Newspaper of The New York Herald, April 12, 1846, Page 2

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated April 12, 1846 Page 2
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NEW YORK HERALD. Sew York, SumUy, April 14, U46, The Foreign News. The steamer Unicorn has not yet arrived. She is now in her twenty-fourth day at sea. It appears to be the opinion of those last in England, that ahe sailed oil the 19:h uit. If not anticipated by a packet ship, she will bring nine days later intelligence. Defeat of the Whigs In Connecticut and here?The Causes. it is a (act well known and admitted by the politicians of the two great parties into which this country is divided, that the whigs | throughout the Onion are decidedly in a majority, and can, under favorable auspices, succeed in get ting the control of the national government, and likewise of most of the State governments. The question then naturally arises, how is it that thsy so rareiy succ "ed, and allow a party that ia admitted to be in the minority to get control of the affairs ot the country, und succeed in retaining it. We have frequently answered this question in the columns of this journal, and pointed out, in the clearest manner, the causes that have brought about this anomalous state sf things. The principal, or indeed, the only one, is the con duct and mismanagement of the whig leaders and whig editors, throughout the country. If ever a party was cursed and ruined by the fol ly and imprudence of its leaders and editors, none was ever so completely ruined as the whig party in this country has been. There never has be? una nimity or concert of action among them. They have k?pt their party in a continued state of fermen tation, by their bickerings and animosities; and in stead of devoting their time and talents to the ad vancement of the interests of their party, they have been eternally discussing extraneous subjects, with a ferocity and malignity that have reflected dis grace upon themselves, and brought ruin and defeat upon their party. The whig party, with the exception of one brief month, have not had possession of the general go vernment since the year 1828. In 1840 a whig Pre sident was elected, but not by the whig party. Gen. Harrison went into office by general acclamation, which was brought about by the corruption of the Jackson and Van Buren dynasties, and the state of the country at the time. But were he trusting to the efforts of his party?to the exertions ot the think ers and editors of his party?he never would have sat in the Presidential chair. After the whirlwind which carried Gen'l Harri- | son before it, had subsided, and the equanimity of j the people had been restored, the year 1844 rolled on, and Henry Clay was nominated by the whigs for the Presidency. Mr. Clay had personally more of the elements of popularity, than any other man in the couutry; the times, too, were favorable for his election, and up to within about three months of the day of election, InsBuecess was certain and beyond ' doubt. But the same unfortunate influences which had, in other days, defeated the whig party, were again brought into operation. The same bickerings and discussions about extraneous matters, that char- I acterized the whig press, were again indulged in, the ! same personalities and billingsgate were employed, the same ruin and disaster were brought about, and, ot course, Mr. Clay was defeated. We have a more recent instance of this un- | fortunate conduct, in the election in Connecticut.? This state has been for a number of years, one of the greatest strong holds of the whig party; | but in it, as well as in this and other States, the wtiig editors and leaders have been in a state of warfare with each other. They have kept up a diccusiion concerning the merits and demerits ot all the fanciful urns ot which this day and g<'ntrauon are so prolific. They have seized hold of all these fanciful doctrines, pulled each other | to pi- ces in their discussions, created divisions in the ranks of their followers, until the whig party is disintegrated, and split into innumer- I able clit/uft, factions and parcels, that can't be | nutted, and offer easy victory to the democrats. j We see the same results, produced by the same causes, in Connecticut, as well as in other,places, j and the probability is that at the next election in that Btate, the democratic party will have an easy and a complete triumph. The present distracted condition of the party in this city and State, has been brought about by the ame means. There is no question that if the whigs of this city had been united, in readiness for the en suing charter election, they would be returned by a greater majority than was ever given to any party. The wilful and unprecedented corruption that has marked the party at present in power, has disgust ed the honest port i on of the community; and a mark ed determination existed to drive them from office. But at the time of election, we Bee the whigs dis jointed and separated, with separate candidates for offices, and their strength frittered away, so as to ensure the election of their opponents, and another year of profligacy and corruption. It is lamentable that the whigs will confide their intereats to such men as they do. Surely they have had bitter experience, and ought to know better. The truth of the matter is, as long as the whig party allow themselves to be used and misled by their leading men, they need not expect to succeed. Justice Taylor.?The conduct of this gentleman, since his nomination by the whig and native parties, for the office of Mayor, is a riddle that we can't unravel. At the time he was nominated by the na tives, he wrote a public and a private letter. In the former he declined being their candidate, because his private business would net admit of being sacri ficed. He stated privately that he was about to engage in the coal business,which would require all his time; in fact, that he could not afford to be Mayor. Now the same obstacles that prevented him ac cepting the nomination of the natives, are as strong to prevent him accepting the nomination of the whigs. Indeed, we understand that he has not formally ac cepted the nomination yet. If this be the case, what a farce it was to call a meeting confirming the whig nominations. It cer tainly could not have been any thing but a trap)?a locofoco meeting in disguise?and all the speechify ing and hurras, nothing but providing ammunition tor the locos. must ut?N for Oreoon.?By the report of the meeting of the democracy at Tammany Hall on Friday last, published in the Herald of yesterday it appears that a resolution was submitted to the locofocn multitude, declaring the right of the United States to the Oregon territory, as far as the Russian