Newspaper of The New York Herald, March 7, 1844, Page 5

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated March 7, 1844 Page 5
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0 ships and merchants and capital of England will be transported to the coast of Texaa. Texas has neither ships, nor capital, nor manufactures, but England will gti]>plv all, and receive in return (lie cotton of Texas. Two nations with reciprocal free trade are nearly identical in teeling and interest, except that the larger power will preponderate, and Texas become a commercial dependency of England, and isolated from us in feelings, in interest, in trade, and intercourse. Texas would then be our great rival in the cotton markets of the world, and she would have two vast advantages over the cotton-growing interests of the Union: 1st, in sending to England her cotton, tree of duty, which is an advantage of 7? ja-r cent , augmented five per cent, thereon by the act of 15th May, 1840, 3 Victoria, chap. 17, which made the duties paid in England on our cotton crop of 1840, ?3,247.800, and all which, to the extent of their crop, would be saved to the planters of Texas, giving them this great advantage over our planters, carried out iuto hII the goods manufactured in England out ot the free cotton of Texas, and also depriving our cotton manufacturers of the advantage they now enjoy from this duty, over the cotton manufacturers of England. 2d. In enabling the planters of Texas to receive, in exchange for their cotton, the cheap manufactures of England free ot duty. These two causes combined, w<?^d give the Texas cotton planters an advantage cf at least 20 per cent, over the cotton planters of the Union. Such a rivalry we could not long maintain ; and co ton planting would gradually decline in the Union, and with that decline, would be lost the markets of the south for the hemp, and beef, and pork, and Hour of the west, and the manufactures of the north. Now, is it just, is it safe or expedient, to place the south and the southwest in a position in which they will constantly behold an adjucent cotton-growing country supplanting tlietn in the culture and sale of their great staple, for the. reason that the one is, and the other is not, a part of the Union 1 Must we behold Texas every day selling her cotton to U.niHarisi fivn of all iluiv. whilst our cotton is sub jected to a heavy impost 1 and must we also perceive Texas receiving in exchange the manufucturea of England free of duty, whilst here they are exclnded by a prohibitory tariff! Can the turiff itself stand such an issue; or, if it does, can the ' Union sustain the mighty shock ! Daily and hourly, to the south and southwest, would ue presented the strong inducement to unite with Texas, and secure the same markets free of duty for their cotton, ami receive the same cheap manufactures, tree of duty, in exchange. Nor would these be the only dangers incurred, and temptations presented, by this fearful experiment. We would see the exports of Texas carried directly abroad from their own ports, and the imports brought into their own ports directly in exchange; thus building up their own cities, and their own commerce, whilst here, they would sec that same business transacted for them, chiefly in New York, lloston and Philadelphia. They would see New York, re eiving annually one hundred millions of imports, nearly fifty millions of which was for resale to them, and all which they would receive directly in their own ports if united with Tex> as, thus striking dowa nearly one half the commerce of the great city of New York, and transferring it to the south and southwest.? The .Southand Southwest, whilst they would nerceive the advancing prosperity of Texas, and their own decline, would also feel, that the region with which they were united had placed them in this position, and subjected them to these disasters bv the refusal of reanncx ition. Whatever the result may bet no true friend of the Union can desire to subject it to such hazards; and this alone ought to be a conclusive argument in favor of the reanncxation of Texas. One of three results is certain to follow from the refusal of reanncxation: 1st. The separation of the South and Southwest from the North, and their reunion with Texas. Or, 2d. The total overthrow of the tariff. Or, 3d. A system of unbounded smugglir?g through Texas into the West and Southwest. Accompanying the last result, would be a disregard of the laws, and an utter demoralization of the whole country, a practical repeal of the tariff, and loss of the revenues which it supplies, and a necessary resort to direct taxation to support the government. As a commercial dependency, Texas would be almost as much under the control of England, as if she were a colony of England: and in ine event of war between that nation and this, the interests of Texas would all be on the aide of England. It would be the interest of Texas, in the event of such a war, to aid England to seize New Orleans, or at least in blockading the mouth of the Mississippi, so as to exclude the cotton of the West from a foreign marke.t, and leave to Texas almost the entire monopoly. Even if Texas were neutral, certainly our power would not be as strong in the gulf for the defence ofNew Orleans, and the mouth of the Mississippi, as if we owned and commanded all the streams which emptied into it?as if their people were our oountrymen, and all the rivers and harbors and roast of Texas were our own. We should be weaker, then, without Texas, even if she remained ? neutral; hat I have shown it would be her interest to exclude our cotton front foreign markets, and to co-operate with England for that pur|>ose. Hut if she did remain neutral, could she preserve,or would England respect, hernculrality? without an arnty, ships, or forts, no one will pretend that her neutral (Ktsition could be maintained; and England could enter any of her streams or harbors, and take possession of any of Iter soil at pleasure. Would she do so in the event of a war with America"! Let the events of the last war answer the question.? Then, within sight of Valparaiso, within the waters of neutral Spain, she captured the Essex, after a sanguinary and g'orious defence. This was as complete a violation of the neutral rights of .Spain, under the law of nations, as if she had entered upon her soil to molest us. At Fuyal, Port Pmya, and Tunis, sue captured other American vessels, within the harbors and under the guns of the forts of neutral powers; and, indeed, as to neutral ships and goods, and all the maritime rights of neutral nations, she acted the part of the outlaw and buccaneer, rather than that of a civilized kingdom; and violated the neutral rights of all the world. Nor were her lawlo^e acts confined to the coasts and harbors of neutral powers, but extended nlso to an actual use and occupation of their soil. During the last war, Spain was at peace with England and America; but England, in open violntion of the neutral rights of Spain, seized upon a portion of Florida, (then a Spanish territory,) whence she fulminated her incendiarv appa lls to the slaves for a servile insurrection and massacre; and commenced,at Pensaeola, her first preparations for the attack of New Orleans. And such, precisely, would be the conduct of < ireat Britain, in the event of another war with America. She would land suddenly at any point ot the coast of Texas, and move along the Sabine, in the Territory of Texas, to the great bend, where it approaches with n about one hundred miles of the Mississippi; and the intermediate territoiy being but thinly settled, she could advance rapidly aero-.-, seize the passage of the Mississippi, and cut otl i'l communication from above, and descend upon Ne?v Orleans. Or she might proceed a little further, through the territory of lex as to Red river, the southern hank of which is within the limits of Texas, and equip her expedition; then by water descend the Red river, exciting a servile insurrection, and seize the Mississippi at the mouth of Red river. All these movementss'io might .indwonld make through i In It,;.. .1... .......1.1 I " v ? '?!'