Newspaper of The New York Herald, August 29, 1844, Page 1

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated August 29, 1844 Page 1
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THE NEW YORK HERALD. Vol. X., No. NRUWholo No. 9840. NEW YORK, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 29, 1844. Prlco Two Cent*. rue immense mass convention OF THE WHI68 OF THE RIVER COUNTIES, AT ALBANY, ON TUE8DAY. Mr, Webster's Great Speech! The great Mass Convention of the Whigs of the River Counties of this State, took place on Tuesday at Albany. The morning was very fine and the de legations came pouring in in great numbers from au early hour. The "Swallow," "New Jersey," and " Knickerbocker" brought the Clay Clubs from this city, and a large number of zealous whig? of all ranks and conditions. It was originally ar ranged that the procession should form at 10 o'clock, but unavoidable delays occurred, and it was 1 o'clock before it reached the ground select ed for the assemblage of the multitudes attracted by the great rallying cry of the whigs of the Empire State. This was a large field in the vicinity of the residence of Stephen Van Rensselear, K?ryiire, bounded on one side by a road leadiug tWTYoy, and skirted on the South and West by tall fir-trees. About the centre of the ground, and beneath the bhade of three or four aged treeB, a substantial platform had been erected, and in front of it, on the ground, a sort of capacious hog-pen had been prepared for the reception of the reporters, which was speedily filled up by a miscel. laneous crowd of loafers, who managed to annoy and inconvenience the "gentlemen of the press" as efficiently as if they had been paid tor attending to that business. In this work of annoyance a very active part was taken by two or three individuals who pretended to be connected with the press.? These tilings we mention inorderto show the very unpleasant circumstances in which reporters are generally obliged to attend to their important du ties on such occasions, and in the hope that in fu ture some degree of suitable accommodation may be provided for them by those who are interested with the arrangements for the comfort of speakers and the press at public meetings in the open air. An immense number of the fair sex were pre sent, and amongst them we noticed quite a liberal sprinkling of beautiful faces, and plump, round forms, full of health and vigor?a refreshing sight to the eye of the wearied denizen of the deserted city. . f We must confess, however, that the array ot the whig beauty on this occasion, did not quite come up to that which we have observed at Mini lar gatherings of the unterxificd democracy of this gloriouB State. Many of the ladies were indeed very fashionably attired, but they had not in gene ralso much of that natural grace and fascination which characterize the fair mothers and daughters of the party called, par txctlltnet, the "bone and si new." Still, after all, the Empire State, and the good whigs of the Empire State had reason to re loice in the thronged lists of female loveliness and virtue which graced the gathering ot the mighty host assembled under the banner of Clay and Fielinghuyeen. Whsn the long procession filed in to the gather ing ground, and the various delegations, with their drums beating and their banners floating gently in the breeze, took up their stations, the scene was in teresting and imposing in the extreme. There were probably v -ry nearly ten thousand persons on the grouud. Our art'iBt made a beautiful tketch ot the scene, which will appeaT in the Wttkly Htrald of Saturday next. The meeting was organized shortly after one o'clock, by the appointment of Samuel Stevens, Esq , as Chairman. The Chairman after soliciting the observance ot order and silence, proceeded to say-No countiy on the face of the whole globe, except this blessed land of ours, has ever presented to the eye of man such a'spectacle as we witness here to-day?the as semblage of a free people to deliberate upon the measures which will conduce to the best interests of a free country. It is the intense excitement?the deep interest which is felt,'not only by the citizens of the State, but in every Stats of the Union which has thus aroused the people in the majesty of their strength?which has gathered together the thousands which are assembled here to-day-and, fellow citizens, on an occasion like this, bsfore such an assembly as this, congregated lor such a purpose as this, I cannot better subserve the great interest of my country, than by presenting to you, one, to whose intellect-to whose patnotism-to whose untiriDg exertions for the public weal, every heart and every mind pays homage. (Loud cheers ) I beg leave then, fellow citizens, to present to you, a man who, on all sccasions-at all times-m all places?in the councils of the nation, and in the walks of private life, has been the unswerving, the able, the eloquent advocate of civil liberty. (Cheers ) One, fellow citizens, whose every fa culty has been devoted to those great measures upon which the continuauce of this Union, the beet interests of the great repv <:, the prosperity and happiness ot ihis people uepend. (Cheers.) Fellow-citizens?1 beg leave to present to your acquaintance?to commend to your regard? Daniel Webster. (Cheers.) Not Daniel Web ster of Massachusetts alone, but Daniel Webster of the United States ot North America. (Great cheering, clapping of hands, and waving of Clay pocket handkerchiefs.) Mr. Webster then advanced to the front of the platform, his eye somewhat clouded, but his face less pale, and altogether looking in better healih and spirits than when we last saw him at Trenton. He spoke as follows i? In the history of the States and of governments, as in the lives of individuals, epochs arise in which it is wise to pause?to review the past?to consider attentively the present, and to contemplate probable futurity. We are. fellow-citizena, upon the eve of a general election, lull of importance and interest, involving questions which rise far above all consid erations of the personal qualifications of candidates for offie?questions of the greatest Hnd nearest bearing upon past and existing interest, and likely to effect the prosperity of the country in all times to come. In my judgment, therefore, it is highly proper in such a state of things and on such an oc casion, that we bring the past into our immediate presence, and consider and examine it?that we ponder assiduously on existing interest and ex isting duties, and that we exercise whatev er of forecast or sagacity we possess, in en deavoring to discover what is or what may be yet before u?. Outhe8d day of March next, hity-six years will have passed since we began our nation al character ana existence under the present con stitution of the United 8tates. In the lapse of that period we have gone through fourteen Presidential elections, and have elected cight-and-t wenty sue ce?sive Congresses of the United States. Of than* fourteen Presidential elections twelve have bssn effected by the popnlar vote according to the nro? visions of the constitution, and two have taken place in pursuance of anoiher constitutional provi sion of tne House of Representatives, in Congress, in default of an election by the primary mode of voting as defined in the constitution. All these successive elections have bern legal and regular. Every successive incumbent of the L residential office has been acknowledged in succession to be. rightfully id possession of that office. All these elections have been conducted without vio lence or disorder?without the interference ot an armed force, and by the regular, peaceful, con stitutional exerciss of the public will. In my estimation, gentlemen, these are facta of the high est importance to us, and of great interest and importance to the whole world and mankind because they prove that a republican government over a great country, embracing a variety of. inte rests, connexions, associations and pursuits, is yet practicable?that