Newspaper of The New York Herald, July 19, 1846, Page 1

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated July 19, 1846 Page 1
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T H Vol. XII, R*. lOU-Whol* Ho. *4i?. ADDITIONAL EXTRACTS FROM THE FOREIGN PAPER8 RECEIVED AT THE NEW YORK HERALD OFFICE. THE DISSOLUTION OF THE BRITISH MINISTRY Great Speech of Sir Robert FeeL The Terms of the Oregon Settlement. ENQLI8H MEDIATION IN THE MEXICAN WAR. * Anglo-French Opinion* on American Affair*. 4M. Ac. AC. Sir R. Peel'a Spetch. Hot'lk of Common*, Tveidat, Juke SO. Sir R Peel at 5>? o'clock entered the House ami J profound silence and took hi* seat. In a few momenta be ro?e and spoke as follows Mr. Speaker?Sir, I feel it to be my duty to avail myself of the earliest opportunity of notifying to this House that, in consequence of the position ofner Majesty's Government, and eipeclally in conaequence of that vote to which the House came on tbe night of Thursday last, by which they refused to 5ive to her Majesty's Government those powers which ley deemed necessary for the repression of outrage and the protection of life in Ireland, her Majesty's tervants hare felt it their duty to tender their resignation to a gracious Sovereign, The resolution to tender that resignation waa the unanimous resolution of her Majesty's servants, adopted without bositation. Sir, if I had any complaint to prefer with rospect to the course pursued by the House, this is not the occasion on which 1 should venture to prefer it. It is impossible not to feel that that occasion by which a great change takes place in the council* or a great empire, affecting, tor weal or wo, the welfare of many millions of the Queen's subject*, in almoat all parts of the habitable globe?it ii impossible not to feel that it is an important, I might almost say a solemn, occasion?and it is not such an occasion that one word ought to be nahl by a Mfnisler.acting in homage to constitutional principles, which can by possibility revive controversies of an acrimonious character. Sir, such controversies would be wholly unsuited to the magnitude of this occasion; and 1 must also say, the provocation of any such controversy would be wholly at variance with the feelings which influence me in addressing this House (Cheers) These feelings would rather prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude the many occasions on which, speaking of the great body of the gentlemen on this side of the House, at periods antecedent to the present session, 1 and my colleagues have received a generous and cordial aupport. These feelings also woald rather prompt me to acknowledge with gratitude the oocasions on which, from gentlemen opposite, in oblivion of party differences, her Majesty's government have received, for measures of which thoce gentlemen approved also, a cordial support, and I trust,therefore, sir, that nothing will escape me in explaining the course which Her Majesty's Government have thought it their duty to pursue, which can run the risk of provoking those controversies which 1 do deprecate. Sir, Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to accept that tender of resignation, and Her Majesty's servants now only hold their oAces until their successcra shall have been ap|K>inted Sir, I said that if 1 had comrtaints to prefer, this would not be the occasion on which would prefer them ; but 1 must also say, that I did not propose those measurea connected with our commercial policy at the commencement of this session without loresccing mai, woeuar tuuie meaaurei succeeded or failed, they muit ciuh the dissolution of the government which proposed them ; and, therefore, sir, 1 rather rejoice that Her Majesty's Government have been relieved from any doubt by an early decision of this House, aa to the course it would be their duty to pursue ; for 1 do not hesitate to say that, even if that rote had been in our favor, I would not have consented to hold office by sufferance or by the evasion of any principle. (Oreat cheering.) 1 believe that it is not for the public interest that a government should remain in power unable to give practical effect to the measures which they consider necessary for the public welfare; and in the position in which her Majesty's government was placed, by the withdrawal?perhaps the natural withdrawal?of the confidence of many of those who had heretofore given them their support, I do not think it &robable that even if the vote to which I refer had bean i our favor, her Majesty s government won Id have beau enabled, with credit to themselves and with advantage to the interests of the country, to continue in the administration of public affairs. (Long continued cheering.) Sir, we have advised her Majesty to accept our resign* tions without adopting that alternative to which we might have resorted, viz : recommending to the Crown the exercise of its prerogative, and to dissolve the present Parliament. We have preferred the immediate ten4 der of resignation to the adoption of that alternative. Sir, 1 do not hesitate to say, speaking with a frankness which I trust will offend no one, that if her Majesty's Stvernment had failed in carrying, in all their integrity, ose measures of commercial policy which it was my duty te recommend, I dont hesitate to say that there is no exertion I would not have made in order, if not to ensure their ultimate success, at least to give the country ject. Id that can* I