH lanffiiish fnr u/unf of business; and the factories and manufacturing towns and cities, decaying and deserted, would stand as blasted monuments of the folly of man.? One universal bankruptcy would overspread the country, together with all the demoralization and crime which ever accompany such a catastrophe; and the notices at every corner would point only to sales on execution, by the constable, the sheriff, the marshall,and the auctioneer; whilst the beggars would ask us in the streets, not for money, but for bread. Dark as the picture may be, it could not exceed the gloomy reality. Such would be the effects in the North; while in the South, no human heart can conceive, nor pen describe, the dreadful consequences. Let us look at another result to the North. The slaves being emancipated, not by the South, but by the North, would fly there for safety and protection; and three millions of free blacks would be thrown at once, as if by a convulsion of nature, upon the States of the North. They would come there to the friends of the North, who had given them freedom, to give them also habitation, food and clothing; and not having it to give, many of them would perish from want and exposure; whilst the wretched remainder would be b it to live as they could, by theft or charity. They would still be a degraded caste,free only in name, without the reality of freedom. A few might earn a wretched and precarious subsistence, by competing with vhe white laborers of the North, and reducing their wages to the lowest point in the sliding scale of starvation and misery; whilst the poor house and the jail, the asylums of the deaf and dumb, the blind, the idiot and insane, would be filltd to over flowing ; if, indeed, any asylum could be afTorded to the millions of the negro race whom wretchedness and crime would drive to despair and madness. That these are sad realities, is proved by the census of 1840. I annex in an appendix a table, marked No. 1, compiled by me entirely from the official returns of the census of 1840, except as to prisons and paupers which are obtained from city and State returns, and the results are as follows:? 1st. The number of deaf and dumb, blind, idiots, and insane, of the negroes in the non-slaveholding States, is one out of eveiy 98; in the sluveholding States, it is one out of every 672, or seven to one in favor of the slaves in this respect, us compared with the free blacks. 2d. The number of whites, deaf and dumb, blind, idiots, and insane,*in the non-slaveholding States, is one in every. 661, being nearly six to one against the fiee blacks in the same States. 3d. The number of negroes who are deaf and dumb, blind, idiots, and insane paupers, and in prison in the non-slaveholding States, is one out of every 6, and in the slavehoiding Stales, one out of every 154; or twenty-two to one against the free kluol/u oci r?nmnnrmA with thf? fcluVPQ 4th. Taking the two extremes of north and south, in Muine, the number of negroes returned as deaf and dumb, blind, insane, ana idiots, by the census of 1840, is one out of every twelve, and in slaveholding Florida, by the same returns, is one of every eleven hundred and five ; or ninety-two to one, in favor of the slaves of Florida, as compared witn the free blacks of Maine. By the report of the secretary of state of Massachusetts (ot the 1st of November, 1813) to the iegi lature, there were then in the county jails, and housesof correction in that State,4,030 whites, and 364 negroes; and adding the previous returns of the folate prison, 256 whites und 32 Mucks ; making in all 4,275 whites, and 396 free blacks; being one out of every one hundred and seventy ot the white, and one out of every twenty-one ol the free black population: and by the official returns of the census of 1840, ana their own official returns to their own legislature, one out of every thirteen of the free blacks of Massachuseets was either deaf and dumb, blind, idiot, or insane, or in prison? thus proving a degree ot debasement und misery, on the part of the colored race, in that truly great State, which is appalling. In the last official report to the legislature of the warden of the penitentiary of eastern Penribylvania, he says: "The whole numberot prisoners received from the opening of the institution, (October 25, 1820,) to January!, 1813, is 1,622; of these, 1,004 were white males, 533 colored males ; 27 white females, and 58 colored females!" or one out of every 847 of the white, and one out of every sixty-four of the negro population; and of the white female convicts, one out of every 16,288; und of the colored female convicts, one out of every 349 in one prison, showing a degree of guilt and debasement on the part of the colored females, revolting and unparalleled. When such is the debasement of the colored females, far exceeding even that of the white females in the most corrupt cities of Europe, extending, too, throughout one-half the limits of a great $tnte, we may begin to form some idea of the dreadful condition of the free