? " i?< I.. , position 011 the Mississippi, and New Orleans must j fall, if cot off from nil communication from above. i But, even if she only retained the simple point on the Mis-visrfipps, it would as effectually command its outlet, and arrest its commerce ascending or descending, as if possessed ol N'ew Orleans. Whatever point she wised on the Mississippi.!here she would entrench and fortifv.und tens of tnonmndsof lives, and hundreds of millions ol dollars, would he required in driving her from this position. .Ml this would he prevented by the re annexation of Texns. The Saionc and Itrd river would then be nil our own, and no such movement could he made for the seixurc of the Missi-wiiqu. Nor should it lie forgotten, that, when she reached the Red river, end at n navigable point npon its southern hank in, there she would meet sixty thousand Indian war* riors of our own, and half rs many of Texas, whom her gold, and her intrigue* and promises would, asfhey always have dune, incite to the work of death and d?s- latino If we desire to know what she would do under tach circmn-lances, let us look ha< k to litm|t<nn and the Ran in, and they will snswr the question. If for no otic r reason, the fact that for many hundred miles you have placed these Indians on the borders of Texas, separated only by the Bed river, and on the frontiers of Louisiana ami Arkansas, demands that, ns an at tut justice to these flales, and as essentia! f<?r their * curity and that of the Mississippi, you should h iv-poas'Msion of Tex is. Oar boundary and limit* w ill always l?? incomplete, without the possession ot Texas; and without it the areMt v alley and it* mightiest streams will remain forever dismembered and mutilated. Now, if we can acquire it, we shoald accomplish the object; for, in all probability, the opportunity, now neglected, will be lost forever. There may have been good reasons, a lew we? ks or months succeeding the recognition of the independence of Texa", and before it was rrcogniird by any other power, why it might then have been premature to nave re-anaexed the territory : but now, when en-lit years have elap*ed since the declaration and establishment of the independence of Texas, and seven years since it was recognised by us, sad several years since the recognition by France, Holland, nnd Lhigland, there can be no possible objection to the measure. 1 have shown that, in the event of a war with Kmrland, Texan, if we repelled her from our embrace, would become a complete dependency <>t Kuglaiid, alienated from us in feeling, ja trade and intercourse, and identified inallwith I'nglumi. hot w ould it reel here I No. Tcxu> would first bcrmne I a dependency, and then, in fact, a colony of bogland ; and her arm*, and ship*, and power, would be thus transported to the mouth of the Mississippi. The origin of (he immense empire of flnglund in India, waa in two small trading establishments. Then followed a permanent occupancy of part of the coast; and India in time became a British colony. And so will it be with Texas, which can furnish Lnglund? what it is now ascertained India never can?a supply of cotton. The largest vote ever given in Texas was about 12,000. Of this the British emigrants und British party now number about 1,000; which, by the unfrieodly feelings created by a final refusal of re-annexation, and the necessity of seeking another alliance, would be immediately increased to 4,000. leaving a maioritv of 4.000 onlv auninst a union vith Kngland. Immediately u rapid emigration from Kr.gland to Texas would be commenced under their colonization laws, which give ihe emigrant a home, and make hitn a voter in si* months, and five thousand Lnglish emigrants would overcome tlie majority of 4,001), und give Ungland, jnrocfh the ballot-box, the command of Texas.? The preparation for this colonization of Texas from KnglanJ has already been made. One Knglish contract has already been signed with the government of Texas, for the emigration there of one thousand families; and three thousand one hundred inure would give ihe majority to Mngland. It may be, to avoid the difficulty us to slavery at home, the nominal government I'm local purposes would be left with Texas, or rather with Knglish voters and merchants in Texas; but in all that concerns the commerce and foreign relatione of Texas, in all that concerns the occupancy and use of Texas in the event of war, the supremacy and authority of the British Parliament would be acknowledged. Much is concealed as regards tin ultimate designs of Kngland in regard to Texas ; for to acknowledge them now would he to defeat tliein, by insuring re-.muexation to the Union ; but enough has transpired to prove her ob|ect. Let in rUflUM the facta,? Three treaties were made between Great Britain and Texas, viz: on the 13th, llth and Itiih November, 1840. The preamble of one of these is as follows: " Her Majesty, the Queen of the United Kingdom ef Ore if T\ and Behind, being desirous of putting an end to the hostilities which still continue to he carried on between Mexico and Texas, baa offered her mediation to the contending parties, to bring about a pacification between them." Article 1. " The republic of Texas agrees that if, by means of the mediation of her Britannic Majesty, an unlimited truce shall lie established between Mexico and Texas, within 80 days after this present convention shall have been communicated to the Mexican government by her Britannic Majesty's mission at Mexico; Hnd if, within six months from the day that that communication shall have been so made, Mexico shall have concluded a treaty of peace with Texas, then, and in such rase, the republic of Texas will take upon itself a portion amounting to ?1,000,QUO sterling of the capital of the foreign debt contracted by the republic of Mexico, before the 1st of Januaty, 1*35 " "The first article of the next treaty declares i " There shall he reciprocal liberty of" commerce and navigation between and amongst ihe citizens of the republic of Texas ami the subjects of her Britannic Majesty." The third article atdwniM British merchants to carry on their business in Texas, and British vessels of war to enter freely all her ports Next comes a treaty between Great llrilsin and Texas, which grants to England the right of search as fully and effectually, ami in terms more obnox| ions, than the celebrated quintuple treaty to which j it refers, und adopts. It grants to the vessels of > war of both parties, the right of searching mer| chant vessels by either party, and expressly provides for the exercise of this right, "in the Gulf of Mexico." It provides also for the exercise of this right, whenever eith*r of the parties shall have reason to suspect that the vessel is or lias lieen engaged in the sluvi-trade, or lias been fitted out for the 8:ii(l trade; and all tins 18 to be done, whether the vessel carries the Hug ol Texas or not. For saving us from the consequence of the quintuple treaty, and the right of search which it granted, by inducing France to refuse to ratify that treaty. General Case, our minister there, has received and deserved the thanks of the whole American people. He demonstrated that such a right of search would be fatal to the free navigation of the ocean, and subject the commerce of the world to the supervision of British cruisers. Hut here is a treaty, containing nil the obnoxious provisions of the quintuple treaty, in regard to the right of search, and others that are still more dangerous. That treaty was made, too, with nations differing in language, and in many other respects, from our own; und therefore more easily distinguishable than the people and vessels oi Texas. As the flag is not to designate the national character of the vessel, how can these vessels of Texas, that are thus to be searched on sulpicion, be distinguishable; and what is to prevent American vessels and American crews from being carried for condemnation within the ports of England? Hecollect, also, that under thin treaty, the cruisers of England, and, indeed, the whole British navy, or any part of it, may be brought into the Gulf of Mexico, and stationed in the narrow pass, commanding the whole outlet of the Gulf, and all the commerce to uud from the Mississippi. To the right of search, under whatever name or form, especially tviihin our own seas, and upon our own coasts, we never have assented, and never can assent; but here, und.