line, and that the resolution was carried by accla mauon, and in the most enthusiastic manner. This is a sign of the times that ought to receive the atten tion of the British and American governments. We predicted some lime since, that, if this ques- 1 fion were not brought to a settlement one way or I the other, within a year, it never would be set tled. We predicted that the people, the almighty people of both countries, would rake it out of the hands of the diplomats,and settle it in their own way We repeat now what we then said. If the Oregon question be not brought to a point soon, by diploma cy, the two governments will never settle it. What would be the result, il the people ol both countries took it in htnd T The result would certainly be, that tie two people would engage in a contest ol words, which would end in force, and of course draw in the governments of both countries. A long and bloody war would ensue, which would deluge the worla with blood before it was finished. Herw important, then, it is to hav# this question, ?TSompuratively insignificant in one respect, bnt mo mentous in others, settled by the governments of Kngland and the ' nited States, at the earliest possi ble moment. Mail roa Boston.?The steamer Nsrragansett will leave this morning at 9 o'clock, for Providence, and the Oregon leaves at 0 o'clock in the afternoon ARRIVAL or THE OCEAN EXPRESS PACKET SHIP QUEEN OF THE WE8T, CAPTAIN WOODHOUSE. HIOHZ.7 IMPO&TAMT FROM EUROPE THE REVOLUTION IN POLAND. THE WHOLE COUNTRY IN ARMS. THE OREGON QUESTION IN ENGLAND. The Semi-official View of the British Government. ANOTHER REDUCTION CONTEMPLATED IN THE CORN LAWS. The Probable Free Admission of Indian Corn. Activity and Improvement In the Corn Market*. NAVAL PREPARATIONS IN ENGLAND. 8TATE OF THE MARKET8. die., die., die. The ocean express packet ship Queen of the West, Capt. Woodhouse, arrived early yesterday morn, ing, from Liverpool, with advices to the 10th ult., inclusive. She brings news later than we have received by the ship Adirondack, although the A. sailed from Cork, on the 13th ult., one day after the Wm. J. Homer, and arrived here one day before her. The intelligence is important. The insurrection has spread throughout Poland. The whole country!is lit up with! one ^revolutionary flame. The cotton market had improved. The London Timet ot die 9th ult. contains a long article on the Oregon Question. It ib a sort of demi-semi-official opinion of the British Govern ment. The corn markets are active and improving. There ar e to be great reductions in the Russian tariff. It is said that the French funds had declined. The English government were active in sending out re-inforcementsto India. Free-trade Associations have been formed at Pa ris, Lyons, Bordeaux, and other places in France, on the principle of the English Anti-Corn-Law League. The number of seamen required by the English Navy estimates, is 27,500, boys 2,000; marines afloat 5,500; ashore 5,000 ?total 40,000. It is said that the artillery, turned with such fatal effect against the British troops in India, was pur chased in England about five years ago, by General Ventura, for the late llajah Runjeet Singh. A reduction equivalent to 2s 3d per ton, has been made in the charges lor stowage of British ships, at St. Petersburgh. Commercial treaties have been entered into be tween Naples, Sweden, Norway, and Sardinia. The Dublin Evening Packet says, that at a late meeting of ttie members of the '82 club, Mr. Barrett, proprietor of the Pilot, (Mr. O'Connell's organ,) was proposed as a member of committee, ana was blackballed. One of the Liverpool papers says From the Queen ot the West, New York packet-ship, con signed to Fielden, Brothers Jc Co., there were this week landed and weighed in thirty seven and a half hours, 8,070 packages, weighing 1,400 tons. A commercial and navigation treaty, upon a per fect system ot reciprocity, has been entered into between Russia and Sardinia. All differential duties upon both sides are done away with. We have received advices from Paris to the 6th ult., inclusive. At the sitting ot the Chamber of Deputies, the debate on the gTanta lor improving the navigation of the rivers of France was resumed, and the sums demanded for the Yonne, the Mame, and the Sar the, respectively, were agreed to. In our extraordinary express of Saturday we anticipated the news from South America, which had the effect ot depressing the funds in the Paris Bourse. The steamer Charlemagne, which teached Mar seilles on the evening of the 2nd inst., brings news from Algeria to the 28th instant. The cavalry, 600 strong, under the orders of Gen eral Yusuf, had encamped between Blidah and Join ville. Blidah had been strengthened by the arrival ot 200 troop ot the line. At Dellys, on the 26th, all was perfectly tranquil. Tnree hundred infantry and two hundred tirail leurs \ell Bonn on the 2Ut, under the command M. de Chambriere, for the camp atBathna. Navai. PRKPAaATions ?The extraordinary ac tivity which prevails in all the dock yards, in over hauling and bringing forward frigates ot the heaviest class, is very ominous, as these are precisely the vessels which will be lequired in a war with America. Ia addition to the 44 and 50 gun frigates already in commission, the following vessels of the same cIhsb are either preparing for commission or undergoing careful examination, namelv?the Gloucester, a line-of-battle ship razeed to a 50-gun frigate; the Raleigh, 50; the Southampton, 50; the Isis, 44; the Cornwall, 50; the Conquestador, 50; the Horatio, 44 ; the Constance, 50; the Portland, 00; ths Java, 50; and the Alfred, 50. There are ! already at sea the following vessels ot this class:? i The Grampus, 50; the Eagle, 50; the Melampus, 44; the Vindictive, 50; the Warsnite, 50; the Ver non, 50; the Endymion, 44; the President, 60; the Winchester, 50; and the America, 50. The Oregon Question In Kngland?Scml-Ofll clal View ot the British Government?Opl nlons ot the Kngllsh Press. ^rom the London Tunes, March 9 ] In the way of concession and argument on the Oregon question, little now remains to be said oi done by the British government. The strongesi desire has been repeatedly expressed on our side to terminate this controversy. Our case has beet stated with such moderation, and our claims con fined to such narrow limits, that nothing but ex treme presumption, or rather a species of hostile infatuation, on the part of the American democrats could lead them to suppose we could make an> further abatement of our rights. We are in actua possession of rather more of the Oregon temtorj than we have ever claimed as our own. because, at fong as the joint occupation lasts, the concurrem rights of both parties extend over the whole coun try. We have at our