blacks, and how much worse it is thun that of the slaves, whom we are asked to liberate and consign to a similar condition of guilt and misery. Where, too, are these examples'! The first is in the great State of Massachusetts, that, for 61 years, has never had a slave, and whose free black population, being 5,463 in 1790, and but 8,669 at present, is nearly the same free negro population, and their descendants, whom for more than half a century she has strived, but strived in vain, to elevate in rank and comfort and morals. The other example is the eastern half of the great State of Pennsylvania, including Philadelphia, und the Quakers of the State, who, with an industry and humanity that never tired, and a charity that spared not time or money, have everted every effort to improve the morals and better the condition of their free black population. But where are the grea; results 1 Let the census and the teports of the prisons answer. Worse?incomparably worse, than the oondition of the slaves, and demonstrating that the free black, in the midst of his friends in the North, is sinking lower every day in the scale of of want and crime and misery The regular physicians' report and review, published in 1M40, says the " facts, then, show an increasing disproportionate number of colored priaonersin the eastern penitentiary." In contrasting the condition, for the same year, of the penitentiaries of all the non-Blaveholding States, as compared with all the slaveholding States, in which returns are made, 1 find the number of free blacks is filty-four to one, us compared with the slaves, in proportion to |M>pulation, who are incarcerated in these prisons. Ihere are no paupers among the slaves, whilst in the nonsiaveholding States great is the number of colored (supers. Prom the Belgian statistics, compiled by Mr. Quetelet, the distinguished secretary of the Koyai Academy of Brussels, it appears that in Belgium the number of deaf and dumb was one out of every 2,11k) persons ; in Great Britain, one out of every 1,539; in Italy, one out of every 1,539 ; und in Europe, one out of every 1,474 Of the blind, one out of every 1,0U9 in Belgium ; one out of every 800 in Prussia ; one out of every 1,600 in France ; and one out of every 1.666 in Saxony; and no further returns, as to the blind, are given. [Belgian Annaaire, 1836, pages 213 215, 217.] But the table shows an average in Europe of one of everv 1,474 of deaf and dumb, and of about one out of every 1,000 of blind ; whereas our census shows, of the deaf anddumb whitesol the Union, one out of every 2,193; and of the blacks in the non-slaveholdiug States, one out of every 656; also, ol the blind, one out of everv 2,821 of the whites of the Union, and one out of every 516 of the blacks hi (he nonalaveholding States. Thus we have not only shown the condition of the blacks of (he non-slavcholding States to be tar worse than that of the slaves of the South, but also far worse than the condition of the i*eople of Europe, deplorable as that may be. It has been heretofore shown that the free blacks in the non-slaveholding States were becoming, tu an augmented proportion, more debased in morals us they increased in numbers; and the same proposition is true in other iaspects Thus, by the census of 1830, the number of deaf and dumb of the free blacks of the nonslaveholdiag States, was one of every 996; and of blind, one out of every 893; whereas we have seen, hy the census of IfMO, the number sf free blacks, deaf and dumb, in the non-slayeholding States,was one out of every 656; and of blind, one out of every 516. In the last ten years, then, the alarmiug fact is proved, that the pioporlionate number of tree black deal and dumb, and also of blind, haB increased about fifty per cent. No statement as to the in*ane or idiots is given in the census of 1830. Let us now examine the future Increase of tree blacks in the St- .tea adjoining the alaveholding States, if Texas ia not reannexedto the Union By the census of 1790, the number of free blacks in the States (adding New York) adjoining the slaveholding States, was 13,953. In the States (adding New York) adjacent to the alaveholdingStates,the number of tree blacks, by the census of 1840, was 148,107; being an aggregate increase of nearly eleven to one in New York, New Jersey, Pennslyvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois Now, by the cenau9 and table above given, the aggregate num ber of free blacks who were deaf and dumb, blind, idiot or insane, paupers, or in prisons, in the nonslaveholding States, was 26,342, ot one in everysix of the whole number. Now if the (ree black population should increase in the same ratio, ia the aggregate, in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, from 1810 to 1890, as it did from 1790 to 1840, the aggregate free black population in these sii Slates would be, in 1890, 1,600,000; in 1865, 800,000; in 1853, 400,000; and the aggregate number in these six States of tree blacks, according to the present proportion, who would then be deal and dumb, blind, idiot or insane, paupers or in prison, would be, in 1890, 266,616; in 1865, 133,333; and in 1853, 66.666; being, as we have seen, one-sixth of the whole number. Now, if the annual cost of supporting these free blacks in these asylums, and other houses, including the interest on the sums expended in their erection, and for the annual repairs, and the monev disbursed for the arrest, trial, conviction, and tranrpoilation of the criminals, amounted to fifty dollar* each, the annual tax on the people of these six States, oil ucconut of these free blacks, would then be, in 1890, 913,333,200; in 1865, #6,666,600; and in 1853, #3,. 