-r pretext of searc hing the . vessels of Texas, the navy of England, or any part of it, may occupy the only outlet of the gulf of Mexico, and all our vessels entering the gulf, or rei turning from the mouth of the Mississippi, must | pass by, nud under the supervision of British | cruisers, subject to seizure and detention, on suspicion of being Texas vessels, concerned in the slave trade. The British navy may thus also he quartered on the southern coasts of Florida and along the coast of Cuba and Mexico, to seize upon Cuba whenever an opportunity ((resents. Such is the influence which it is thus proved, by official documents, Great Britain has already obtained in Texas. It is here proved that < I rent Britain "offered her mediation" to Texas to obtain peace with Mexico, and that she has already induced Texu9 to assume, conditionally, one million pounds sterling of the debt which Mexico owes in England, with all the accumulating interest from the first of January, 1H35. A nation so feeble as Texas, which should owe so heavy a debt in England, with the payments secured hv treaty, would be as completely within British influence us though already a British colony, espeei=fl!y when we con.-ider the other most extraordinary privileges which she has already granted to England, including the right of search ? In 'In- ortle i.l proclamation of June B5,1H|U, President lint!'ton siys: "An official communication ha be i received at the Department of from her Britannic Majesty's Charge de V' = m ; r tlr -government, founded upon a desI : !. h* bad ici iv '-l from _ her Majesty's charge i." in Mi x t o, t irouaeingto this government t!? ft't that lie I'i eident of Mexico would forthvs. rder a t i'ss.itioi id lii'StiliticH on his part ; ther t' -e, 1, -Mm IIm-etoii. Pre. a dent of the Republic T. x, ? i' h'reb dec! 're and proclaim that a.i ii.ii .ic i i m'tPied, to continue during the P 'in '"/ of -se'otidtiops between the two countries ml u 11i! ,1c ? noiice of an intention to ro-i'ime ic-ii'.t t (should such un intention hereafter !e; em n linen i=y either party) f-ha'l liave been forma''* naoniiccd through her Britannic Majesty's ( f, d (iri'.rts -at the respective governitu i !h I n =1 Texas already dependant upon Engl=iml whe England obtains lor her an armistice, :n . ih>' l*i I'lei tof Texas announces that ibis will continue in.til its termination he announced by v....I ...I 1 In l!ie message of the President ofTexas of the 12th of December, 1H-13, he speaks of the "generous and friendly disposition, and active and friendly offices of England." lie apeak*, also, of injuries and indignities inflicted" by this Government upon Texas, and declares "that reparation has been demanded " fbich i* the wonderful advance in Texes of the influence of England, that she has succeeded in having it announced in an executive message to the |ieople of Texts that England is their friend, and we are their enemies. If all this had been predicted three years since, it would have been deemed incredible ; and if Texas is not reannexed, she is c< rt.iin, within a few years more, to become first a commercial dependency, and then a colony, in fuet, if not in name, of England. When we regard the consequences which have already followed the mere .mpr hep-ion of the refusal of rcannexation, wlmt will be the result in Texas when re.innexation U positively and forever rejected 1 When this is done, and Texas is repulsed with contempt or indtfl ienci*. whi n her people are told, the flag of the Union shall never wave over you, go'?go where you inav, to England, if you please,?who can doubt lite result I To doubt is wilful blindness, and whilst we will have lost a most important territory, and an 1 hie portion "f the valley of the West, England will have gained a dependency first, nnd then a colony j and we shall awake from our slumbers when, amid rejoicings and the sound of Hritish cannon, the the of England shall wave ajsin the coast and throughout the limits of Texas: ami a monarchy rises upon our own continent and on our own borders, upon the grave of a republic. Yea, this is not a question merely between its and Texas, but a qui sto.n between the advance of British or American power: nnd tM?t, too, within the very heart of the valley of the West. It is a question also between the advance of monarchy and republicanism throughout the fairest and most fertile portion of tin' American continent, and is one of the mighty movement- in deciding the great nuestion between monarchy and republicanism,which of the t?vo forinsofgoverinnent sliallprenonderate throughout the world. In theNortn, tnefligof England waves from the Atlantic to the Pacific over a region much more extensive than our own ; and if it must float also for several thousand miles upon the banks of the tributaries of the great Mississippi, and along the gulf, from the Sabine to the Uel Norte, we wijl be surrounded on all sides by England in America. In the gujf, her supremacy would be clear and alxmlute ; and in the great interior, she would hang on the rear of Louisiana and Arkansas, and within two day*' march ot the Mississippi, while her tarts would uaud, and her flag would wave, lor more than a thousand m.l-s, on the banks ol the Arkansas, the tfabine and Red river, and in immediate eoutact witb sixty thousand Indian warrrors ot our own, and ball as many more of what would then be British Indians, within the present limits ot Texas. II any doubt htr course as to the Indiaus, let them refer to her policy in this respect during the revolution and the last war, and they will hud that ihe savage has always been her favorite ally, and that she bss shed more American blood by the nid of the tomahawk and scalping-knife, than she ever did in the Held of fair and open couflict. And has she become more friendly to the American people 1 Look at her forts and her traders, occupying our own undoubted territory of Oregon; look at her press in England and Canada, teeming with abuse of .HIP lu>i\ nlaa .,~A VI UMI j^vpic, JWfCIUUICUl ?UU IUUIV Ol MCI authors and tourists, trom the more powerful and insidious assaults oi Alison, descending in the scale to the false hoodaand arrogance of Hall and Hamilton, and down ?V lower to the kannel jesta nnd vulgar abuse of Marry ait end Dickens, industriously circulated throughout all Europe; and kever wua her hostility so deep and better, and never have her efforts been so great to render us odious to all the woild. The government of England is controlled by her aristocracy, the avowed enemies of republican government, wherever it may exist. And never wa? England endeavoring to advance more rapidly to almost universal empire, on the ocean and the laud. Her steamers, commanded by naval <> Ulcere, traverse nearly every coast and sea, whilst her empire extends upon the land, la the Eas'. the great and populous empires of Scinde and Afghanistan have been virtually subjected to her sway, whilst yet auotherptovioce now bleeds in the claws of the Brtiieh liou. Though saturated with blood, and gorged with power, she yet marches on her course to universal dominion; and here, upon our own borders, Texas is next to be her prey. By opium aud powder, she has subdued China, and seized many important positions on her coast. In Africa, Australasia, and the Isles of the Pacific, she has wondeifuliy increased her