disposal ample means o defending our rights. We bad never, at any perioc in the history of our country, less reason to recoi from a war, or to fear the result of a contest witf any power, but more especially with the Unitec States. Yet we, on our side, have strenuously anc sincerely tailored to effect a compromise. We have not alluded to the superiority of our maritime strength; from a misplaced resect for the Amen can government, no use has been made of those blunt arguments to which alone they now appear tc be accessible; until at length we learn, with more contempt than surprise, that Mr. Polk and his ad yisers are embarking in a course which can onl) Isad, if they are allowed to persevere in it, to ag j greaaive hostilities. In our zeal tor the maintenance of peace, and out deference lor a nation with which we have so much in common, we have gone ao far as to admit thai the claim to the Oregon territory is equal to oui own, and to argue that a partition is the fairest so lution of the difficulty. The Americans, however,are not to be saiisfied until they convert this concession of a put into a surrender of ihe whole. Their claim is, to say the mostot it, no better than ourown, since tliey themselves do not dare to submit to the nrbi I -i* . ill ? 4 tration of a third party, knowing that the publ opinion of the world has nlready pronounced again it. Yet from this most imperfect and controver bte claim they seek to extract twice as much we contend for?nay, they raiae their own pcaten' I siena to absolute and total sovereignty, whilst they | altogether annihilate the rights we have practically enjoyed for more than halt a century. Thus, in fact, the question in dispute has never been brought to a true issue, The two quantities have not been reduced to a common denomination; they [differ in their very nature; and whilst our position not only admits of a compromise, but suggests and requires it, their'* is utterly at variance with the first prin ciple oi such an 'arrangement. Mr. Buchanan's last note says too much, unless indeed 'it says mad- 1 vertentlv what is the truth; for the argumenta by which ne endeavours to show that the United States cannot submit their claim to arbitration, are equally cogent to prove that their claim will not ad mit even of negotiation. Mr. Buchanan'appears to forget that the Ua'ted States have negotiated ; that ' he hiimelf, by his last proposal, lor trie fourth or tilth time concededhhat point; that the House of Representatives, by their second resolution, have in i fact sanctioned the principle of negotiation, which is, in other word*, the principle of mutual conces- j sion. When the American Secretary of State says ! he cannot do what the manifest interest and dignity , oi the two countries require, lie must either mean that the Government to which he belongs will not do it, or that that Government is acting under the compulsion of the party, excited to madness on ibis question, which carried Mr. Polk's election. The practical question for us is to ascertain the 'inten ti ns of t!ie American Government. If Mr. Polk and his advisers an sincerely pacific, they cannot but succeed: there is no obstacle, no impediment, no difficulty in the way, except thore which they have themselves created. To bring about a war with us under such circumstances, they must be i i lie worst statesmen in the world it they do not I seek it; oi the most rash and unprincipled, if they ! deliberately intend :t The time is, however, come : when we are forced to judge ol iheir real motives ; by their conduct; and, as they have not encouraged furtiier argument, it may not he premature to in quire into the amount of their forces. We are informed > me prodigious volume of American 6tatisticF recently prepared for both Houses of Parliament by the diligence of Mr. Mac gregor, that the stan ding army of the United States ! consists of one regiment of dragoons, one regiment I of riflemen, four companies of artillery, ana eight | regiments of infantry. The whole number of troops now in the service is 9,8i7, exclusive of 781 com- I missioned officers. An act of Congress of 1842 re duced the rank and file of the army 3,920 men 1 this reduction is now proceeding, and when it is completed the standing army will consist of 7,590 non commissioned officers, musicians,artificers,and > privates. It is true, that it this corps should appear rather small lor the defence of the United States, I and the invasion of a region situated 2,000 miles off, on the other side of the American continent, i the militia force of the United States might by, its numbers at least, have excited the envy of Xerxes or Bonaparte. The Army Remitter for 1 1843, contains the appalling annouueement that this , multitudinous host is commanded by 627 generals, 2,670 general staff officers, 13,813 field officers, j 44,938 company officers, being in all 62,205 officers; nor are these numbers at all excessive, when we learn that the forces under their command consist 1 of 1,385,645 men ! For the purposes of defence | against a foreign invasion ws have no doubt that | these American citizens would exert themselves j creditably. A considerable number of the younger men may even volunteer to take a part in offensive operations. But we have no hesitation in saying; I that to bring an efficient army of even 30,000 men I into the field, prepared to march beyond their own ! frontiers, is the most arduous task which has ever devolved upon the Federal Government of the United States, and with its present power and re it to be absolutely impracticable. sources we believe The navy of the United States consists of 11 ships of the line, two ol which are afloat, three are reeeiv. ing ships, and six on the stocks, or under repairs. The 14 first class frigates of 44 gttns, are the best part of the fleet; of these four are on the stocks and three in ordinary. The two 36 gun frigates are old The small vessels are, 17 eIoods of war, 8 brigs, 9 schooners, and 6 steamers. The navy list contains 67 captains, 94 commanders, 324 lieutenants, and 133 passed midshipmen, 416 midshipmen, and 31 masters. No estimate can be formed of the real strength of the crews of the Americau navy, because it is well known that a considerable portion of this fleet is manned by British seamen, who are attract ed by the high pay of the American navy in time of peace. But that very circumstance shows the ex treme difficulty of manning an American fleet in war, and especially in a war with England. Their ships are, in fact, worked to a great extent by En glish mercenaries, a large proportion of whom would unquestionably return to their own colors on We content ourselves with this simple enumera- ' tion of the forces of the United States by land and | by sea, which