it has a possible permanence?aud thai it may be continued to exercise its functions. For, such a government has existed?has continued itseil?has exercised its functions, as I have said, tor more than half a century, during which period, tierce wars have afflicted the nations of Europe, and revolutions without a parallel for convulsion aud violence, have shaken ihe dynasties of the elder world. It is true, therefore, that during such a period there has existed on a great scale, a popu lar and republican goveruuieui.its officers renewed by the choice of the people, aud th-ir accession to power has beau as peaceful and regular as in any of the established monarchies or dynamics of the ancient world. In the second place, our history proves not only that such a republican government is capable of continuance, and, as we hope, of perpe tuity, but thut it is capable also of exercisiog all the I unctions and ail the powers neceeiary for go vernment, und of performing all the duties which are requisite for the protection and the defence of the country, and the advancement of the prosperity ot the people; and in the third place, our history shows that a government thus constituted, and spread over a vast portion of the earth's surface, as administered by men and good men, aud supported by a virtuous community, is, in its tem enoy, a"saluiary government?that its general propensity is to act for the good of the people, and lhat, therefore, us parental and guardian in its charactet?as exercising wise functions for the geueial weal, it attaches to itself the sentiment of general support and approbation; and, finally, gen tlemen, our history proves that such a government may exist with all tn? necessary powers ol govern ment?with all the ttndeaciea to salutary adminis tration?and exist at the same time with perfect safety to popular liberty and private right. Because iu this respect, looking back to the half century which we have passed, we may somewhat proud ly challenge the world, including the most advanced and enlightened nations of Europe, to show, that any where on the face of the earth, there has existed in the convulsions of the last halt century ot which I sneak, a greater security ot pri vate right, of life and of property, and a greater se curity for popular public liberty than has been main tained in these United States. Now, as 1 have said, gentlemen, it appeals to me that in reviewing Ihe past we may well congratulate ourselves that we have set this great example not only to our pos teritv, to whom we are to commit the preservation of these institutions, but to the whole civilized world?an example which the world has desired to see?an example which all the lovers of civil and religious liberty throughout the world, es pecially in the present tendency to popular go vernment, throughout the world, have anxiously sought to behold. You know that it has been a current opiuion amongst those who have specula ted ou government that the republican form of government ,was adapted only to the affairs of small communities A distinguished English phi losopher, writing some sixty or seventy years ago, said that this had been the general opinion of poli tical writers, but that the truth ot that opinion was about to be brought to the test of experiment and that that great experiment was to be made in America, if that distinguished English writer had lived to this day?had lived to review with us the incidents and occurrences of the last fifty years?if he were here to-day to see with what order, quiet and intelligence great public questions are considered by the body of Ihe people, he would have said, and it would have rejoiced him to be able to say, that that great experiment had succeeded in a remarkable measure. Now, gentlemen, there are two pro positions which it is my purpose to submit to you, and ia support of which to offer such remarks as 1 may be able to make, an.l you to hear, in this vast concourse of men. The first is: that if this government, under which we shall have lived fif y-aix years on the 8d of March next, haB fully and fairly, to the satisfaction of all men, and the admiration of the world, fulfilled the objects in tended by it, then it is our interest, as we value our owu happiness or those who are to come after us, to support, that constitution ot government.? ('Jreut applause.) And in the second ptace: 1 say that if the success of tins consti tution for the period I have mentioned, be fairly referable to the practise?to the adoption and prac tice ol any great system of measures which we can understand?which we have experienced, Ihen, 1 say, that it we love that constitution, and meun to defend it and transmit it to our children, then oui dmy if, an fur as in us lies, to pursue that same system of |ublic measures, and adheie to all and each and every one ol these great principles The question is?has the American constitution fulfilled tne objects of its adoption and establishment! To an intelligent understanding of these questions, aud to the rendering of a satisfactory answer, let me first look back to the period of its adoption aud ascertain whut were its objects?for the achieve me nt of what great ends was it destined?lor what significant and especial purposes did our talherB adopt the con stitution of ilie Federal Government! Now, gen tlemen, however commonplace it may be, it is ne vertheles' important lhat I should remark also on this occasion upon the state ofthe country whilst the States were connected only by t he loose bondsof the old confederacy. The revolutionary war on its ter mination in the year 1783, made the thirteen States independent States, but it ielt them with a feeble connection. They were a confederacy for certain purpose-! and objects They had not a government for certain objects They had no common revenue. They had no common commerce. They had no common nationality. A man could call him self a ci'izen of New York?of Massachusetts, or of Georgia. But no man with any em phasis?certainly no man with any particular gride, such as we all now experience, could call imself, any where on the face of the earth am Amkkican?because there v/as no community?no nationality?no specific idea attached to lhat term, now so glorious throughout the habitable world. (Cheers.) The war ielt the States embarrassed with disordered trade?with a heavy debt?all the States overwhelmed with depreciated paper money ?no unity of action, or of character?iu short, no perfect union amongst the people of the States ; and especially there existed varieties of commer cial regulations in the intercourse of each State with its neighbor, and with foreign nations, lhat constituted not only variety, but contradiction, and all sorts of discord, as I have stated?a state ol things which Mr. Madison,with his clear perception and patriotic regard for the beBt interests ol Ame rica hesitated not to call "a wonderful anarchy ol trade." Now this was the Htate of things in which the Constitution of the United States was con ceived by the wise men of that day. They set about the accomplishment of that great purpose no easy one certainly?the formation of a new bond of union between thirteen independent sove reign states? each jealous of liberty?each jealous ol its own rights?each estimating highly us own peculiar and local advantages. But wisdom and patriotism and an earnest devotion to the interests of the whole operated every where, and that work of almost supreme iinpottance was at length ac complished. Now, gentlemen, to look a little more particularly into this matter?to require something more definitely for the objects for which the Constitution was- formed. Its one great object was to raeke us all one people. That the government over them was to be for this purpose, we have the most authentic evidence?1 allude to the address ol the members of the Convention who framed the Constitution, to the States and to the people. That address was is sued in the name ot the Convention and with the I;reat authority of Washington. It said, "the