power; and in Europe, she still holds the key of the Mediterranean. In the Out it Mexico, she has already s.ized, in Honduras, large and exteasiye possessions, aud most commanding positions, overlooking trom the iutrrior the outlet of the gulf; while British Ouiana, in Souih America, stretching between the great Orouoco aud the mighty Amazon, places her in a |K>.Mlion (aided by her Island of Trinidad, at the mouth of the Oronoco) to seize upon the outlet of those gigantic rivers. With her West India Islands from, south ol Cuba, in a continuous chain to the moat northern ol the Bahamas, she is pre pared to seize the Florida pass and the mouth of the Mississippi; and let her add Texas, and the coual of Texas, and her command of the gull will b as etii-ctual as of the British channel. It would be a Bri'ish s a; and soon, upon the shores of the guli, her capital would open the great canal which must uniiefat ihetisthma*) the Atlantic and Pacific, aud give to her the key of both the coas's of Ameirii a. IN-r possessions in the world are now nearly quadruple the extent of our own, with more than ten-fold the population, and more than our area on our own continent, and, while ahe aims openly at the p< sacs-ion of Oregon on (he North. TexaB on ilie weal is to become here by a policy less daring, but tnore certain in its results. We can yet rescue Texas Irom her grasp, and, by reannexation, insure at least ihe command of our own great sea, and the outlet of our owu great river. And shall we neglect the reacquisition, and throw Texas and the command oi (be gulf into the arms of England! Whoever would do so is a monarchist, and prefers the advance of monarchical institutions over our own great vullei: he is also an Englishman in feelings und principle, and would recolonize the American States. And when Texas, by the refusal of reannexation, shall have fallen tototbe arms of England, and the American people shall behold the result, let all who shall have sided in producing the dread catastrophe fi e from the wrath of an indignant nation, which will buret forth like lava, and roll in fiery torrents over the political graves of all who shall thus have contributed to the ruin of their country. And who would place England at New Orleans or the mouth hi mr iimib9!ii|>i v* no wouia place bnitiann oil the bank* of the Sabine, the Arkansas, and Red rivet! Who would place England along the coasts, end Ways, nod harbors, and in the great interior of Texas, and see her beaotne a British colony, or? wliti is the same to us -a British commercial dependency? Could Texas be a power friendly to us, even if not a British colony? Would our refusal of reaunexaiton secure her friendship? Would her rivalry ia our great staple insure her Rood will? Would ilte monopoly of her trade by England mctease hci attachment to ourselves? No I-etreanoexation be now finally re I used, and she becomes a foreign and a hostile power, with all her interest aotaaonistical to our own. Indeed, all history tells us that here is no friendship between foreign and contiguous nations, presenting so many points of collision, so many jarring interests, and such a rivalry ia ihe sale and production of the same great s aple. Much is now urged in many of the Stales in favor of securing a home market for our manufactures Now here in Texas is a home markci, that may be secured forever, of incalculable and rapidly increasing va'ue?a market that is already lost to us for the present, as the tible of export drm mstrates, aud, all must admit, will be thrown, by the rejection <>l rrannexation, into tlm possession of England; fur, wheih-r Texas does or does not become a British colony, it ia certain that a treaty of reci|?rocal free trade would secure to England the monopo!y of her markets and commerce. The cotton of Trxas wou'd Had a marktt free of duty in England, and hrr manufactures a market free of duty in TtUk whilst discriminating imposts on our vest-els and cargoes would effectually exclude them troin her ports. Although England mignt not, so long hB her treaty with us remained uncancelled, receive gtatuitously the cotton of Texas free of du'y, yet we concede the principle, and act upon it, that she may do it, not gratuitously^ but for a consideration, v.z: that Texas receives in return British manufactures free d duty?and such we know i3 to be the first result of the final rrj-ction of reanne.vuiion. Thus England would eflectually mnnopoliz ' ill" commerce ?nd business of Tex ts, and in her harbors would float the flig of the English mercantile marine, soon to be the precursor of the next step in the drama of our dp^grace and ruin; when the fl ig of England would fl >at over a British province, cuivrd out of the dismembered valley of the West. But if this last result were Mr certain; if it were only probable and contingent, is it not wif e and patriotic to arrest th? dinger, and remove all doubt by the sure preventive remedy of reaanexation? But it Texas should only brcom* a British commercial dependency, and not a colony, th#? fl.tnfffr tn im wr KhVp o#pn uiniiU Kp nrarlu i? great in the event ol war, in the one case, an in the other. But even it not a dependency, we have seen ehe would he too feeble to guard her right* as a neutral power; and that Kogland, aa ahe always heretofore has done in the caae of neutral*, would wig* upon her soil, her coast, her harbors, her, a .d our and her Indiana, in her invasion of the valley wl the West; and the ouly certain measure of and protection ia the reannexution ot Texas. Th< defence of the country and of all ita parts against the probable occurrence of war, ia oue ot the fust and highest duties of this govt nut For this we build torta and arsenals, dry docks and navy-yards, supply arms and ordnance, and maintain armies and navies at an annual expense of many millions of dollars; and for this we guard greet cities and important bays and harbors. From the organization ol the government under the constitution, up to the latest period in ISM, for which detailed statements are given, we have expended for the War Department, $374 888 899, and for the Naval Derartmcnt, $173 236 569, bein?? lor both $546.125 468; for the civil list, $61,785 373; lor foreign intercourse, $35,051,772; miscellaneous, $61,578 168?making lor these three last items. $157,915,310, and lor the public debt, $151 719 OCH ?making the total rxpenditurea $1,157,789,781 ? Now if to the expenditures for the nelence ot the country, as above given?$548,125,468?we add that portion of the public debt which may be fairly es timated as having been incurred for the defence of the country, it would make $948,125 168 expended lor the defence of the country; and leare $2tfJ,664 313 expended for all other purposes. The defence of the country was the great object for which the government was founded, and lor this purpose nearly all the moneys collected from the people have been expended; and yet, of this vast nmonnt, but $2,263,000 have been exp-nded for fortifications in Louisiana, and New Orleans and the mouth of the Mi'eissippi arc still to a great extent undefended. When we consider that nearly the whole commerce of the West flmts through this outlet,amonnting now to $220,000,000 per annum, ana rapidly augmenting every year, haa not the West a right to demand a defence, complete and effectual, of this great river! Now, Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, ia 1825 and 1827, in attempting to secure the reunnexationrf Texas, say: "the Tine of the Sabine approaches our great Western mart nearer than could se wished;" and in 1829 General Jackson and MrVan Buren announce "the real necessity ol the proposed acquisition," "aa a guard tor the western frontier, and the protection of New Orleans." If. then, the defence of the country be one of the main objects and highest duties of this government, and to accomplish which it baa expended neatly all tbe moneys collected from the people, can it be unconstitutional or