we hope is correct. We know not what course Mr. Polk may intend to pursue alter the | notice for the abrogation ot the treaty for joint oe- 1 cupation has been duly given : and we shall await j with more curiosity than alarm the enterprises which may be projected for the purpose ol expelling ! British subjects from a district where we happen to command the const and the interior, the Indians nnd the forts. The world is perfectly aware that England is not the attacking party, and that we are content to leave matters in Oregon as they now are. It the Americans mean any thing, they mean to dis possess us of what we hold. At the same time, if this intention be avowed by the cabinet of Wash ington, or it it be disclosed by votes ot money and warlike preparations which imply a fixed deter mination to engage in this absurd and flagitious contest, no state is bound to wait to be attacked. Mr. Polk has already instructed the American Mi nister in London to ask for an explanation ot the activity in our dockyards. His own conscience might have given it to him; his own language has put us upon the defensive; and although the termi nation of the convention of 1827 by notice is no cattu belli, yet the disposition indicated by that no tice, and the means which may be taken to carry that disposition into effect, may hereafter tumuli ample ground of suspicion, of remonstrance, and finally of hostilities. A bold and manly course on the part of the British government will probably not be without a good effect in the United States; and it will undoubtedly command the unanimous sup port of the people of England. [From ths London Examiner, March 7.] The Americans seem determined to be original? with moral, noftical, and international laws, all and exclusively their own. Their atandard ot right, of logic, and of honour, are quite new; quite different from anything of the kind received or admitted by anterior, and of course inferior races of men. Our diplomatists seem sadly puzzled how to meet or deal with arguments so novel, which at bottom are neither more nor less than an appeal to war, and a reckless, though sophistical provocation of it. After failing, for a vconj or third time, in negotiation, our cuvov, Mr. Pakenham, pro posed to refer t :e partition of the territory to arbitration?ti any arbitration?that of a sovereign, that o any body of jurists, or eminent men The answer of the American is a curious specimen of evasion. Mr. Buchanan says he could nevei refer the question to arbitration. He might, indeed, refer the question of title, provided the de cision of that title ended in nothing, or was in favor of America. But to put it iu the power of aoy fo reign arbiter to take away a territory from the Unit ed States, that whs impossible. In fact, the only principle on which the American minister would negotiate upon, or submit to arbitration, was the ola and well-known one of " I win. you lose." Ac cording to Mr. Buchanan's rule, the United States can never submit to arbitration a question of terri tory. Where land is concerned, the Americans re serve exclusive to themselves the office of deciding on their own right, as well as that of their antago ] nist's. Why confine this principle to territory! If it be rational and sound, it equally applies to all rights and interests as well as to land. II we sub mit to it in one way, we must accept it in all.? Tne result would be to place the people of the United States in an exceptional position, to place them be yond the pale of civlizition, and quite abov e! he beggarly elements of religion and morality. Dif ferences we must have wiih such a wide spread and powerful and bordering nation. But differences can never be aettled with the present governing party in America, unless by our submission to their wishes, lor reasoning is out of the question. With a country where political conscience and reasoning are of this kind, war, we fear, ia inevitable, Booner or later; it not tor the Oregon, lor some aQCft question. In the society of a mere bully a man is never safe. How can our relations with America be ever secure when her language and logic are of this kind, and whilst the feelings which dictate both are so undisguiaedly insolent as almost to reach the burlesque 1 The great difficulty in this question is, and has been, not to discover whaf the American or the English right is, but simply to make out what the Ame ricans want. We English are anxious to aatisfy them, and give up all we can with honor. But American pretensions have always so regular ly and impudently advanced as our claims receded, that our statesmen begin to Uiink, with much reason, that all tne Americans seek (we allude, of course, to the mad nnd domi nant portion of them) is war. Some years past ihey were contented to give the free navigation ef the Columbia in common, and to take the 49th degree. Now they repudiate tnis, and, as they say, " Go for all the Oregon." The danger to paace on this side cf the Atlantic has certainly been caused by this slippenness of American statesmen. If Mr. Polk was bent npon producing war, he could haw taken no other path and adopted no better means. Open, undisguised, unreasonable war he had not a majori ty to support him in declaring and prosecuting; but he has manumvred and provoked, aod set every en gine nt work to create and work up a majority in the Congress to insist on the whole of Oregon, which is inevitably war. The House of Representatives have done his bidding in the matter oi ordaining that nonce to suspend the convention with us be I given. The whig votes were qwaly divided on the questioa. Ths House of Representatives have accompanied its vote by the declaration tkat it considers it by no means a bar to the re newal of negotiations. When the lower House of Representatives have said this, the Senate Deara??k ^ fi!", Courteona i a?