333,30 >. Does, then, humanity require that we should render the blacks more debased and miserable, hy this process of abolition, with greater temptations to crime, with more of real guilt, and lets of actual comfortsl As the free blacks are thrown more and more U|>on the cities of the North, and compi le more there with the white laborer, ihc condition of the blacks becomes worse and more perilous every day, until we have already seen, the inassesofCincinnati and Philadelphia rise to expel the negro race beyond their limits. Immediate abolition, whilst it deprived the South of the means to purchase the products and manufactures of the North and West, would fill those States with an inundation of the free black population, that would be absolutely intolerable. Immediate abolition, then, has but few advocates; but if emancipation were not immediate, but only gradual, whilst slavery existed to any great extent in the Blaveholding Slates bordering upon the States of the North and West, this expulsion; by gradual abolition, of the free blacks into the States immediately north of them, would be very considerable, and rapidly augmenting every year. It this process of gradual abolition only doubled the number of free blacks, to be thrown upon the States of the North and West, then, a reference to the tables Jbefore presented, froves that the number of free blacks in New York, 'ennsylvania, New Jersey,Ohio, Indi ina, and Illinois, would be, in 1890, 3,200,000; in 1865, 1,600,000; and in 1853, 800,000; and that the annual expenses to the people of these six Suit a. on account of the free blacks would be, in 1890, #26,666,400; in 1865, #13,333,200; and in 1853, #6,666,6>,0. It was in view, no doubt, of these facts, that Mr. Davis, of New York, declared, upon the Hoor of Congress, on the 29th of December, 1843,that "the abolition of slavery in the southern States must he followed by a deluge of black population to the North, filling our jails and poor nouses, and bringing destruction upon the laboring portion of our people." Dr. Duncan also, ol Cincinnati, Ohio, in his speech in Congress on the 6:h of January, 1844, declared the result of abolition would be to inundate the North with free blacks, described bv him as "paupers, beggars, thieves, Assassins, and desperadoes; all, or nearly u{i, penniless and destitute, without skill, means, industry, or perseveruRce to obtain a livelihood; each 'possessing and cherishing revenge for supposed or real wrong-*.? No man's fireside, person, family, or property, would be safe by day or night It now requires the whole energies of the law and the whole vig lance of the police of our principal cities to restrain md keep in subordination the few straggling free negroes which now infest them." If such be the case now, what will be the result when, by abolition, gradual or immediate, the number of these tree nerrnes shall he doubled and Quadrupled, and decu pled, in the more northern of the slavehoMing States, before slavery had receded from their limits and nearly the whole of which free black population would be thrown on the adjacent nou-slaveholding States. Much, it not all of thia great evil will be prevented by the reannexation of Texa?? Since the purchase of Louisiana and Florida, and the settlement of Alabama and Mississippi, there hav?* been carried into this region, as the census demonstrates, from the States of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky, half a million of slaves, including their descendant*, that otherwise would now be within the limits ol those four State*. Such has been the result as to liuve diminished, in two of these States neaiestto the North, the number of their slaves far below what they were at the census of 1790, and to have reduced them at the census of 1&I0, in Delaware, to the small number of 2,605. Now, if we double the rate of diminution, as we certainly will by the reannexation of Texas, slavery will disappear from Delaware in ten years, and from Maryland in twenty, and have greatly diminished in Virginia and Kentucky. A.