improper to acquire Texas, as a mere question ?t delence and protection, when we are assured that the acquisition is a matter of "real necessity," "as a guard for the frontier and the protection of New Ofleansf" And surely this protection is as necessary now as it was in 1825, 1H27, 1829, 1838, and 1816; and New Orleans and Texas, and the frontier and the Sabine, stand precisely where they did at those periods. Indeed, 1 have now before me a letter of General Jackson, almost treeh from bis peu, in which he announces his opinion that the reannexation of Texas "iaesaential to the United States." Although aotne of my countrymen may differ from me as to the exalted opinion which 1 entertain of the high civil qualifications of General Jackson, none will dispute his extraordinary military talents, and that no man living can kuow so well what is necessary to the protection of New Orleans, as its great and successful defender If, then, the reannexation of Texas be more essentia! to the satety and defence of New Orleans and the mruth of the Mississippi, than all the forutications which could be, but have not been, and will not be, erected in that quarter, has not ill- West a right to demand, on this ground alone, the reatquisition of Texasl The money of the West, as the treasury reports above quoted demonstrate, is now freely disbursed, and has been expended by hundreds of millions, for tbe defence of the Atlantic a ates; and will not those States feel it a duty and a pleasure to defend the West,and their own products, which tliat upon its mighty riven, by the repression of a territory which is etseniud for our security and welfare? To refuse the reannexation is to refuse the defence of the West in the only way in which that defence will be complete and effectual, for yon may extend your fortifications along the whole coast of the gulf, and New Orleans and the mouth of the Mississippi, and the Florida pass will remain undefended so long as Texas is in the possession ot a foreign power, and we are open to attacks from the rear through that region Fortifications, also, may sometimes be captured by a great superiority of guns and force, by squadrons upon the sea, and with a sufficient time and adequate force, if not by storm, by mine and siege, they may be always taken by assaults upon the laud ? even Gibraltar and the Moro castle not having always proved impregnable. But Texas, our own, and in the possession of tho brave and practised marksmen of the West, would be a position where, against all attacks from the rear, every inch of ground would be fiercely contested, and every advance would be marked by the'.bloud of the inv. d^r; and il New OrlcanB6hculd be invad> d in other dtrec ions, our countrymen in Texts, over whom would then float the flag of the Union, would rush to the rescue of their own great city, and, uniting with their brethren iu arms Irotn other States of the same great Uuton, wou'd re enact, upon the banks of the Mississippi, the victories of San Jacinto and New Orleans. If, then, we are true to the West and Southwest, we will, if there were no other reason?, us a question of defence, reacquire the possession of Trxas: or do patriotism, and love of the whole country, and of all its parts?xist only in name I Does the American heart yet beat with all their glorious impulses ? or are they mere idle words, fitted only to round oil a period, or to fi.l up an address ? And have we reached that point in the scale of descending d -generacy, when the inquiry is, not what will best strengthen and defend the whole, but what will most > fT-ctually impair the strength, retard the growth, and weaken the Btcurily ot the valley of the West ? L't us now examine the effect of the reannexation of Trxisouthe whole country. The great interests ot the Union, us exhibited in the census of 18U), are shown in the products of agncul'ure.of the mines and manufactures, of the f orests and fisheries, of commerce and navigation 1 hereto append tables marked Nos 2*nd 3, compiled Irotn the census ol 1810, the first exhibiting the products that year of agriculture, manufactures,commerce, mining, theforest and fisheries; and the second showing the number of persons then employed in ogriculture, manufacturer commerce, mining, navigating the ocean, ana tlternal navigation. I have also compiled from the oflkcial report ol the Secretary of lite Treasury in 1840, a table marked No 4, representing for the year preceding, for each State; the imports and exports of each, distinguishing the domestic from the loreign exports; also the number of American vessels which entered or cleared Irom each State; the American crews employed; the foreign vessels which entered aud cleared from each State; the vessels built iu each State, and tonnage owned by each. Table N 5, compiled from the same report, exhibits, forthe same year, our exports to each of the countries of the world, distinguishing the foreign and domestic exports, with the number ol Ameri. t 'l II VOOOolfl nn/l foauian iraajnla AmnlAftAil in nllP trade with each country, together with the importa Ironi each, and the excess in our trade with any of them, ot e xports to over imports from them. Table No. b, compiled from the same report, presents all the exports of our own products that year to Texas, ranged under the heads of the products of pgriculture, manufactures, toreUand fisheries, distinguishing the articles thus exported, and their value. With these facts before us, which are all official, let us proceed to the examination of this great question Our chief agricultural exports to Texas, as the table shows, weropork, ham, bacon, lard, beel, butter, cheese,flour, bread, and bread stuff*, amounting to $163,611. In looking at the census of 1840, the population ol each State and section, and the amount of these products in eaeh State, we will find that the chief surplus of these products raised for sale beyond their limits, were in the middle States, composed of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, including the District of Columbia; and in the northwestern States, composed of Missouri, Kentucky, Ohio. Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan, including also Wisconsin and Iowa. The middle and northwestern States derived, then, the principal profit in the sale of agricultural products to Texas. In the sale of domestic manufactures to Texas, the New England States caine first; and next in their order, tne middle, and the northwes'ern States; and in looking at the principal items of which these exported manufactures to Texas were composed, I find that of the surplus produced and sold to Texas, Massachusetts stood first, and Pennsylvania second. Next as to commerce, as connected with Texas, the middle Stales stood fir-t, and then the New England and northwestern Slates; and here New York stood first, Massachuset'ssecond, and next Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Ohio. Hut here we must rernatk the spectaj interest vhiclt Louisiana, through her great port of New Orleans, has in commerce as connected with Texas. The total products from commerce in Louisiana in 1810 were 7,868.H9S. being one-tenth of that of the whole Union, and consequently the interest of New Orleans, as connected with the reannexation of Texas, muBt roon be measur- d by millions every year. The great city of New York, into which was received, in round numbers, one hundred millions oftiie one hundred and forty three millions of all our imports in the year referred to, and one-third of the exports, has a vast and trantcendent interest in this question; lor it is, in truth, a question to be settled in our favor by the reanuexation of Texas, whether New York or Liverpool shall command her commerce Next as to the products of mining, the middle States stand first; and next the Northwestern and New England States. And here Pennsylvania stands at the head of the list, having $ 17,666,l it), or nearly one-half of the whole mining interest ol the Union. Texas, having no mines of cos! or iron, must become a vast consumer of the products of the mines of Pennsylvania. In cables, bar-iron, and nails, and other manufactures of our iron, Texaa imported from us, in the year referred to, the value of $ 120,181 Now, of cast-iron, Pennanlwani,. A . IUIA I1U ?