>d thus disap miYtf. i iear - ^ measure of the legislature might lead to an immediate interruption of^ur re lations. But the difficulties of negotiation still re S lift aaa..u Llunatdy they remain in the hands ^ P.olk? *ho may w'?h much reason be sus md??L *ki Wl to preciPitate and provoke war,and to drag his, in a great measure, unwilling country men into it. 11 he told us exactly what lie wants, we could take counsel, and make every effort to sa tisfy him. If his nne qua turn was the Columbia ri ver, because of its being the great road of ingress and egress to Central America Irom the Pacific?if o grain ilTak ?"ly '? moaopolize thta, but also to gnap the beet part in Fuca's Straits?here too we might know, at least, how far we could go in meet htm. But whilst'English diplomat,sts^ plav Mr P !llre'r 08 i a"rd are in ,he,r proposal/ Mr. Polk covers his and purpose with one de ! th. 54th degree ; and we have not yet arrived at i what wN|tUM?" ?i keVe? a good conjecture as to ih.ri; satisfy him. As to the American people 1 tmrtmn uTi0ntkiaSain", War' 40(1 a considerable Iw.hiM fsvorable to amicable relations with us anto'aminority,formidable from its "new ly dei1renIUCn Ce ?iVer- uhe 1?noranti which decided exfcdv nt fh e w,th ,us '' Md kr. Polk, if not himself with 1 t in'' "ifke" U? ot itLand identifies an? a?ii ''' ,n ofder to force the more reluc. eitner pitriotism or generous ambition. Tk- l B,u'8 Lite in London. March S 1 ?h- . advices from the United States brimr us the most unquestionable proof of the bad stale of feeling whicti influences their Government Mr Polk, a perfect nonentity so far as a renutminn inr statesmanship was concerned, was tnrust into office by a party determined to cariV out u wa? Jot cT and being in office he still acts as the tool of the party which gave him a political existence He may fancy this to be a duty of gratitude to t'io??* who made h.m President. But he forgete ih ' l is1 over whom he?.T,t0 the ,DtcreBta of'h? millions I behestsof'a il?mt0Kthe p"8'dential office. To the ?'oS,te be deemed thRt thi?j faction is bandeif together by asUeve/hw/^"1 IfnitS'stttiM j party?F^" Volk^n P ^?beC?nong Ihe m 7hek Ihd ^n?rAtbe'pJrit a gentleman | of office tbySffi^0rpolkte,,OVer?' J*?* "s*? '?mre ' Sc; s&t, ? ass fesstg 1 rsa which to feed and gratify official desires The mi id ss?wsByLRA!afrfs is not the construction wVT m, ,1,. . ThlS 1 speeches of the United States Ministers Vith tne omission of the word " insolently " the descrin. lion we have given of the conduct of'the Amene? have1'agl- m'SH alao bj ta,ken 88 'heir own. They nave again and again declared that if the United States claim is resolutely pressed, England must 1 will be conceded 'he whole claim must and wir no? beoause England will not go to ?i, u supposition was would be little to the honor oi the United Stites govemmen! ng8C, T,n U- Jt 70Uld be insulting and w?ong ! weak to n .n?h?ker? y ^ecaaae 'hat nation waa tof I ps*. ? o?i??FngK for ,>eakCe ia ,hat which most hon rs it. England is much too powerful to fear war 1 fesults, but Englishmen ahuTit as m evfl which not without a great necessity ought to be in' fficted on mankind. So tar uTheoS ?rriL? heen0,ik concerned. great aa our concessions have b...' 37=fW^i3Etf^S?| Sir* .br,wi" ^^d h,B ctealt arolmd him* Worm T,e?TT8t?nod QUp a8aln" 'he thiSiilS I ^emioS il^11 ^d Statf" government does not seem to bt learned in such wisdom. It had better ?tld* a 80n: ^ will more fitly discharge its duties and more truly represent the people whom k irePS?n,hiTe.8,dS- We d0 no'^''eve that ffit?pe<> elfnfiLi. States desire a war with England. Their comforts would be sacrificed, and their best inte PolPS,ron?tLi0JUref1 ?? Those of tlfe M? .k ?n would alone receive benefit By the rules of the Constitution, the people the d ??ntri01 ?he ^ffisIaturJTand the active and daring (action having poaseaa ed itself of power, determines by th^ mTd c^tain MonliT1? the proveTb about 'he riding of certain people not accustomed to such an exercise Lord Aberdeen's answer to the demands fS ?3? nation as to the increase ol our military and naval pUv^d C Mr "Polkn^h51??1'011 hi"16"0 ?<>t dis piayea oy Mr. rolk or his party, and mav save that party from imitating the course of the ^ikhs who were retoived upon war, though policv ah w'eli aa ' justice, forbade their engaging in it " " [From the Liverpool Timet, March 10 ] It will be seen that the American House of Re presentatives has authorised President Polk to give notice to the British government that the govern ment of the United States will consider the treaty for the joint occupation of the Oregon territory at an end, at the expiration of a twelve months' notice.? This is in itself nothing more than was expected, but great surprise has been created by the largeness of the majority by which this unfriendly, if not hos tile, vote has been carried, and the support given to 1 it by many members of the conservative or whig party. The latter circumstance pioves that they, like the democrats, are more anxious to maintain a , contemptible popularity with a rash and unthinking ; class of voters, than to preserve peace, or to save i their country and the world from the evils of war. j { After such a majority in the popular House, it is ; hardly probable that the Senate will reject the mo- ! ! tion of Mr. Allen, for effecting the s^me object. To do so would require a greater degree of moral cou i rage and of superiority to party interests, ibiu we can i venture toexpect from the leadersof the democratic 1 | party, in that assembly. As party politicians, Presi- ' I dent Polk and Mr. Buchanan, theEoreitin 3ecrttir>, i have played their cards with remarkable skill. I Whatever the Senate may do, they at least csu \ boast of haying bearded the English government, and of having maintained the right of America to i every inchot the Oregon territory without flinching, at the same time that they have placed Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Benton, and their other democratic rivals, in the position of either sacrificing their claims to po- j pularity by opposing their measures, or their claims to consistency and common sense, by supporting the*. Looking at the interests of the United States | and at the peace of the world, this is contemptible enough, but nevertheless it greatly improves Mr. Polk's chance at the next Presidential election, and Mr. Buchanan's at the election following, ana this is evidently considered " the main chance" by thoee I gentlemen. Although the giving of this notice would have been an unfriendly act under any cir cumstances, it might have produced no great mis chief if its effect had been merely to transfer the de cision of the question into the hands of persons din posed to settle it on reasonable grounds. Instead of 1 this, however, it gives full powers to men pledged j by their past declarations against every reasonable settlement of the question, and to a greaf extent ; sanctions any follies which they may commit in fu- ] ture. The persons who have surrendered the : i whole matter into the hands of thoee who have brought it to its present alarming position, are either men who "are themselves willing to push j the question to extremities, or men who do not possess moral courage to resist those who are dis i i?ofied to do to-Hind thua the violence ol some end 1 the weakness of others both lend to ike same result. | I We see that some persons are of opinion that ; 1 the second resolution, in which further negotia- i i tions are authorised, takes the venom out of the I first. The slightest consideration, however, will i j show that this second resolution gives the American I government no