riends of our country have long seen and aeeided that the power of making war, peace and treaties? that of levying money?the regulation of commerce ? the corresponding execution and judicial author ity?should be fully aud effectually vested in the general government of the Union. We see here then that the object of this Constitution was to make the people of the United States one people, and to place them under one government in legard to every thing that respected their relations with foreign States, and the aspect in which the nations of the world were to regard them. It was not to amalgamate the people with one government ?it was not to extinguish State sovereign tie* aud State authorities?that would have been immersion extinguishment?not uuion ? There was no detire even under pressing necessity, to make the local ahd municipal institutions of the several States approach each other with any closer affinity or similarity as States. As governments ex leung eaoh within its own territorial limits, for all the purposes of territorial supervision hnd govern ment?for all municipal, or properly speaking, State purpoees, no matter what range or variety existed, the States were intended to be Ielt and were left to their own discretion and government. And this is the peculiar beauty of our system?the nice in corporation of the federal wi'h the State power, It is the distributing power. Whatever is local is left to local authority, and whatever is necessarily general, is confided to the general government This I take to be the true idea of those purposes for which the general government, under the pre sent constitution, was formed. And the most nutheiitic and perfect support of this view of the matter, is to be found in the consti tution itself. In that instrument, the peo pie of the United States have declared on its vfry face?and there the words stand an everlasting record of their purpose?that they es tablished the government of the United States in order to form a more perfect union. They, the people, esiuDiianea tne constitution ol the unitea States " iu order to lorin a more perfect uuiou ' ?to establish justice?to secure domestic tr?m quillity?to provide for the common defence? to promote the general welfare, and finally to _ae cure the blessings of liberty to them and their des cendants. Now, at ihe head of all these objects .-lands out in bold and prominent relief, the great and noble one tofarm a more parted union amongst the people of ihe Stales. Audi will take the liber ty gentlemen, to refer to another passage in that same address of the Convention to the people ol the States when the constitution was sent abroad for ratification. They say?"In all our delibera tions on this subject we kept steadily tu view thut which appeared to us the greatest interest ot every true American?the consolidation of our I uion, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, B?iety, perhaps, our national existence." Now, you will please observe gentlemen, that this language is not applicable to the powers of government. They do not say that their object is to consolidate under the general government till the powers of government?not at nil to usurp the local authority of the States?not at all to interfere with that which in its nature belongs to local legislation and admin istration?but the consolidation ol which Washing ton and his associates spoke?is the consolidation of the Union for the just purposes of union. It is the strengthening of the Union for those objects for which the Union itself ought to exi3'. I have said, and T beg leave to repeat it, because U lies at the toundatiou of all juat conception ol the Gottsti union ot this country, that the union which our fathers attempted to establish, was a union amongst the people of the States, in everything that regard ed their diplomatic and foreign relations, and their intercourse with the nations of the worlci, and amongst thems-lves. It had been very impelled, and indeed hardly existed at all under the coulede racy, and was deficient in all efficiency or produc tiveness of good at the time the convention met. This, then, waa the object which was expressly stated by the members of the convention them selves in the document to which I referred, and indeed as expressed on the face of the constitution itself. Now, in furtherance of those objects, the constitution proceeded to invest the general gov ernment with such powers and authority as the accomplishment of those objects appeared to re quire. The constitution conferred upon the gene ral government to declare war and make peace? the power of making treaties-and that other, great, and as it has turned out, absolutely omnipo tent power, the regulation of trade. The govern ment, gentlemen, has attempted toperform all these duties It has exercised the power of regulating commerce?it has also sought to establish justice, another of its objects-it has done so especially in the great matter of paying off the sacred debt ot , the Revolution?it has euacted laws to secure do- | mestic tranquillity,and they have been,found effec tive?it has also, we all know, provided lor the common defence by the maintenance of armies and navies, and made other provisions necessary for the security of the public weal in case war should be necessary in any contingent controversy with foreign nations?it has promoted the public welfare and has not neglected the means for the "'security of the blessings of li berty. Now these being the objects of the constitution, you and I, and our contemporaries throughout the country who have an opinion to express, and a vote togive after the expiration of this half century, are bound to put it to ourselves and our consciences, whether the object has been accomplished by the constitution of our country. Because if not?if the constitution has proved un der the past administrations inefficient and value less why then it is time to revert to the exercise of the great power inherent in the people, of reform ing itie constitution, and establishing another more consonant to our wishes and designs; but 1 repeat, tl it be found that on the whole it has accomplished its ends?to have subserved the public tranquillity ; to have carried the nation forward in wealth and busineas?to have raised it to a point of glory and renown, of which lyou and 1 and all are proud, then if it has done this, why then, bound ' to it by every tie of patriotic gratitude, we are calhd on to support it with all our hearts while we live, and to transmit it unimpair ed to our children. (Cheers.) Now, i -ay it .vith all possible so.emuity,and with profounu rev erence for the wisdom and patriotism of our ances tors, that, making all necessary allowances for the errors incident to humanity, and the misfortunes that may occasionally visit all governments,?1 say it to you?to the coun'ry?would to God 1 could say it in tones that would echo to the last generations of men?the constitu tion lias prosperously, greatly and glori ously answered the ends of its establishment. II there be a man in the country, a man who doubts or denies this, I have no great respect for him, and with his feelings I have no manner of sympathy. Now, gentlemen, this government was established at one of the nn.st eventful periods in the history of the human race in modern limea?junt at the break ing out ot that most tremendous convulsion which so long shook Europe to its foundations?in all its thrones and dynasties?the French Revolution. We liadjustcommenced the careeiof administration under our great leader of revolutionary times. Wc had just commenced our national being under this constitution wbenth< French revolution broke out. It proved both a safety and a security-it proved eompc tent to preserve a nutrality, to keep u* clear irom being submerged and overwhelmed in the maeUtrooiu ol a European war, and it replenished the treasury, and by it* acts gave a character anil standing to the American name. Tl made our flag respected by European Powers , over every sea naviguble by man