<?' ? .... k...? L.i... Ryivauin I', 111 IO-III, vo ?N7U IUUB, ucin^ lai^cIv more tlun one-third of the amount produced in the whole Union; and next came Ohio, Kentucky, New York, Virginia, Tennessee, New Jersey, Mne*achusetts, and Maryland. Ol bar iron, the amount produced in Pennsylvania was 87,244 tone, being v?-ry nearly one nail' ol the whole produced in the I'oion; and next came New York, with 53,692ions, or more than one-fourth ol the whole; and then Tennessee, Maryland, Ohio, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Virginia, Kentucky, and Connecticut. Ah connected with her vast interest* in iron, tnuat be considered aUo the coal in Pennsylvania, not only as an article ol mile abroad, but aaconiumed at home, in producing her iron; the number of tons thus consumed in 1*40, of her oun mine*, being 396,908 ton*, or very nearly one-lourth ol that of the whole Union. Coal and iron are scattered in juxtaposition, throughout nearly the whole ol Pennsylvania; and, as the markets tor her iron are augmented, in the same proportion will increase the consumption ol the coal used in producing that iron- Now, in 1*10, the amount ol anthracite coal produced in the whole Union wss Hti3 4HB tons; ol which I'rnnevlvan.a produced *19.686, or nearly the whole. Of bituminous coal, the total product ol the Union was 27,603.191 bushels; ol which Pennsylvania produced 11,620,664, or nearly onehall the whole. Let us obsetve here, also, ine remarkable fact, that the three adjacent States of Delaware, New Jersey, and New York, produced no coal, either anthracite or bituminous; and the future interest of Pennsylvania, as connected with that great article, becomes ol transcendent importance; and tins, together with iron, and the manufactures connected with them, is to determine the vslue of her public works, snd fix her future destiny. Up to a certaia point of density, an agricultural State, with a rich soil, advances most rapidly; but when all the lands are cleared and cultivated, this augmeotstion ceases. It is otherwise, however, with a State possessing, throughout nesr'y every portion, inevhsustible mines of coal tad iron, and wonderful adaptation to manufactures. There, when the soil ha* been fully cultivated, the development ol the mines and manufactures, and the eommerce and business connected with them, only fairly begin*. Agriculture m limited by the number of acre*; but for the products of mines sod mam facturrs, such u Pennsylvania has within tier boundaries, there is no other limit than the mnrkets she can command; and this is not merely theory, but is demonstrated by the comparative progress ol the various nations of the world. Look, then, at the great amount?certainly not lea than three hundred thousand dollars?of the products ot the industry of Pennsylvania, consumed by Tun in her infancy, wiih a population of less than two hundred thousand in 18S9, and when those products were, to a considerable extent, excluded by the then existing tariff ot Tex is, and without which she certainly would then have cousutned at least half a million of the products ot the industry ot Pennsylvania, had she been a state ot the Union Huf in ten years succeeding the the lowest rate of progress of population to the ttpiare mile ol the other new States, she would contain a population of two millions; and eonstqiently eon-ume five millions of the products of the industry oi Pennsylvania, or one- fifth ot all the surplus products ol the mines and manufactures of that great State, sold beyond her Itmita in 1840 The principal products of Texas will be cotton and sugar, and beside, the iron used in all agricultural implements, as well as in the mauulactures consumed by an agricultural people, the use of iron in the cotton and sugar mills is very great. There all the great iron apparatus and machinery connected with the cotton gin and press, and the iron boilersand kettles and grates and furnaces u-ed in the making of sugRr, is greater than in any other employment. Together with this ... .i... :.,?.?..ii.. ... ID IMC Dirani ciigiui | iiwn uiiif nrauj CIII|MWJCV HI making sugar, and being employed also in the ginning of cotton, and the iron that must be ueed by Texas, as she developes her resources, must be great indeed; and the question de|>endinx on the reannexation, is, whether Texas shall become a part of our home market, and whether England, or Pennsylvania and other States, shall supply her wants. There is another fact which must lead to avast consumption ot coal in Texas, and that ia this : that from the banks of the Red river to the coast of ihe gulf, excepting only the ernes limbers, and some other points, chiefly along her streams, Texas is lamo t exclusively a prairie country; and vet, (what is not very ut-ual, except in northern Illinois, and some other portions of the West.) the soil of these prairies is inexhaustibly fertile. From these causes, wood and fuel must be scarce in Texas, and the coal of Pennsylvania and other States must find a market there of almost incalculable value. We come next to the products of the forest i and here the middle States stand first, and then the New England and northwestern States. New York here stauds first, and then, in their order, Maine, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Ohio From Olenn point on the Alleghany river, in New York, and down that stream through Pennsylvania, the lumber that now descends the Mississippi w very considerable, and of which, including the products Irom tlr; forest Irom other quarters of the Union, Texas already took from us. as the table shows, in 1811'), to the value of $167 474. The product of the fisheries ot the whole Union, in 1810, was $11 996,008, of wh'ch New England produced $9.424,555, and the middle States $1,970,030 Of the products of these fisheries, Texas alread took, in 1839, to the value of $43,426, which, as Texas has no fisheries, must be vastly suemented hereafter. By the Treasury report of 1840, as exhibited in table No. 4. the number o*" vessels built that year in the whole Union was 858; and here the New England States stood first, and then the middle and northwestern States; and Maseachasetts was first, and then, in their order, Maine, Maryland, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Connecticut. Now, by table No 5, it is shown that the clearances of American vessels to Texas, ftom the United States, and of entriea into the United States of American vessels front Texas, was, in the whole, in 1839, 00H, being two thirds ot the whole number of vessels built in that year in the United States; and our crews employed in navigating these American vessels thus emplryed that year in our trade with Texas, were 4 727. The number of American vessels which cleared for Texas in 1839, was greater than to any one of fifty-seven out ot sixty-three of all the enumerated countries of the world. It was greater, also, than the whole aggregate number of our vessels which cleared that year for France, Spain, Russia, Prussia, Sweden, Norway j.Denmark, Belgium, and Scotland combined. The name disproportion also exists as regards the crews, and also in the American vessels wuicn eniereu me unuea states irom lexas, ana the crews employed. The same tables demonstrate that, of the foreign vessels which entered the Uuited States froin Texas, in 1839, eighteen only, out of 4 105, entered our porta lrom Texas, and sixteen fo reign vessels oulv cleared from ihe United States in that year for T-xas, out of 4 036; showing that our trade with Texas, in 1839, stood nearly upon the footing of our great coastwise trade, and was conducted almost exclusively in American vessels. Having