-, then, by reannexation,'slavery advances in Texas, it must recede to the same extent from the no re northern of the slaveholding States; and consequently, the evil to the northern States, from the expulsion into thern of free blacks, by abolition, gradual or immediate, would thereby be greatly mitigated, it not entirely prevented. In the District of Columbia, by the drain to the new States and Territories of the South and Southwest, the sla*es have been reduced from 6,119is ISM, to 4,694 in 1H40; and if, by the rennnexatton, savery receded in a double ratio, then it would disappear altogether from the District in twelve year-; Und that question, which now occupies so much ot the time of Congress, and threatens so seriou-lv the harmony, if not the existence of the union, would be put at rest by the reannexation of Texas. Phis reannexation, then,would only change lh? locajpy of the slaves, and of the slaveholding St ie-, v? i hout augmenting their number. And is Texas to be lost to the Union, not by the question of the existence of slavery, but of its locality only 1 If slavery be considered by the States of the North as an evil, why should they prefer that its location should he continued tn States o? their border, rather than iu the more distant portions of the Ut.ioi'. it i clear that, as slavery advancd in Texas, it would recede from the States bordering on the free Stales, ot the North and West; and thus iliey would be released from actual contact with wh it they con sider an evil, and also from all influx from those States of a large and constantly augmenting frre black population. As reg rrds ih-slaves, the African being from a tropical climate, and from the region of the burning sunds and sun, his comfort and condition would be greatly improved, by a tramfer from northern latitudes to the genial and most salubrious climate of Texas Th?*re he would never suffer from that exposure to cold and frost, which he feels bo much more severely than any other rung* unri tlioro calun frairi fha? Tpuf f?*rtllltv ftf lh#? soil, and exuberance of its product*, liis supply of food would be abundant. If a desire to improve the condition and increase the comforts ot the tslave really animated the anti-slavery party, they would be the warmest advocates of the lennnexation of Texns Nor can it be disguised tlnr, by the reannexation, as the number of free blacks augmented in the slaveholdiug States, they would be diffused gradually through Texas and Mexico, and Central and South America, where nine-tenths of their present population are already of the colored races, and where, from their vast preponderance in number, they are not a degraded caste, but upon a footing, not metely of legal, but what is far more important, of actual equ lity with the rest of the population. Here, then, il Texas isreannexed throughout the vast region and salubrious and delicious climate of Mexico, and of Central and Southern America, a large and rapidly increasing portion ot the African race will disappear from the limits of the Union The process will be gradual and progressive, without a shock, and without a convulsion; whereas, by the loss of Texas,and the imprisonment of the slave population of the Union within its present limits, slavery would increase in nearly all the slaveholding States, and a change in their condition would become impossible; or if it did take place by sudden or gradual abolition, the result wo .Id as certainly fce the sudden or gradual introduction of hundretVyf thous.nds of free blacks into the States ot tiWjforth: and if their condition there is already deplorable, how would it be when their number there should he augmented tenfold, and the burden become intolerable! Then, indeed, by the loss of the markets of Texas?by the taxation imposed by an immense free black population, depressing the value of all property? then, also, from the competition for employment of the free black with ihe white laborer of the North, his wages would be reduced until they would fall to ten or twenty cents a day, and starvation and misery would be introduced among the white laboring population. There is hut one way in which the North can these evils; and that is the reannexation of Texas, which is the only safetyvalve for the whole Union, and the only practicable outlet for the African population, through Texas into Mexico and C. n:ral and Southern America. There is a congenial climate tor the African race. There cold ami want and hunger will not drive the African, as we see it does in the Noith, iuto the pe?>r-honse and the jail, and the asylums ot the idiot and insane There the boundless and a'mosi unpeopled territory of Mexico, and of Central and Southern America, with its delicious climate, and most prolific soil, renders most easy the means ol subsistence; and there they would not bs a drgrv dt d caste, but equals among equals, not only by law, but by feeling and association. The medical writers all say, (and experience confirms the taaertion.) that ill-treutment, over- f] work, neglect in infancy aud sickness, drunk)micro, want, and crime, are the chief causes of idiocy, ' blindneaa. and lunacy; whilst none will deny that want and guilt fill the pool-house and the jail.? Why is it, then,that the free black is (aa (he census proves) mnch tjtore wretched in condition, and debased in morals, than the eluvel