went lorth their science and enternrixe. Wo had assumed a genaral significant, respectable, and I will say .proud and imposing name of American (Applause) Under this Constitution we have attained to the rank of the second commercial country in the world. Wehaveriaen under it, gentlemen, Irom a population of three millions to twenty j overy interest,in my judgment, has been sucer sftilly sustained, maintain ed, cherished and nour.shed by a wise general govern ment. And, now, gentlemen, is thero a man among you or in tids country, who, upon a just and candid examination. wilJ not stand by it, or who would sooner prefer another I I put it to you to sav whether in this history of the psst which I have so far very briefly scanned, you see any thing to ba reversed or revolutio.ii7.cd. Is thero anything in the records of our country's history to make you ashamed of a* Americana ? (Criea.of no, no.) 1 put it to the elderly men ol this assembly,who are drnw ing to a close of their caret er, if they conceive of any better practical system to which to entrust the liberties, the property, the security of their children J I put it to the young men and those of middle lito Who are engaged in the concerns ofhusiness, if they have a notion of any better ayatem, more calculated to secure their Interest, to maintain their institutions, or to protect their property find the lives of their children. To you, young men, full of activity?the ingenuousness and aspirations of youth? so full ol patriotism, and readiness to serve your country, do you w ish to render your public setvices under another banner? (Cries of "no") Then gentlemen, fellow Ameri can citizen*, if it be tiue that the Constitution of the United State* under the various and succesKlve adminis trations which have taken place since *81), has fulfilled all the just, and I will aay the moat sanguine hopes of the country, is there a question that It Is oausc of gratitude to God?that is our duty to preserve and respect it for our own sakes.and to transmit it sacred for that of otheiadsar to us?that we cling to it aa to the ark of our political safety, and that vrhoeer may be thrown aitray from this great object of national regard, we will adhere, and main tain and defend it kill eur dying day. (Loud and hearty applause.) Then, gentlemen, If this be so, that the Constitution of the country has boempre-eminently useful, the next question ia, upon what system of government policy?according to what meaanres, relating to the interests of the country, has It been always administered 7 How did it commence, what me*, sure* were adopted fe secure the end in view from its cradle 7 OanUemen, let na go back to that interesting epoch, fhecommeneementof Washington's administration in the Stnte of New York, under the preaent Constitution ortho United States.J For myself,! revisit these rcenea al way* with delight, and refresh myself by going back to those spring days of the republic In order to contemplate tho charterer of those men and the character of thnae measures?to admire the pre eminence ol their patriotism, and tho elevation of their principles. In idea, I love to gather round me the circle of Washington end hia great compatriots?not on the Held of battle, but thet ef political wisdom and the sctonce of government-* field where prudence, discretion and firmness won a greater victory than ever followed tbe conflict of arms. I carry myself back to Ihe Halls of Congress, and feel the inspiration of W, and preaent t# myself a lively image of those wise men. There, in idee,I see Washington himself, surround ed by hia'immediate adTinem i among th? wit, Mr Jay, whose honored name seconded the bill in the Legisleture for the Protective Tariff, undar the old confederation ot Hamilton and General Knox. There was in the popular House, Amos, end Goodhue, end Benson, end Lawrence, and Goodenotigh, end Filztimmons, and Madison. In tho Senate were King and Schuyler, and Hobert Morris, end R. H Lee of Georgia, he who moved the resolution in I77fl| he waa then in Ihe Henate. He was the principal champion of the measure alluded to. In every departmentof government, warriors of many a well fought field, both in the Congress and the Senate, and who had pessed the fiery ordeal ol Ibe revolution, surrounded tho chief in the hours of legislation. Gen tlemen, 1 can read Ihe scene when Gen. Washington as sem' led these houses of legislation before him, and made hia first speech and paid a due tribute to their elevated character, and laid before them and the country .the grot principles of public and private virtue on which he wished to see the government ot the country established He said ' It will he more consistent, with tie circumstances, for morecongenial to Ihe feelings which actuate me to sub stitute for a recommendation of particular measiWvs. the tribute that la due to ihe talent, the rectitude, and the pa triotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them ; and In theaa honorable qualifications we behold the purest pledge thst no locel pwjudlc or attachments?no separata ?i*wa-no petty anianoaitiea will misdirect the comprehension and aqual aya which ought to watch over this g-eat assemblage of common sureties unJ interests; and that the foundation of our national policy will bo laid In trie pure and immovable principles of private morale, aod the p imaueuce of tree government bo ix i rnplili. d by all in reviewing the admonition of the citi zens and the respect of the world. Since the preserva tion of the iscre i fireoi liberty, and the destiny of a re pubiioau innu of governuumt are justly considered as deeply .perhaps hualiy .staked on the experimout intrusted to the hands of the Amsricsu people." Aud in this senti ment ol \Va= hingion, 1 concur with all my heart. 1 be lievo that w<: have m our hands this pledge, and that the friends of liberty throughout the world are looking anx iously to see if wo can preserve this great inode of go vernment, und hold it up for the imitation of mankind. Gentlemen, this was the soene in which our government commence 1?those the scenes iu which it began?scenes that are in my judgement worthy oi Americans worthy of liberty?worthy of everlasting renown. 1 feel the gales upon me blow, And temporary bliss bestow, As fresh they spread lhair gladsome wings Eacn waits the soul they seem to sooth, And, redolent of joy una spring, To breathe another youth. (Applause.) But now, guntlsman, that we have turned back to eon template the groat that assemblage of the eh let mugn trato and legislators uuder tue constitution, tne inquiry la, what ?> aiem of adiuiuiatrauou did they adopt I What llRMiUJC* dt)|H)ir COlUlHuUl vvitu tU?>CoiiBUlttiiou? hero 1 with to put u question at once, without further pre lnuinarioe ?r remor.,*, audi wul put it not only to the wings assembled hero, but to uuy who may bo present who is partial to our oppouoii.*; twill put it to turn, to hu oouscieuco, and iov- ol truth, whother the great nits surea which thu goveruuiuui of .that day set out with, and