shown the large number of American crewa concerned in the trade with Texas, and the great amount of wages they mast have earned, let us now look at the States which made these profits. By the census of 18-10, the whole number of persons employed in navigating the ocenn was 66 021, of which number 42,154 were lrom New England,and 9,713 lrom the middle Stat< h And here Massachuset'a stood first, and then Maine, and next, in their order, New York, Connecticut. Pennsylvania, llhode Island, Louisiana, and New Jersey. In looking, also, to the States which owned the tonnage employed in this navigation, we find, by table No. 4, from the treasury report, that the New England States stood first, and then the middle Slates; and that the largest amount was owned by Massachusetts, and next, in their order, by New York, Maine, Marylund, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, Connecticut, and New Jersey. When we consider the Croducta of the fisheries consumed, and that will e consumed, by Texas, and the tonnage and crews employed in that trade, the reanriexation must greatly augment our mercantile marine, and thus enable it to supply our navy, whenever necessary, with an ndi quate numberol ekillu', brave, and hardy seamen, to defend, in war, our Hag upon the sea. The number of persons employed tit internal navigation, (including our lakes, rivers, and canals) by the census of 1810, was 83 076; more than one halt being trom the middle States, and next the Scales of the Norihwt st The 'argest number was lrom New York. and next, in th' ir order, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Virginia. Maryland and Missouri. Here, the S ales which have constructed great canal*. on which are transported the exchangeable products of the Union, have a vast interest in the reannexaiian of Texas. Of these, the great works in New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are already completed, and ihose of Indiana, and Illinois approach a completion, vll l it Alary land end Virginia are pausing in the construction of iheir great works, the value of all of which would be greatly augmented, and business incrensed, by the reannrxntion of Texas And here let me say one word of ihe Old Dominion. Site borders upon the Ohio and Atlantic, and when her great works shall uniie their waters by one direct and continuous canal, her connection with the We&t, and with Texas, ss a pnrt of it, will be most lntimat- and important; and through the very heart of the rotate would float a vast amount of the commerce connected with the Ohio and Mississippi. And she also has other great and peculiar interests connected with the reannexation of Texas. The amount of rust and bar iinn furnished hv her in 1HI0. was 21 WW tons; of bituminous cn.-il, 10,622,313 bushels; and of domestic salt, 1.7-15 618 bushels; of wliear, $'3 345 783 in value; of the product of animals, $8,932,278; and of cotton manufactures, $1 (>92,010; of allot which articles Texas, ns the tables of ex ports shows, is a very large consumer. From the official Treasury report of 1810, I give the tabl No 6, fur the year commencing the Is: of October, 18S8. and closing on the 30th of September, 1839, showing our commerce that year with Texas, and all the other nations of the world. This shows that the total of our exports of domest.c produce to Texas that yenr, was $1,879,065, and the total of all our exptrts to Texas that yenr, $1 687,082; that the imports the same year from Ttxas tgcre $318,116, leaving an excess in our favor, of exports over imports, ot $1 368 96?. Thus the extraordinary fact is exhibited, that in the very infancy of her exiatence, the balance of trade in our favor with Texas, exceeded that of each of all the foreign countries of the world?two only excepted; and then; two were colonies of an empire, our trade to the whole ot which presented a balance of several millions against us. Texas, then, that year, furnisht d a larger balanc' of exports over imports in our fnvor, than any other one of the empires of the world.? The totality ol our exports that year to Texas was greater than lo either Russia, Prussia, Sweden and Norway, Denmark, Belgium, Sco'land, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Sicily, or China. It was greater also than to each of fitly-six of the sixty-six enumerated countries of the world. It was greater also than the aggregate of all our exports to Spain, Prussia, Denmark, Italy, Sweden and Norway, Portugal, New Grenada, Anst-alasia, French Guiana, Sardinia, Morocco and Barbary States, and Peru combined. By table No. 6, it appears that the exports of our domestic products in 1839 to Texas was-of the fisheries, $13,426; of the products of Mm forest, $157,474; of the products of agriculture, $205 860 ; and of our manulactures, $929 071 Now, by table No. 6 of the treasury report, the total exports, the same year, of the products of the fisheries to all the world, except T>xis. was $1,861511; ard consequently the exports i f the product* ot the fnheries to Texas, that year, ?mounted to about 2| per cent of those eiports to all the rest of the world 1 he exports ef the prodccta of the forest, that year.ton'.l other countr^s, except Texas, by the same table, was $5 607,083 ; consequently the export of lh<.?o products ihatlyenr. to Texa*, amounted to 3 perc*at. of those exports to all the rest ot the world The exports of our agricultural products, (excluding cotton, rice, and tobacco,) that y?ar, lo all other coun ( 1 . 'JJ1! 1, B? tries, except Texat, (and including nolun, inancurafly t'lncrd in the table of mHoufacium,) ?m Sll,15ff,<67; and eonsrquently the exports ot these products year to Texas. amounted to more than 2 per cm. of the agricultural exports that year In all the Kst ol the world. By the amoe table, the ejfcport of all our manufactures iu 1839 (exclusive of cold and mlver eon.) to all other countries, except Texas, was #3 217 662 Now, the exports of cur d mesne manufactures, that year, to Texas, being 8929,(771, consequently Texts conaumed ?| our domestic tnanul. ciures, in 1820, an amount largely exceeding one-fourth, and nearly equal to oneihird of our domestic tnanufdciurea exported abroad, and consumed that year, by nil the re? of the worldI 9och are the astounding results established by the official report of the Secretary of tne Treasury, under date of June 25 b. 1810, and to be fonnd m vol 8'9eriate documents for that year. No. #77 Sueh was our trade with Texas the year ending SOth September. 1839, before her independence was recog. mxed by any other power except by this Republic, and before she had entered into commercial treaty with any other power; and therefore stood to us iu the relation, in manv respects, as regards her trade, as a territory of the Union- Now, the treaty of amity and commerce between France and Texas was signed at Paris ou the 25 h of Pep-ember, 18S9; the treaty of amity and commerce between Holland and Texts was sinned ut the Hague ou the 18th ol September. 1810; the treaty ol commerce between Ureal Britain and Texas was signed at Loudon on the 13th of November. l&UI: all which have been longsiuce ran tied. Now, Irt us observe the effect u(>on our trade with Trine, of her in trod hoik,n into the family ot nations, by the recognition oi her independence by oihrr nations, and treaties of commerce with them; thus placing her towards on in the attitude, of a foreign ata'e. The resolution * i tiered by me in the t-enate i f the United States for the recognition of the iiidepende>"-* of Texan, was adopted on the 3d of March, 1977; and with that year commence the table* of our exports to Texan aa a new empire, inscribed on the books of the treasury. These tables, in the treaeury reports of our exports to Texas, exhibit the following result? Our expert .o Texas in 1837 - il 007,928 " M 1838 - 1247 88U " ' 1839 - 1,687 082 " " 1840 - 1,218 271 " ? 1841 - 816 296 " " 1812 - 406 929 " ?? 