ihould hare fait myself justified in advising a dissolution, because I think the continuance of doubt on inch a subject would have been a greater evil than retorting to a constitutional expre*aion of opinion by the people of this country. (Cheera) But there il no necessity for a diuoiution on thia grwund; those who dissented from those measures hava withdrawn their opposition, and I am bound to say it was not a factious or unseemly opposition, to them; simply protesting against them, they nave given finally their consent to those measures, and those measures having passed into law, I do not feel I should have been justified, lor any tubordi nate consideration, for the interest of the government merely, in advising the exercise of the prerogative to which I refer, and dissolving the Parliament (Hear.) Because 1 feel strongly thia?that ne administration it justified in advising the exercise of that prerogative, unless there be fair, reasonable presumption, even a strong moral conviction, that after a dissolution they will be enabled to administer the affair* of the country through the support of a party sufficiently powerful to carry their measures. (Cheers) 1 do not think a dissolution justifiable for strengthening a party.? I think the power of dissolution is a great instrument in the hands ot the Crown, and that there it a tendency to blunt that initrument if it bo retorted to without necatti. ty. Though for the purpose of enabling the country to decide whether we were justified in proposing those roea?urei of commercial policy which we did propose at the commencement of this session, I do not think that would have been sufficient ground for dissolution. The only ground for dissolution would have been a strong presumption that after a dissolution we should have had a party powerful enough in this House to enablo us to give effect practically to the measures which we might propose. New, 1 don't mean a support founded on a mere sympathy with our position on the part of those who, otherwise, are opposed to us; I do net mean a support founded on a concurrence on one great question of domestic policy, howorer important that may bo ; I think we ought not to dissolve without having a full assurance that we should have the support, not of those who diflet from us on almost all questions of public policy, agreeing with ua In one, but that we should have the support of a powerful party united to us by a general concurrence of political opinion, (Cheers-) And I am bound to say, that iisthe general division of parties, and after all that has occurred, I did not entertain a confident hope that a dissolution of Parliament would have givan us that support (Hear, bear) I must also say that alter all the excitement whfch has taken place, and after the stagnation of trade consequent upon our protracted discussions, it did appaar to us that this was a period when it would not be judicious to take such a step. U[>on these grounds, we preferred instant resignation to the alternative of a dissolution. We ware led in a minority on a question connected with Ireland. Now 1 should lament,not merely because it is an Irish question but I should most deeply lament If it could be thought that the measure which we proposed for the repression of outrage in Ireland was an indication that her Majesty's servanta held any different opinion with regard to the polioy to be pursued in Ireland fiam that which I declared toward* the close of the last wssion of Parliament (ilapr, hear.) To tba opinion which 1 uien avowed?to those opinions which had a practical effect Siren to ahem by the Charitable Bequests Act, and by le additional vdte for the endowment of Maynooth?to those opinions 1, now about to relinquish power entirely subscribe. (Cheering ) We brought forward that measure,believing that resistance to the contagion of crime,and the vigorous repression by law of the offences which disgrace tome parts of Ireland, were not merturei calculated permanently to Improve the locial condition el that country ; but We thought they were measure* which could be taken in conjunction with others necet- ; sary for the purpose of giving eff ect to legislation upon that subject (Hear.) iTie house has, however, decided I bnd I am not about to isaneeek their decision I only deCrecate any inference,wnich would be unjustifiable, that, ! ecause we propose those measures,'*w Inch MM called rneaatues of coercion, which we call measure* for th<) protection of lite, therefore our view* with regard to the potior to bp pursued towards Ireland have undergone >ny c!hfcnge. Speaking for myself, I 40 not hesitate now to say thai, in my opinion, thare ought to be established between England and Ireland a complete equality (great cheering) in ail civil, municipal, and political righta.? (Renewed cheers.) When i ear complete equality, I don't mean, because 1 know is Impossible, to have a literal equality In everv particular. Here, as in matters ot more sacred im|>ort, it may be that "the letter killetli, but the spirit giveth life ," f speak of the tpiritand not of the letter, in whioh our legislation with regard to the franchise and other priviWjgaa should be conducted.? (Hear, near:) I mean, there (hould be a resl, substantial equality, in political and civil rights (cheers-,) so that no person, viewing Ireland with perfectly disinterested eye* and comparing it* franchise with the franchise either of Englendor Scotland, should bp enabled