determined to otuiy out, and did ?o in the hope ol benefit tinK the peopie,ate tuoso which thay are recommending to day/ (Cries ot " No, no.") Did Wo* king tan begin by da, nying all powor of loateilugthe tabor and inauatiy ot the United Biateaf Did he bbgin hy denying that Congress had power over the currency, or to establish means whereby lo raise a revenue lor the necessary t*pauses of Government/ or that the Congress, aa tar as the exigency ot the case demands, might uu.ertake works ol im provemunt, absolutely necessary fei the lacilities ol com merce t Did he, iu short, enter upon hia administration with the notion that, alter all that hail been done to make a united people, there still remained a jowerol State in terpretation hy which any oue State might set up its will in opposition to all the rest, and divide the government and the couutry as it pleased / Now we know tnat the administration, it it had in view any ot those ob j acts would have detested the object aiter the union among the people ot the difl'ereut States. It would have untied instead ol tying uuew the knotoi concord and agreement No, tuere wore some trusts and duties conveyed to the general government, about which there ie not much hi? puto. To make war and peace; to negociate treaties.? These are very definite ; not being liable to great differ ences ot opihionor mistakes. Then comes theother and more important power?the power ot regulating trade and commerce. What does that mean 1 On this pait of the constitution there has sprung up in -lie day a great diversity ot opinion. It is certain tnat when the const! tutieu was first tormed, there was no diversity ol opinion or contradiction ot sentiment. The power ot regulating commerce granted to Congress by the constitution of the United Btaies, was most assuredly understood to embrace all forms and regulations which belong to the> several Htate governments?to mean oiltliut is implied in the teims as used in the laws and history of modern nations, and it is susoeptibie of mathematical proot that the power of discrimina.ing in Custom-house duties lor the purpose ?f protecting American interests was admitted, not by some?by all; high and low every where it included in the power ot regulating trade. The terms " regulate trade" were introduced in all our colonial history. We had had with England controversies about trade long be lore about discriminating and prohibitory duties ; aud il wo go back to the treaties adopted in those cases, or it we examine the luuguage whenever assemblies ot the people were held to consult on these topics, their ideas were held up?that we cannot get on in cultivating the mechanic arts, or prosper in home manufactures,unless government have the pow er, and follow the policy oi protecung by ade quate dunes American industry. (Applause) 1 shall ad vert to one or two circumstances that occurred at the organization of the government, to show you that this be iiel?the conviction ot what wan Uio duty ana which will be the conduct of the new government?prevailed in all places. The House oi ilepienentawves formed a quorum under this Constitution, held its first session in the city of New York, on 17th May. I7b9, by the choiae ol its Sneukor : and now, gentlemen, the Houte ot ltepretenta* tivos being thus organized, what do you iaougiue was the first petition ever presented I Of that i am able to lnlorm you. I hold in my hand an account taken from ihe jour nals of the House. A petition of the tradesmen, inauu factur. rs and others, ot the town of Baltimore. State of Maivlanl, whese names are thereunto subscribed, was presented lo.thu House and re id, stating certain matters, uud praying lor an imposition of such duties ou sli foreign articles which may be made in Amerioa, so as to ifive d just and decided pro^rtiDCO to tbo labor# ol the pi> Utiouers; and that tnere may bo granted to them in coin mon with other manufactures and mechanics oi the Uni ted Btates, such reliet as the wisdoai of Congress may desire." That is the very first petition ever presented to Congress, and it came trom the capital of .Ma ryland. And now what do you suppose was tho second petition 7 Why It was a Ilk" peti tion trom certain mechanics of Charleston?not Charles town of Massachusetts, that commonwealth now scoffed at and derided aa being narrow and selfish in its views-not that Charleatowu that was burned and laid in ii-?h? s by a foreign toe on the 17ih of J une,179ft; but which on the tormation of a native government sprung up again like another Bhenix with renovated and increased beauty; not that Chorlestown which skirts the base ol Bunker Hill, but Charleston, the roflned aud elegant city, the pride ot South Carolina, always distiguished for it* intel ligence,hospitably,and oil the social virtues?Charleston, the mention ot which brings along with it in its associa tions the names of Pickering, and Sumner, and Lowndes; it was irom the bosom of that city that this petition ema nated; aud it was irom the shipwrights of thatcliy pray iug Congress, by un Act oi Navigaiion, to protactthem in their employment against loreign competition. Here is the minut.i of it: "A petition of nhipwiights ot the city ot Charleston, 8. C., was presented to the House and rend, staring the distresses they are under ftom the de cliue ol that branch of business i and praying that the wisdom and policy of the new legislature may be directed to such rnsjsures of a geueral regulation oi trade and pro per navigation act, as may tend to relieve the distresses of petitioners, and in common wiih those of their fel low citizens throughout the United States." (Cheers ) Will, gentlemen, when- did the next petition on this subject come from t What people, or city or commu nity ? Whose inhabitants lolluws this up?this petition? and urged a similar application on the Congress? It was the mechanics and manulucturcr* oi that city, now the great commercial emporium of the whole wosterncontinent, the city of New York; and see gentlemen iu what manner they present themselves, to what they call, and publicly call, the new government, ar.d what hopei arc publicly inspired iu their bosoms from tho knowledge of the fact that on their new govern ment are bestowed those powers of protoctionof mechani cal labors whose exercise they implore. A petition ot m inuf.ictureis and mechanics of tho ctty of New York, whose names are thoreuuto au'nscri'ied, was printed and read setting for'h that in tho present deplorable state of trade uml manufactures, thoy look with confidence to the operations of the new government for the restoration of both-subjoining n liatgof such articles as can be manufac tured in the city of New York,and humbly claim the atten tion of the new Legislature thereto And yet, gentlemen, lu that great and noble city, which has gone ahead of all competition,which presents itselftothewoild as the great est city of the American continent, abounding iu commerce and /successful* manufactures, there are to-day, persons in that very city, from whence proceoded this petition of 1799, who deny all power to Congress to legislate for the relief of their fellow citizens. Lamentable, in my judg ment, is this great departure-1 will not aay from what CBU->e, but I know it exist*?from first principles. Now, gentlemen, I ask you again, how were those petitions for protection treated ? Did Congress deny the power to comply, and aay " We cannot relievo or protect you, .unlets it. bo incidentally"? (Laughter.) Did they say " we have only a revenue jiowrr, tnat is to say, we can take so much money out of their pock ets, but Ood forbid we should answer the people-' J? (Laughter) Did they say in answer to those petitions, every one is lo look to himself?in Ihis free land and en lightened age every one is to see to their own interests 1 Fur from it. We all kuow that the very first Congress secured the navigation ol the United States to her own people- even now there is not only a preference shown, but the whole country tiade made a complete monopoly to the exclusion of strangers. Loot at this question. The coasting trade is o very important portion of our commerce. Why do we not let in the Dane orthe Russian people to do it?to traniport onr oommodi ies from New York to Boston. If you go upon the ayatem of tree trade, keep at it-be Impartial, and say to a ship owner or shipwright of the United States, " You have no right to be protected, or to carry on the trade of thrs country more than other people." But it wesprotected, and now, gentleman, occupies more than half tha tonnnge of the whole shipping of the country, and ao may it evor be (Applause ) Well, how did Congress treat the Baltimore petition ? They yielded to ft; the very first act of Con gress was adjusting a trade protection, and securing to tha mechanics' rights the protection thay claimed. Now, gentlemen, I know I am wearying you with this detail, (cries ot no. no,) hut it public decision* be worth any thing. we must go to first principles?we must go hack and drink <!s<-p of the Legislature