powers of negotiating which it does not now possess, whilst the first gives it powers of forcing on a war which have never been granted before to it or to Any American Executive. , It it true that the President can again open nego J ciationa, bat after the indirect sanction which nis i conduct has now received from the House of Re. preeeotativrs, and which it deems likely to receive ! from the Senate, it is not likely that he will do so, I and atill leas that he will propose conditions to the British government even ss favorable as those which it has so often rejected. The authorizing farther negociatiens is therefore no concession, i whilst the authorising the notice, entitles the American Executive to take whatever course it may think fit at the expiration of that term. { Supposing that the Senate should ooncur in the of the lower House ; that the notice should be ten by President Polk, in April or May next; and t the American government, during the interval between the giving and the expiring of the notice, should either decline to renew negotiations on any terms, or offer terms which the British government cannot accept; then the whole of the Oregon terri tory will become part and parcel of the United States, at feast in the opinion of the American Executive,in April or May, 1847. Now we leave it to any one lode cide what is the course which is liksly to be taken by President Polk, when the expiration of the notice has removed the only obstacle which now exists to the carrying out of the views. Who can doubt thata go vernment which has recommended the forming of a line of military posts from the United States to tha Oregon, the raising of regiments of mounted rifle men to protect emigrants on their way there, aud the granting allotments of land to all emigrants who will go to that country, with a view to defend the claims of the United States, will exercise its right ot ownership in the Oregon territory, at the expira tion of the notice, in a manner which will immedi ately lead to war between the two countries 1 To us we acknowledge it appears to be a mere delusion to expect any thing else. 7Vie sols choice left to the Brituh government, if the SeneUe ehould concur with the Houee of Representatives, will be between sub mission during the next twelve months to worse terms than thou which U ha* already rt fused?submission, at the end of twelve months, to all the claim* of the United Statee?or armed reeietance. We fear, ihen, that there is now little hope that the peace between the two countries will be preserved. ? * ? * ' * . What course the British government yvill take, now that arbitration has been refused, and that negotiation haa failed, remains to be Bten. It will probably wait until the American Government gives it formal notice of its intention to seize on the whole of the Oregon territory. That notice being given will produce an ultimatum, in which the claims of England will again be asserted, and some fair method of settling the question of right will be again proposed ; and if that should be refused, noth ing remains but War! [From tha Liverpool Mercury, March 6 ] The friends of peace, humanity, and civilization will have read with sorrow and indignation the latest accounts from America, of which we give a summary in another column. One more chance of a pacific settlement of the territorial dispute now existing between this country and the United State* has been cast contemptuously aside, by the reckless party that are now doing what ia in them to dis honor democratic institutions and principles, by ex hibiting them in practical alliance with what were once deemed the characteristic vices of arbitrary governments. The proposal of a joint submission of the Oregon question to arbitration, twice made by Mr. Pakenham on behalf of Great Britain (27th December and 16ih January)?first, to the arbitra tion of some friendly sovereign or stat-, and next, to that ot a mixed commission of jurists and civiliana-^-has been twice rejected. * * * The President, it is but too plain, does not rest on the point of right, but on something else. The full practical import and probable consequences of these proceedings, will better appear when we are in pos session ot the debates in Congress, immediately subsequent to the communication of the above in telligence to that body. For the present, we can only say, that a govern meat which, on such grounds, rejects the civilized, humane, and Christian mode ot adjusting an international dispute, and refuses to ?' assume" uie possibility of a doubt or limitation attaching to claims that have been the subject of diplomatic litigation from the earliest recollection of the oldest living statesman in either country .renders itself answerable, before God and man, for what ever may follow. Of courae, in the meanwhile, un til we receive tidings of a very different complexion from the last, there is nothing for Great Britain to do but to acton the principle announced by Lord Aberdeen to Mr. M'Lane, that" it is wise in peace to prepare for t e exigencies of war"?leaving the responsibility of all acts and measures tending to war, to rest on the shoulders ot those who adopt them. We are not going to begin any war. Any disturbance of the statue quo must be the doing of the government and the people of the United Statea. We may add, that we do not, by any means, re gard the case as practically closed against a pacific se 11 lemen t. The healing and peace cementing powert of fret commt'cial t ntircouru between the two coun tries yet remain to be tried ; and we are much mis taken if ihe intelligence of the approaching repeal o{ our corn and provision laws do not prove effica cious in disposing the pnblie mind of America to rational and peaceful councils. Mr. Polk may, per haps, by and by, make the unwelcome discovery, that his desperate plunges for popularity, and for a renewed term of Presidency, have been more energetic than judicious. In any case, it is by no means clear that the United States will be prepared, at the expiration of the contemplated twelvemonths notice, to take the step of forcible appropriation of a territory in which England has always had practical ly recognised, though undefined, rights of occu Key and possession. Perhaps, after all, the whole iness is but a bold experiment in the art of bully ing. The experiment will not answer. England abominates war?has no excessive fondness for " national honour* ?bat England would deem it hardly prudent to surrender clear and unquestion able rights to the threats of any power on earth. Since the above was written, there has been ano ther arrival from America, via London, bringing in telligence to the 12th ultimo. From this, we learn, that on the 9th, the following resolution was passed in