These free blacks are among the people of the North, and their condition is most deplorable iu the two great Statea of Maine and Massachusetts, where, since 17H0, slavery never existed. Now, the people of the North are eminently humane, religious, and intelligent. What then, is the cause of the misery and debasement of their free Muck population! It is chiefly in the fact that the free blacks, among their real superiors?our own white population?are,and ever will be, a degraded caste, free only in name, without any of the blessings of freedom, llere they can have no pride, and no aspirations?no spirit of industry or emulation, und. in most cases, to live, to vegetate, is their only desire. Ilenee, the efforts to improve their condition, so long made in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and many other States, have proved utterly un&vailingx0nd ltgrows worse every year, as that population Augments in numbers. In vain do many of the Suites give the negro the rieht nf urwt nil tVil l??ul r>ri?i leg," ot the white*: the color marks the dreadful oifleience which, here, at leurt, ages cannot obliterate. The negroes, however t ;ual in law, are not equal in fact. They are nowhere found in the colleges or universities, upon the bench or at the bar, in the muster, or the jury box,in legislative or exe- , cutive stations; nor does marriage, the great bond of society, unite the white with the negro, except a rare occurrence of such unnatural alliance, to call forth the scorn or disgust of the whole community. Indeed, I could truly say, if passing into the immediate presence of the Most High, that, in morals and comforts, the free black is lar below the slave; and that, while the condition of the slave has been greatly ameliorated, and is Improving every year, that of the free blacks (aa the official tables demonstrate) is sinking in misery and debasement at every census, as, from time to time, by emancipation and other chuscs. they are augmented in number. Can it, tlu-n, be sinful to refuse to change the condition of the slaves to a position of far greater wretchedness and debasement, by reducing them to the level of the free-negro race, to occupy trie asylums of the deaf and dumb, the blind, the idiot and insan<: to wander as mendicants; to live in pestilent alleys and theft or charity; or to prolong a miserable existence in the poor house or the jail! All history proves tha* > no people on earth are more deeply imbued witl?.. , the love of freedom, and of its dillusion everywhere, among all who can appreciate and enjoy its blessings, than the people *f the South; and if the negro slave were <mpreved in morula and comforts, and rendered capable of self-government, by emancipation, it would not be gradual, but immediate, if the profits of slavery were tenfold greater than they are. Is slavery, then, never to disappear from the Union! If confined within its present limits, I do not perceive when or how it is to termi- J nate. It is true, Mr. George Tucker, the distinguished Virginian, and professor in their great university, has demonstrated that, in a period not exceeding eighty years, and prqbably less, from the density of population in all the slaveholding S ates, hired labor would be as abundant and cheap as slave ltbor, and that all pecuniary motive for the continuance of slavery would then have ceased.? Bui would it, therefore, then disappear! No, it certainly would not: for, at the lowest ratio, the slaves would then number at least ten millions. Could such a muss be emancipated! Aad if so, what would be the result! We have seen, by the census and other proof, that one-sixth of the free blacks ?... .....1 ,l.? ... .1.1: _ - ?_J tU?? uiiidt uc dii|'|n;i(cii ni uir ^iuuiji; ^ajtiiocf aim iuat} at the low rate of $60 each, it would corf $90,000,000 per annum to be raised by taxation to support the liee blacks then in the South requiring support, namely: 1,606,666, if manumission were permitted; hut as such a tax could riot be collected, emancipation would be as it now is, prohibited by law, and slavery could not disappear in this manner, even when it became unprofitable. No, ten millions of free blacks, permitted to roam at lurge in the limits of the South, could never be tolerated. Again, then, the question is asked, is slavery never to disappear from the Union"? This is a startling and momentous question, but the answer is easy, and the proofs clear; it will certainly disiiDpeur it Texas is reannexed to the Union; not by abolition, but against and in spite of all its frenzy, slowly, and gradually, by diffusion, as it has already thus nearly receded from several of the more northern of the si .vehotding States, and as it will continue thus more rapidly to recede by the reanncxation of Texas, and finally, iri the distant future, without a shock, without abolition, without a convulsion, disappear into and through Texas, into Mexico and Central and Southern America. Thus, that same overruling #rovidence that watched over the landing of the emigrants and