enactments. (Cries of good ) I will call your attention then to the first act of Congress, entitled, " An act to make provision forgovcrn ment for paying the national debt, and lor tl.e protection ot American manufactures." Aye. that now so mnoh abhorred word " protection." is in the statute book, it cannot be erased, and it nesrer shall he erased (Loud cheers, and cries of "never ") Con gress, on the let day of May, 17H9. formed a quotum ; the means of government were very low ; the ndional trow snry was exhausted; there was no money to pay theordi nary expenses of the members. Mr Malison proposed a measure, raising a needful supply and merging the quo* tion'of discrimination for the sake of despatch lie propos ed not a discriminating law, but one which taxed all arti cles of import altka at a certain specific, rate This measure the house steadily refused, but begnu in the right way by taxing with a discrimination favorable to the American ale; Madison's hill wa* voted down, but he never gave is principle; it wa* atthiatlmo no local principle; the North was not tor one view, and the Routh for another, for they were equally ardent friends of the principle of protection; and a gentleman from Virginia insisted that eoal should be protected; and another from S.mth Carolina said that that portion of the field beyond what was required for use should be protee.ted by imposing a tax upon Russian hemp, a* that article might be grown in tnair aparo land. Mr. Moot*, of 8. C., said too, that by protection ha did not know bat that lomo day they might raise good cotton. Now, gentle men, Uiese sentiment* continued to prevuil thiough all future aJuiiuistru'.iuns.audwere recognized aa a ju>t mode ol carrying on the business oi the country, 'ihi*, then, geuliemeu, uiti hutory with regard to protection, Item the*a historical truths, recognized by our Cougre*>?the messages of our President* - the acta of Congress itaell ? beginning with the veiy tint act down to tne preseut? Irotu nil then* we learn that it i* the right ami duty of Congress, by a right discrimination to (noted the indu* try ol the American people. There are a tew other topic* which I shall pan* over at once. It i> now denied il.at Congress he* any power over the public tunda. Wash ington u.- d Madison did not think so Vou know that by the Constitution ot the United States, all power ot iuymg on dutiea ana unpoet* is exclusively gruuted to Cougies* by the t emulation, by the adoption ol that ktrumeut, each Mote 1* prohibited to do *i All lacilitie* tor improvement possessed by the State* were aurreudered to the general government I happen to know that a* aoou a* the Constitution ?iu ts tabluhed, and toe power devolved upon Congress, our new government met iu New York, iieuetal Washing ton addictaed letter* to the port wardou* of the biaten, telling them thut henceforth, ot courke the maintenance of ligut bouiek would devolve cn Cungrei* ; but aa Congirs* naJ no money, and no proviktou was made for it, he lequired these port wurden* not to extinguiah their lights,but to continue to hold up their lanuieru*,pledging hiniault tuat he would keu them refunded in good nam, which he did. but now it la coniiaeied u great heresy to car. y on a national bent lit in a particular Statu?to i? move a aand bat trom a harbor to tacintate the cotninvice. of the couatr;. 1 am of opinion that *u lat a* the fjcilitie* of commerce uie concerned ihey bolong to Congre.a to be exercised a* by the old State*. Mr. Webster then puaaed very briefly over Uie objection* urged by hi* opponents against the right ot Congress to Interfere with the internal improvement* ol the Stales.? He referred to la* own conduct on Uii* branch ol whig policy when in Congress, and related an anecdote of hi* oting taken to taak by one ol hi* conatitaeut* un account of voting lor an appropriation lor the improvement ol the harbor ot Mobile in Alabama. Hi* couktituent* wanted to know the reaaon of Mr. W.'* solicitude tor *uch a dis tant post, and Mr. W. replied that hi* constituent might recollect that two of hi* own townsmen had been drown ed in their own vessel* while attempting to enter that harbor. (Laughter.) He then proceeded '.o apeak ol the absence of all affirmative principle with the op|M>*ite party. Their creed waa a collection of negatives.? They deny that Congress had the power to prelect com merce-thot they had the power to direct or am internal improvement*?ihat, in fact, they possessed nolhiug but the power of nullification. (Laughter) It was true, some ot the opposite party said they did not go so lar as some en. It is ot their brethren. It is needles* lor him to say that some go farther than h? is prepared to go. But he, lor the time, contributes to that stretch ot his principles ol which he say she cannot and will nut .approve. Why, then, give thu power? if it be said that alt are not ogauist protection then who are they thut are not opposed to it I And it there realty be any net opposed to u, do they not lollow the leader just as they do who are? No?justlce;requires that in this respect some exception* ought to be made. There are, undoubtedly some exceptions. But then the candi dates of the party are prepared for support, and there is little doubt about their relation to this question, which is the most important oi all the issues now at stake, with the exception, perhepn, of una, lo which 1 will by and by refer. Well, then, what are the view* entertained on protection by tho selected leader of those we are called on to oppose 7 What are the views of Mr. i'olk 7? (Laughter, in consequence of the sarcastic pronunciation of the name.) Wuy, he say* ha is lor "ajudicious tariff." What sort ol a tariff is that. 7 (Laughter.) 11 he ask his brethren of South Carolina, they tell him that' judicious tariff " i* a "a horizontal tariff." (A laugh.) But he says that he i- in favor of "incidental protection and what is that? It is more correctly speaking,accidental protection.?(Laughter.) Now, fellow citizens, the true principle is this?you levy money lor revenue?you raise no more than is necessary for revenue, but th. n iu laying it it is done not accidentally but with discrimina tion and caution. A* tor saying mat it is in form ol " in cidental protection," as well might he say he is for rain, or a fog, or a thunder storm?incidents removed altoge ther from his control and entirely iuJi pendent oi his voli tion. That's not a statesman's manner o*. isy ing duties? surely?surely!?(Cheers.) No, the great question is this?the principles is this?one ui ? on ha* to contribute $6 a year to the maintenance of tin.* government, and you contribute it, in the fotui . f a lex, on dilh.rent commodi ties consumed by you. Now, if it doe not increase government, and you have no particular interest with regard to any articlu, it makes "O deifereuos to yon, but it may make all the difference in the world to your neighbor who may bo engaged in the manutaciur. ol one useful article, and the imposition cfa tax on which may press heavily enough upon turn, und place him on term* ot very lar inferior equality to a foreign competitor. (Cheers.) This is the true view of the matter. We hear much about reciprocity, and 1 take Uie rule on that sub ject fit lor an American statesman to follow, to have been V?ry closely and justly stated by an eminent gentleman? a member of the Senate of the United States?whom you will hear altar you have got over the pain of listening tome With reg srd to commerce and systems ol pcrlact equality among tne States and reciprocity in matters ol trade with all lorcigu nations, I have yet to learn out ol somu of out dictionaries that a system of reciprocity is a system of advantages on one side. 1 am for reciprocal ? euat in?rvcv nn( ?? t rwtif isifl " lillt rflcifirOCkl Hfl Ollff L'> 1 mfiita, as I have stated?not " treaties," becjuse tbo ma king or mch treaties ui that belongs to Congress ; but ccitaiuly I am not in favor of such arrangements as those recently negotiated, but which the Senate uf tho United