the House of Representatives by a majority of lia In Ki According to the Executive, the object of thia saving clause can only be accomplished by an entire surrender of all the questions in uispute on the part of Great Britain, in iact, by a second edition of the Ashburton capitulation, making still more complete concessions to America. Now, although it may be true that the territory in dispute is comparatively valueless, and not worth the expense of the first six i months of war?to say nothing of the death and bloodshed attending it?still, the encroachments of the United States must be stopped somewhere. If not in this arrogant and unjust assumption respect Oregon, the next demand may be for Canada. New foundland. the B itish West Indies, the Channel Islands, ay, or even for Ireland, in the spirit of the resolution recently submitted to Congress by one of the representatives of the people. We still hope that the giving of this notice may only serve to expedite the negotiations and bring about an arnica ble settlement, and that the bulk of the American : people are too wise and too honest to sympathize with their thrasonical President and his Ministers ; but in the meanwhile we art glad to tee that the Britieh Government hat prepared, and it preparing, for the woret. In such case perfect preparation tor war, and war upon the most effective scale, is the best possi ble security for the preservation of peace. Such preparation has been made by Great Britain, and if America, misled by the results of former contests, should now court and compel a war by perseverance ? in the course upon which her Executive has enter- 1 ed, it will be the greatest and most awful mistake into which any nation has ever fallen, and genera^ tions yet unborn may have to rue the consequences. Whatever these be, justice and reason are now clearly on the side of Great B itain, and America will jook in vain for sympathy or approval from any civilized community on the face of the globe. The Cloud In the West* [From the Dublin University Magasine] A cloud is r>n the western sky, There's tempest o'er the sea, And bankrupt states are blustering Ugh, But not a whit cero we. Our guns shall roar, onr stoel shall g!oam, Before Columbia's distant stream Shall own another's sway s We'll take our stand, And draw the brand, As ia the eneieat day. They conut on feuda within the isle, They think the sword is broke. They look te Ireland, end they smile - Dut let them bide the stroke. When rendered one in hand and heart By robber war, and swindler ait, i Home griele all cast away ; We'd take our stand, And draw the brand, in the ancient day. Oh. let them look to where in bonds For Help their bondsmen cry? Oh, let them look ere British hands Wipe oat that living lio. Beneath tho flag of Liberty We'll sweep the wide Atlantic saa, And tear their chains away ; There take our stand, And draw the brand, Aa In the ancient day. Veil, atarry banner, veil your pride, The blood-red cross before. I Emblem of that by Jordan's side, Man's freedom price that bora. No land is strong that owns a slave, Vain is it wealthy, crafty, bravs ; Onr freedom for onr stay, We'll lake our etand, And draw the brand, Aa in the ancient day. Shout, dnsky millions, through the world ! Yo scourge-driven nations >hont ! The flag of Liberty's unfurl'd, And freedom's sword is out ! The sis vet's boastful thirst of gain Tends bnt to break his bondsman's eha in) And Britain's on tho way To tska har stand, And draw the brand, At ia tho ancient day. [From the Liverpool Times, March 10 ] The New Corn Law, The fellowing are the reeolntions agreed to in the Hons# of Commons on Frliey night, ins O h nit., end ordered to be reported on the 0th : - 1. Resolved Thet In lie* ?f the duties new peyable on the importation of corn, grain, meal, or flour, there ?hell be paid until the 1st dey of February, 1M0, the foi owirg duties, via s? If imported from any foraign country Wheat : ? Wbona rax the avaraga pitoe of wheat, mad# np and published la tfcs ?>?rroguttod by fow, ehali be, foe every quarter? . . under 48s. the datj^ shell be, for i. d every quarter 10 0 48?. and under 4fi 0 0 ..... .404. and under 60a 8 0 Mi. and undar 61a 7 0 61a. and undar 63a 0 0 63a. and undar 63i 6 0 63s. and uperarda 4 0 Barley, Bear, er Bigg Whenever the average price of barley, made up and publiihed in the manner required by law, a hall be for every quarter under 36i. the duty a ball be for every quarter ? 0 30a. and under 37a. 4 0 37a. and under 38a. 4 o 38a. and under 39j 3 8 30a. and under sua S 0 30a. and under 31a 3 0 31a. and npwarda 3 0 Oata Whenever the averse price of Oats, made up and publiahad in the manner required by law, ahall be for every quarter under Ida. the duty ahall be for . every quarter 4 0 18a. and under 10a 3 0 19a. and under 30a 3 0 30a and under 31a 3 0 31a. and under 33a 3 0 33a. and upwards 1 0 Rye, Peaae and Beans For every quarter: A duty equal in amount to the duty payablewn a quarter of barley. Wheat, Meal and Flour : For every barrel, being one hundred and ninety six pounds ; a duty equal in amount to the duty payable on thirty-eight gallons and a-hall of wheat Barley Meal: For every quantity of two hundred and seventeen and a-half pounds; a duty amount to the duty payable on a quarter of barley. Oatsmfal and Oroata or every quantity of one hundred and eighty-one pounds and a half; a duty equal in amount to the duty payable on a quarter of oats. Rye Meal and Flour : For every barrel, being one hundred and ninety six pounds.; a duty equal in amount to the duty payable_upon ferjr gallons of rye. Pea Meal and Bean Mea For every quantity of two hundred and sev enty-two pounds ; a duty equal in amount to the duty payable on a quarter of peas or beana. If the produce of and imported (rom'any British possession out of Em-ope. 0. d. Wheat, barley, beer, or bigg, sale, rye, peaae and beana, tne duty ahall Be for every quarter, I 0 Wheat meal, barley meel, oat meal, ryO meal, pea meal, and bean meal, the duty shall bo for every cwt 0 4} And that from and alter the said 1st of February, 1C19, there ahall be paid the following duties, vis : Wheat, barley, bear or bigg, outs, ryo, peas, and beans, for every quarter 1 0 Wheat meal, barley meal, oat meal, rye meal, pea meal, end bean meal, for every cwt 0 41 Question put, and agreed to; resolution to be reported to tbe house. 3. Resolved, That In lieu ef the duties of customs now chargeabio on the articles under-mentioned, import ed into tbe United Kingdom, the following duties shall be charged, vis e. d. Buckwheat, the quarter 1 01 Maise or Indian corn, the quarter. 1 0 meal, the cwt 0 41 Rice, thee wt 1 0 of and from a British possession, the cwt.. . 