1848 - 190.604 If our * xports to Texas had atwmen'ed from 1889 to 1843, as they had done f?om 1837 to 1829, and an they must have done with her great increase of business and population, but for her being placed towards us, in the mean time, in the attitude of n foreign state, they wou'd have amounted in 1843, tw #3,047,Out), uietead of #190,000 8uch has been the immense reduction in our exports to Texas, crested by her recognition by other unions, and commercial treaties with them, since 1839. But great an were our exports to Texas in 1839. >hey were by no means so large as if she had then been a State of thn Union ; lor she then had, and still nas, in force a tariff on imports, varying on most articles from 10 to 50 per cent., which most hare prohibited some of our exports there, and diminished otters. Our tariff, also, did not embrace Texas, nnd secure to ourmunulaciureB almost a monopoly in her supply. Had hit these causes combined, a* they would have done, had T-xas been a State ol the Union, our exports ihcre < f domestic articles must have reached, in 1S43, $7,164 139, as I shall jroceed to demonstrate : The prod no's of Louisiana, by the census of 1810. were $35 041 959, o| which there was, in sugar and cotton. $15 476.783; and of this, there wasot sugar. $4 797,9.8 ; ol which sugar, if we deduct $476 783, aa consumed in the Slate, being more than double her proportionate consumption, it would leave $15,000,000 of products rnisrd and exported bv Louisiana in 1840, when her population was 852 411; and Ttxia, producing now ia the same proportion to her i reeent population of 200 000, would produce $19 886 360. end of exi>orts f.?r sale beyond her limit-, $8 522 724; and deducting from lbis$l 258,585, the proportion of her products employed ia the purchas" of foreign products for her use, would leave $7,164,139 of the products ol Texas used in the purchase ot articles from other States of the Union But if rcanoexed tolhe Union, in ten years thereafter, how much would she purchase of th? products of other Stat -sof the Union 1 If we allow Texas to increase in the tame ratio to the square [ mile as the State of Louisiana atter the first census succeeding the putchnse from 1810 to 1880. the populntion. in ten vrars. occuDVins the. 318 000 tati&ra miles ot Texan, would exceed (wo raiiliona; and the increase in many States has been much more rapid. But estimated at two millions, Texas would then, according to the above proportion, consume $71,641 390 per BDnum of the products of other States, which consumption would be rapidly increasing every vnr; and her annual products then would be $198 863.6:0; which, uleo, would ba greatly and constantly augmenting. Such ia the wealth we are about casting Irom us, and the home I market we are asked to abandon; for when we sen that, by the failure of rear.nexation, our domestic ex<<orts in 1813, to Texas, had fallen to $140 320; and 'his, multiplied by ten, would give the consumption, at the end of ten years, ot our produces by Texas, $1,403 200, it makes an annual loss of a market for our products to the amount ol $70,238,190; and the lots would be greater, if Texas then, as foreign State, consumed of cur exports in proportion to their consumption by the rest ot the world, which would reduce her purchase ol our products to $230,000, and make our loss $71.411,300 per annum ; and if we add to this the loss ol revenue Irom the duties on imports, and the loss of the proceeds of ihe sales of her public lauds, estimated at $170,139 160, which would all be outs by reanntxitinu, tbs national loss, by the rejection of Texas must be estimated by hundreds of millions Nor is it the trade ot Texas only that would be lost, but that of Santa Fe, and all the noithcrn States of Mexico, which with the possession by us ol Texas and the Del Norte, would become consumers of immense amounts of our manufactures and other products, and would pay us to a great extent in silver, which is their great ataple. Texas, also, baa valuable mines of gold and silver, and this also would be one ct her great exports, with which she wouldpntehaae our products; and thus, by her specie infused into our circulation, render our currency more secure, and Eubjectualo less danger of being drained to too great an extent of gold and s Iver. Our exports of domestic product* hv the trra-My report oi 18-10, amount'd to $i.'>3 583,993, deducting u t ich horn our whole nrotiucH by the ceratiK < f 18W. would IfLve $959 600,845 of our own jroln t.-. that ynur byVur own po; ul.tlion of 17 <62 453; and the rnn.'iinij'lir.n of our domestic products. ($198.53 i 89<i ) b/ tlr population ot tta,- world, (9iX) OHO.000.) would ni'dvc an dvr.i.; cors'impiion I $06 in value ol our products c >i umed hy each on' of cur own peoph , k- d ei? ven < u s i i v? In- of our ptoducts contained on the -y-uch person bryond our Inn s and thu . it apprme that cue person witiiin cm n. 's coi. u. c a.-much f rur own produ' la t- ;V" , -r mi 1 e t i- Inut'iimiM; thua proving iff- wondiM' I iT t.M.i' , i s n garua tlie consumption of th* , fi i"c u i the ''iiion, between Texas r.ow and . II time to come, sh a foreign country, raa a it utile Vniou. When we reflect, hat th prudcc- ol Texas are chi? flv of those articles union.; t it i> <v Inch find a market i rii.slo-- li>' with if.e meuns topurcbHse, with the proceed- < .|; u>e < spoils, the surplus pre uu' in 01 in, i . -.ii i eo inn |iui<uur iiirta exports; and 'h? ref it", ihc secession ol such a cnuRtry to I he Union is vusily in*.** important 'oibe great mauuinCUriiis interest than f lexaedid not rais" such i x iorta, but becr.m a rival producer ol our own domestic manufactures. Heucr it must be obvioua, independent ol the prcol here exhibit'-d, that the New England States, the middle end norbw eat* rn State a, would derive the principal profit from the reonnixition of Tdts PennNilv.ioia *'nnding first, and then Maspachunefta and New York ; and of the cities, Pittsburg, Cincinnati, and New Orleans, IWton, New York. Hahimoie, and Philadelphia. The city which wiiJ derive iIm; greateat advantage, in proportion to her population, undoubtedly will be Pimbuig. not only Irom the wonderful extent and variety of her masufncturcs, bat nko from her position. The same steamboat count meted by her skilful w-ikinrn, which starts from Pittsburg, at the head < f the Chin, freighted with ber manufactures, can sfcend the Red river (or many hundred* in lea, into one ol the moot fertile regionH of Texts, aid return to the iron city with a enrqo of cotton, there to be manufactured lor sale iu Texas, and mher sections of the Union. The steamboats ol Pittsburg, also, ean descend the Mississippi to the gulf, and, coasting aioog its shores to (iulvi's'on, M *taeorda, and the other ports of Texas, there dispose ol their cargoes of miruf ictures, ana bring back the cotton and sugar of Texas, and alse the gold and silver, which will be famished by ber mines in great abundance, whenever they are workrdwi'h eufli i< nt skill and capital. Pitt-burg is a great western ci'y ; and whether she shall soon bo the greatest manufacturing city of the world, depends upon the markeisof th? west, and especially on the market of, we have seen, ran alone be secured by reannexation, and, without it, must be lost forever. And shall Fittnburg romp'ain that new mates are to be addrd in the West 1 Why. the new States of the West have made Pittsburg all that she is, and all that she ever will be ; and each addition to their number will only nill more rapidly augment her markets, her bufineiWi her wealth, and population. Nor can Pittsburg sdvauoe without the correspondent improvement ol Philadelphia, and of all ihe great iutetior of Pennsylvania, throughout the whole line of internal communication thutbindi together the two great cities of th** Keystone State. While it is true that New England, and the middle and northw stern Sta'rs, will derive the greatest [l ontini'td o? the Wrfk Pajft ]

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