pilgrims at Jamestown and Plymouth; that gave us the victory in our struggle for independence; that guided by His inspiration the framers of our wonderful constitution: that has thus far preserved this great Union Irom dangers so many and imminent, and is now shielding it from abolition, its most dangerous ana internal foe?will open Texas as a safety-salve, into and through which slavety will slowly and gradually recede, and fin dlv disappear into the boundless regions of Mexico, and Central and Southern America. Beyon i the Del Norte, slavery will not pas,;; not only because it is forbidden by law, but because the colored races there preponderate in the ratio of ten to one over the whites; and holding, as they do, the government, and most of the offices in their own possession, they will never permit the enslavement of any portion of the coloied race which makes ana executes the luws of the country. In Bradford's Atlas, the facts are given as follows:? Mexico?ares, 1,690,000 square miles; population 8,000,000?one->ixth white, and all the rest Indians, Africans, mulattoes, zutnhos, and other colored races. Central America?area, 186,000 square miles: population nearly 2,000,000?one-sixth whi'e, and the rest negroes, zambos, and other colored races. South America?urea, 6,500,000 square miles; population 14,000,000?1.000,000 white, 4,000,000 Indians; and the remainder, being 9,000,000, blacks and other colored races. The outlet for our negro race, through this vast region, can never be opened but bv the reannexation of Texas; but in that event, there, in that extensive country, bordering upon our negro population, and four times greater in area than tne whole Union, with a sparse population of but three to the square mile, where nine-tenths of the p<q>uUtion is of the colored races, there, upon that fertile soil, and in that delicious climate, so admirably adapted to the negro race, as all experience has now clearly proved, the tree black would find a home. There, also, as slaves, in the lapse of time, from the density of population and other cause*, are emancipated, they will disappear from time to time west of the Del Norte, and beyond the limita of the , Union, atnong a race of their own color; will be diffused throughout this vast region, where they will not be a degraded caste, and where, as to climate, and social and moral condition, and all the hopes and comforts of life, they can occupy, among equals, a position they can never attain in any part ot this Union. The reannexation of Texas would strengthen and fortify the whole Union, and antedate the period when our own country would be the first and greatest of all the powers of the eatih. To the south and southwest it would sive ueace and secu nty ; to agriculture and manufacture?, to the products of tne mine?, the forest, and fisheries, new and important markets, that otherwise must soon be lost forever. To the commercial a d navigating interests, it would give a ticw impulse ; and not a canal or a railroad throughout toe Union ; that would net derive increased Dirtiness, and augmented profits; whilst the great city of New York, the centre of most of the business of the Union, would take a nughty step in advance towards that destiny which must place her above London in wealth, in business and population. Indeed, when, as Americans, we look at the city of New York, its deep, accessible and capacious harbor, united by canals and the Hudson, with the St. Lawrence and the lakes, the Ohm, ai.d the Miam-wippi. with two-thirds of the im|M>rts, and one-tb.rd of tne ex- , ports of the whole-Union, with all it? trade, internal. coastwise, and foreign, and reflect bow great ana rapidly augmenting an accession to its business would be made by the reannexation of Texan; and know that, by the failure uf this measure, what is lost to ua is gained by England, can .re hesitate, or do we never wish to see the day when New York shall take from London the tru'ent of the ocean, and the command of the commerce of the world 1 Or do we prefer Londor to New York, and England to America! And do the opponent* of reannexation suppose that a British Parliament, and not an American Congress, sits ia the capifol of the Union. Shall, then, Texas be oui own, with all its markets, commerce, and prcdm ts, or shall we drive it into the arms of England, now outstretched to receive it, and striving to direct its destiny 1 If we reluse the reannexation, then, by the lorce of circumstances, soon pasung beyond the control as well of this country as ol Texas, ahe will pass into the hands of England. The refusal of reannexation will, of course, produce no friendly feelinga in Texas towards this country. United with this will be the direct appeal of Kngland to the inieresta of Texas. She will offer 'o Texas a market in England, free of duty, for all her cotton, [ upon the assent of Texas to receive in exchange British manufactures free of duty; and such a treaty would no doubt soon be concluded. Thq

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