0 O rough, and in the husk, the quarter 1 0 of and from a British possession, the quarter 0 1 3. Question put and agreed to ; resolution to bo re ported to the house. A Resolved, That in lieu of the duties of customs now chargeable on the articles under-mentioned, imported I into the United Kingdom, the following duties shall be charged, vis: ? s. A Agates or cornelians, manufactured, or set, for every ?100 value 10 0 0 Ale and beer of all sorts, tbe barrel 1 0 0 Almonds, paste of, for every ?100 value 10 0 0 Amber, manufacturers of, not enumerated, for every ?100 value 10 0 A Arrow root, the cwt 0 3 0 Arrow root, of and from a British possession, per cwt 0 0 6 The Polish Insurrection. The German papers which have to-day come to hand, says the Journal det Debats, bring news from VIBWTT kV IU9 tfliU Vllke , The event# passing in Poland appear to hare assumed a serious character, which is not disguisec by the principal organs either of the Prussian or Aus trian government. The city of Cracow, the capital ol Poland under its former kings, the descendants ot tn? Jagellons, had, according to those journals, for foul days been the seat of a new government, entttlineit self the "Provisional Government of the Polish Na tion." It was on22i ult., the day on which the Austnat troops and the Senate evacuated the town, tontmt new power has constituted and lnsUlW itself u the old mansion known by the name of Krystotory and with which the dearest **ociations of th. Poles of the period in which the Dachy ol Warsaw are connected? Prince Joseph Poniatowski resid ed in it 1709. during the Polirfi campaign t**in8 Austria. Tlie new government, immediately ut?or its instalment, published a manifesto to the Ppltal nation, in which it dwells upon the offering, ofth; Poles, and calls upon the people to rise cwmow throughout the whole ot ancient Poland. On Ui 23d it issued a decree forbidding, und**.p"nbb death, all the attempts against private and publi property, and declaring, at the same tune, <diat an^ persons who should establish po itical e^s, or^a. sociations, without being authorised by the goven mentto do so, should be declared as ' their country. The following are tne dooumen above alluded to, viz:? itAwiresTO " To the Polish naUon?Polos, the boarof toearrectx has struck. The whole of aatilaUd Poland riees U becomes groat Already have our brothers of *he ^ Duchy of Posen,Russian Poland, and LHhuanisriss and are fighting in Russia against the ensmy. They t fighting for tho most sacred rights, of which they as boon doprivod by force and frond. Th* " youth ere languishing in dungeons. Oat* Meswsto whoso counsels sustained us, are treated with contsisi The clergy are deprived of all rssyect; to a worn, who have resolved to livo or die for Pound have destroyed or immured in prison, or ing so at every instant Tho groans of tho millions our brothers who porished under the ' terrsnsen cells have reaood our haart^whioh ew? fonndly sfllictsd. Wo havo boon robbed of oar gjo and our language and the religion of **r. are been forbidden us. Insurmountable bsirierclu been oppoeed to the amelioration of our soois.1 conditi( brother has been armed against, brether. eadthe ^ honorsbls men of tho country hero been end persecuted. Another stop, end there woul toe more Polee. Onr grandchildren would curesiobmo ry for having left the finest pert of tho earth a desert a ruin, for having aUowod chains to be putupw our w like nation, end forced it to profess t strange worship, speak e foreign language. Tho ash.s of msrtj fathers, the rights of our natioa, call to us from the to svengo thorn ; th# infant at the to preaerra tho country wMci Ood no* us. The free nstions of the ?ntJr* *?JilmT Ood 1 to resist th# destruction of our netiondlity aolf KiToaua this infllitlon-Ood, who will on# y msn3 Trem n. en account of our conduct. Wo. Ahiain it an<i a community t in which #v#vy rtSl o?W bis ""re of>. halts oftb.;h| according to hU merit and his e^cito. Let thsjjB no more privileges. Let each Pole fiod full guerenj* for himself, his wife, end his children : "d tot bim i is interior by birth, mind, or body, find wttbwt buto tion the infallible assistance of tho entire commni which will here the absolute property in Undnowf ?eased by a few. All forced labors end other bnrj ooase, and those who shell devote themeelvee In ? to the cause of their country shall receive a proper land as an indemnity. Poise! from this moment w knowledge no distinctions Let us the sons of ono mother. Justice?of one father, Ood^ is in heeren. Let us invoka his sappurt. He wui our arms and give os victory ?, bat far Himto do th L mutt not dishonor ourselves ,Let e,.n?t'TtLT mesd tism those who are confided to asi let us not mess those who ere d.s.nned.nd the think with us; we do not strugf jo afietost netjow against our oppressors. In sign of onr^utolo , make the following oath : ' I swear to serve Polanf country, with my counsel, my words, end ?T tc^ swear to eacriflce to hor all my opinions, m7 ls*i_re iortune 1 swear absolute obedienceto vernment which has been established Crtoose 2id of this month, at 8 o'clock in the honse of Kiajstoloerni, and to all the autoonue tuted by the government, as Osdnsf f ? This manifesto shell be published in^aU tho ^ Oorakowsky.'' ? * ? occeaa. The government of the revolution being ebsol tho Whole ol Poland, ind responsible to thj natj**? ?ver is charged by the government or by one off. Ihorities to exorcise any office, functions, must eaoreise them on pain of ceutn.. nsrson capable cl bearing aims, who does not Wl" Hours after the proclamation of tire iusurrection^ himselt under the ciders of the local autheritiee. Jr tried as e d?serter by e court martial. P?Uege e lenoe. however menled, extortion, tinaofths public money, or iU apyttoation ?th then as ordered by the government, shell be pt. with death. Whoever shall, wlthou^he nuth* the government, establish clubs or OOOetiatione, d, regarded as a tisitor to his country, ^rerv coe shall, in iU circle, establish as mnrf I as may be necessa-y for placing I with the neighbouring communes. The aig V be pillars or poles bound with, straw and > 1 pitch The destrnction of a pillar.?'?P i being lighted up, shall be punishable wW^d*^ 1 national colour is white end purple, (sr the purple ground, with tie wings e t head turned <o the right, in its rfcht foot aw oak, end in iU left e crown oC Uarele. ^ a shall be the seat of ell *ke gebruei ties of thscountiy -D^"k? )llt|,(iowsk end signed Lours Q taKoiseskyf Alomifr OfMkow^kjf. Lbartt 1 Ury to th# Govrowtrt . ? - r^c^ivr1 7 pr.vute letter 1 that further decrees had bwm ?? jj on of which were signed by Count F(ti?tx', o wealihteat end moet inHuentwl citixen" 01 The Provietooal CKtvernmem I I moat urgent meaxure ot defence, tor

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