States properly rejected, and in xiy jndg mmit, greatly to its honor. I asciibe no blame to either party, for it was an experiment; but in my opin ion, we have already erred in this matter. We have been over-reached in tho arrangements entered into with England?commouly called Mr. McLanc'n ar rangements ot '41. These certairdy-have terminated in the injury of the interests of American navigation, and 1 be lieve that the first step ofa new administration? if we ever get one?should be the correction of this mistake, and the adoption of the policy to take care of ourselves, and not abandon our own interests out of good will to a foreign competitor. Now, gentlemen, having detained you so long upon the history of the government to show that pro tection ha*been one of its great objects, 1 must pass hasti ly over the remaining subjects of remark. Mr. W. here went on to argue ut some length that protection to the manufacturer was one of the most emcirnt means of protecting the labor ol theagricultuiist, to whose honoru ble position I position in this land, a* contrasted with the pauper in borers ot Europe, he made an appropriate reference. In order to sustain this argument, he exhibited the results oi statistical inquiries?conducted by hinncll and a distin guished relation, to thequantity of tbc domestic raw ma terial consumed by Massachusetts. The grunt object he contended was to create a home market lor the agri cultural products of the country?that was best done by increasing the manufacturing population through the protection of n antifacturing iudustry. The noils of En gland were closed against our bread-studs by laws ol whoso repeal or modification he did not r?e any immediate pi aspect. Massachusetts took annually seven is of ilollurs worth of cotton from the South?four millions miliious of dollars worth of wheat, most of it from the State of New York?the took, paid for, and consumed lour miliious of corn, oats and ether graiu?one and a halt millions of coal from Pennsylvania? three miliums worth of wool, and he hoped the farmers of Dutches* county would remember that before next Novemtier?(A laugh) Let them find o?t what had raised tbe price of wool?let them get that sale for it if they could by this "incidental and judidio'JS tariif"? (Laughter) Of leather and hides, Massachusetts com monly taok, paid for, and consumed $780,000?three mil lions worth of beef and pork, chiefly from Ohio?one million of butter and cheese?a million and a half of pig lead from Missouri?half a million of rice from South Carolina?and of tar, pitch and turpentine from the gleri uus old North State, a million's worth annually?a mil lion's worth of iron from Pennsylvania?in all, forty millions annually ol the products of the raw material taken, paid for, and consumed by Massachuset s alone? nn amount equal to one hnlf of the whole eximrtation of domestic produce to Kurope. Some one here hand ?d Mr. Wabster a little tract egaiost the tin iff which he took up and asserted that Its statements all fabrications?one of them was to the were effect that beef in lt?43 was $H, end that It had now fallen to $8. He only wished he had known when there wai a market for it in 1B45, at fH as be had then;a little to dispose of himself. (Laughter) He admitted that the price of agricultural products was low,hut he confidently looked to an improvement soon. Ha then wint on?There is one other topic, gentlemen, coming within the discus sion ol this time most interesting to us and to the whole country?to which I will only allude?I mean the subject of the annexation of Texas. That givea a grave and in calculably deep Interest to the question now pending before the community. But in my humble Judg merit the great subject af Inquiry should be ?ere we iollowing in the tracks which our fathers mode for us? I put It to you to-day?let it be decided by this great Statu of New York, who of herself exeroisrs such an influence in this contest?who that looks on the map aud sees hur stretching from one frontier to the other? with her greet commercial emporium at one end, and the vast shore of tha ocean lakes st the other?who that looks at her censns, at her commercial greatness- who that contemplates New York in any capacity, eon avoid llie reflection that she holds, I would almost say, a fearful re sponsihility for the future conduct of this country I am not to doubt that her intelligent people will ac ouit themselves on tnis occasion as they think their own interest and the interest of the country require. If I doubted that, I should doubt ol the continuance of the prosperity of tne country I desire before living to rive my thanks to you- as many of you as are citircns of Albany, lor your kindness and hospi tality. Of late year* my intercourse with the good people of Albany has not been frequent, ft was my ha|ipin??s to be here a good deal formerly?my happiness to form acquaintance with great eod'gii in-n of thia S'atr ?with aome not now among Ire lift among Ire living?with De Witt Clinton, a name never tc he mentioned l>v eny American without entire n-sjM-ct-rvl'.h Ike late Oer.-ral Van Ken* sellai-r,whose man) moral and sm.nbi' qualities seemed In enable him to overcome the diillruMy uf a camel's going through thepyc of a needle of ffavnruur Tompkins--oi Mr. Van Vechtrn, and among tho g'-'iti- men with whom in early life and early manhood I had tho pleasure to form an arqiialntsnea. I may allude to two, still vigorous in advanced age, who hare enlightened ? whole profession, and whose public life has rr fleeted great credit on your Htate and the country- I m?*n Chancellor Kent and Mr. Chief Jnstlc# flpenc. r - men not amongst us?net here to day, but with us, I am sure, in sympathy, and soul full of the seme *yn> pathetic hope and the same patriotic purpose. 1 rpray Ood they mey long live to see and to enjoy the nro* rlty and glory of their country And now with the st good wishes for yo'4 all. allow mo to take of you n most respectful leave. Mr. Webster ttieu retired, solid treniouiiuua cheers. The Hob. M. Berrien then addressed the mul titude in a short and animated speech. Job Hoxxe?the regenerated Apollo of the party, next sung a song, which was loudly applauded. The Hon. Mr. George aUo made a short tpeech. But it was evident that all interest had ceased when Webster finished his long speech of two hours aud a quarter. During the delivery of Mr. Webster's speech llie crowd was addressed at different parts on the out skirts of the assemblage, by Greeley, the "Pough keepaie Blacksmith," and other itinerant orators. These little independent spoolers had evidently the most fun and enthusiasm, for shout, yells, scream*, cheers, laughter and bacchanalian outcrys were constantly burning iiom their hearers to the evi dent discornliture of the "god-like" Dan. Altogether the affair did not by uny means come up to our expectations. The whig parly will, oi course, say that there was at Itast fifty thousand people there. But our estimate often thousand is rather over than under the mark. We were also disappointed in seeing so lew com paratively of the most influential of the leading men in the whig ranks in this titate present on the occasion. Still it was a very important popular gathering, and from the display ot leeling and en thusiasm, it is very evident that the whigs are pre pared to make a desperate light in the " Empire State." We have great pleasure in expressing our grate ful acknowledgments to Captain McLean, ot the " Swallow," for his kind and polite attention in affording us the best possible accommodation for writing out our notes on board his elegant boat. Fkom the Sandwich Islands.?We are indebted toalrieudtor a Sandwich island paper ot Alurch 3J, culled "The Km mi of Teuipeiance." A consult.-! utile portion oi it is occupuS with iTesident T>let's message delivered at the opsntug of the session of Congress in De cember last, which toe editor says he publishes at the tu ques. ot several gentlemen lor the perusal ot numerous Araericau readers, and ho hopes some ol tla; r. uikra w ill cast in their nnte to defray the expenses ol publication. There is a communication in the paper, headed, " W on derfut Phenomenon," which states that on the morning ol' the 13th cf Febiuary, a report was in circulation thioogh the town oi Honolulu, Uiut an immense body ol wuter had burst through the turlace ot Kurt HU1, and spread itself out upon the summit in the lorm ot a lake. It was staled that tha water around the borders ol the said lake was cohl, but that in the ccntie it was hot, and that its depth was eight fathoms. The excited natives were soon Hacking in crowds to the scene ol wonder. It was judg ed that not less than 16(H) made tha pilgrimage in ibo course of the loreuoon, many of whom brought away calabashes lull ol water. Some of the curious piocured horn them small phials or bottles lilted with the piecious element Many speculations wero agitated to ascertain the oiigin of this uuinoked tor phenomenon. Some thought the sea had suddenly loiced a passage through what w at once an native volcano, and that henceforth the old ciuttr w as to send forth water instead ot lire. Others again believed that water had been gradually accumulating in the fis sures and cavities ot the mountain during the last twenty years, and had at length united in one v ast body ; but no one could certainly tell; conjectuie was rife. At length, in the altemoon, several gentlemen, in w hose judgment the utmost coni-dence could bo reposed, moun ted horse and proceeded to the place, determined to ex amine with their own senses this new "lion," whoso sud den appearance bad disturbed in so reuiuikebie a degree the tranquility oi the towu. They went prepared to take its soundings, and also to aiceitarn its txaot tempeia'.nre. On arriving at the designated spot, they found a small dark pool, and into it their lead was immediately east, which found bottom ut the s rprising depth of six inch* si The water was so muddy th .t it was not thought advisa ble to make use o! the thermometer. It was now rictl lacted that a great deal oi rain had recently fallen, and here the mai vet ended. The editor ot the "Friend" odds that the deep sensation which ptrvadod the commuuity arose Irom the circum stance that u nutive woman, huving txien troubled in her sleep lor many nights iu succession, at length announced that alountaiu u us about to bieuk torth on Fort, alias Punch Bowl, llill. To test the truth oi h r dream, she ascended the hill, whenlo! a iouutaiu was to be seen.? The report spread like an electric shock among the na tives, and some ol the loreigneis, itsaems, had their cu riosity much excited.? Hot ton Transcript. Frightful Accident at Niagara.?Mir.s Mar tha K. Kugg, u young lady aged about 110, whose Sarents reside at Lai.caster, Mu?*., left her hi me a low ays since to visit hsr sister, Mis. (n oige IV. Howe, of Detroit. She was under the care of Mr. John Loig of Detroit, the partner in business of Mr. Howe, h?r bro ther in ltwr. Arriving at Niagara Falls, thuy s>oppe<l with the intention of ({tending a short time. On Satuiday about coon, iu company wita a part) frum this city, they walked out, and when un the bank Just below the Falls, netr the Museum, on the Canada side, Miss Kugg t ud denly left the arm ot her protector to gather some bushes growing ou the very brink of the precipice, imd almost Instantly lost her balance?tailing about 1*0 f. ?-t perpen dicularly ! She was heard to utter one tearful cry as she wasnfulllng, and, all was still. It was some twenty mi nutes before her companions could reach her. vvh n they did so,they touii'huer still alive, hut senselevs -utter ing u few incoherent words. Medical aid was afionied almost immediately, but she died in about thn-c hours.?. The only discernablu Injuries on the body wets a slight scratch on one temple, and one uncle broken T he nut intimation which her bereaved parents will rtccivu of this melancholy catastiophe, will be conveyed lo them in this paper. We have conversed with those who were present when the accident occurred, and they e. 11 c< ueur in exculpating Mr Long Itou the least blame. Tim i < dy was brought to tins cup the mine night, ar.d li.t in 'he bout last evening for Detroit, where it is taken for bu riaL?Buffalo Goxtltt, Jlugunt 3d Alarming Firk at Ai-alachicola.?Our citizens were aroused about half-pad three this nmrr.itig with the thrilling cry of fiie ! The tv o buildirgs owned by R. J. Moses, the. one occupied by P. Lupiad., nnd the other by Mr. Colmun, tailor, w ere both bun.t down . also, the small house adjoining, lately occupied by Jos. Behrodt. The fijiaes spread with equal rapidity on the west side, nnd communicated w.th the two houci* owned, we tie. lieve, by the Land Company?one lately occupied by tVm. C.Lawrence, and the other formerly known as Whittle's house. Th.i kitchens of the house of 11 W. Hrooks, an I of the houses occu; led by Henry Hodgi s nnJ /. W. McKnew, also took fire ; but by the great exertions ol some of our,citueDS,together with the est utanceota tew active men Irom the steamers Florence ar.d Hyren, who arc ever ready on such occasions, they were pulled down, and the main buildings ssved. H. W. Brooks' bouse was in great danger for sometime, as tne heat was so intense tnatit was impossible for any one to stand between it and the kitchen long enough to throw water. The house or. cupied by James F. Farrior was also a little scorched, 1 ut by perseverance it Was saved Irom the devouring de ment Fortunately it was very calm at the time, or there is no telling where it would nave stopped.?Jijiataihicola Jlrtv. J)UM. 10 Emigration to Canada.?Number of emigrants arrived at Quebec during the week endrng /. tig. 24 Cabin. iitetrage Kroro Kngland a 330 " Ireland n .'a I " Hcotland ? 33 Previously reported 37a 16,631 Total, 383 17.(196 To the lame period last year, 601 18.631 Decrease in 1841 307 1,636 Mnwotrai Election.?We are yet without re turns from a good many counties in this State, and a* we bare stated the general result, we shall await the official returns. It Is quite certain, that Leonard II Kims is the leading man on the aoftjor independent ticka' for ( on Srees, and becomes, ss the locofooos term It, the " acni ental" member of that body, Mr Taraone, a candidate on the hard ticket, having died too lato to pat forth a successor with any chance ol success ?9t Lotus Republican Politics in Texas.?The election for President of Texas takes place on the first Monday in Sep tember; Burleson and Jones are the rAididetas; the fitst is in btvor of annexation, the latter against it. Jomsia supported by the influence of Houston, now President, tut it is believed the popularity nf Burleson will elect him. Jones la openly in favor of an aliianeo with Kng lantl, and the establishment of a policy unfavorable to the United Elates. More Pardons.?It is understood that informa tion hits recently reached the Department of State, that her Britannic Majesty has ezti ruled pardon (on tbo usual condition of good behavior while resident* there) to the American prisoners now in the British penal colo nies, whose names are embraced in the anneaad list List ? Joseph Stewart, F.lisnr Stevens, tlije-in A. (food rich, Nelson J. Oiiggs, Jariy <?rig*?, Benjamin Mott, Samuel Ncwcozne, James De Witt eefi, Luthor Darby.? Madiionian. Carrilr Piorons.? We are mlormed that n cur rier pigeon Wis shot this morning Hying acroen the back bay over the mar?hea, and that mucli regret was n.anifested by the sportsman, on finding itwusnotlho common wilit pigeon lor which it was taken. As it may ho a matter of curiosity, or interest to the owner of th?? bird to know his course and the time w hen shot, the flight was due north, and the time when killed rvv.-n o'clock. The color of the carrier was brick red, and dingy white oi light slate It had a leathern strap round the left leg, without anything alas attached.? /lesion Tranicrijil, .tv gust 97. Ohio River.?At Pittsburgh, on Saturday, there waits four and a half feet water in the channel and the river was still rising.