to say, "A differ*111 law i* enacted lor Ireland, aud on account of tome iealnuay or suspicion, Ireland Ua* curtailed and mutilated rightsThat ia what J mean by equality 01 politi. cal fraiu hi.es. Doe* any gentleman think I am making a reserve 7 (Cheers,) I ipeak qI the spirit in which we should legislate I think it ought to be impossible to say that ibere is a different rule, substantial!) , with regard to civil or municipul franchise ia iinland from that which prevails in England. (Cheer*) Now, *ir, with regard to our eaecutiva administration in Ireland, I think tha favor of the Crown ought Uj be bestowu ad in that country .and the confidence j| the Crown, with out reference to religious distinctions. (Loud cheers.) H has not been from entertaining a different opinion that E NE j there any be, in oar caae, the appearance of partiality. Where we hare taken the opportunity of manifeiting confidence in tone Roman Catholic*, I cannot ?ay that juctice wa* alway* done to our motive*, nor ha* the poaition of the indivldoala in accepting favor from u* been altogether auch aa to create an anxiety for the repetition of aimilar favor* (Hear, hear) Thow who ?ucceed u? may have different mean* of carrying that principle into execution; but if they do act upon that principle- and be tow the favor and confidence of the Crown without reference to religion* difference* of opinion, they ahall hear no complaint from me on that ground. Then. air. with re a pec t to the apirit in which our legialation ahould be conducted; adhering to all the opinion* which 1 have expreread on the greater and more Important point* of Iriah polic y, vet I muat aay I, for one, am prepared to co-operate witn thoae who feel the preaent social condition of the people in retpect to the tenure of land, and the relation between landlord and tenant, to be one that deaerve* our immediate and moat cautioua comideration. (Cheer*.) I think it may be impo**ible, by legislation, to apply any immediate remedy to the stale 01 uiinga wmcn unionu nately prevails in that country; but, even if the benefit is remote, if it ii of a permanent character, so far lrora being deterred from measures calculated to afford a rc medy, the distant period at which the benefit may be derived ought to operate ai no discouragement to us to apply oar mindi moat aeduloualy and impartially to the consideration of the aubject. (Loud cheera) Again, with respect to legislation on all those matters connected with the tenuro of land and the relation of landlord and tenant?while upholding the right* of property? which I believe you will find no advantage in violating ?yet, on the whole, I think the course we have token during this session of extreme pressure of public bu?inesa. is a sufficient proof thnt there has been no disinclination on our part to considor that subject. (Hear.) Neither will there be any disinclination to co-oporate with those to whom .the practical administration of affairs may be committed. (Cheers.) Sir, I have roason to believe that the noble lord the member for tho city of London. has been commanded by her Majesty to repair to her for the purpose of rendering his assistance in the formation of a government. Sir, I presume the general principle upon which the government formea by the noble lord will act, ao far as a commercial policy is concerned, will be the continued application of those principles which tend to give us a freer aommercial intercourse with other countries. If that be tho policy which will be pursued, a* I confidently expect it will be, I shall feel it to be my duty to give to that government, in pursuance and execution of that policy, my cordial support. (Immense cheering.) I presume, therefore, that her Majesty's government will adopt that policy? and that, if other countries choose to buy in the dearest market, it will be no discouragement to them to permit ua to buy in the cheapest. (Cheers.) I trust that they will not resume the policy which they and we have felt most inconvenient, namely, haggling with foreign countries, instead of taking that independent course which we believe to be conducive to our own interests? (cheers)?trusting to the influence of uublic opinion in other countries, that our example, with the practical benefit we derive from It, will at no remote period insure the adoption of the lame course, rather than hoping to obtain commercial privilege* as an equivalent for the reduction of particular duties. (Loud cheers.) Sir, when Isay I presume that theaa general principle* will influence their commercial policy, I do not, of course, mean to say that the adoption of these principles it at once to overrule every moral consideration, and at once to subject every part of the inhabitants of this empire to une qual competition with other nations. I speak generally as to the tendency of our commercial policy, and 1 trust that every step that it taken will be towards the relaxation of restriction upon trade. I, for one, shall not urge upon them a hasty and precipitate adoption of principles sotsnd in themselves, if they are likely to incur the risk of a great derangement of the great social system. I shall bear in miad that great experiments have been recently made under the present administration; that the surplus amount of revenue is smaller than I could wish it to be, consistently with the permanent interests of the country; and while I offer a cordial support in enforcing the general principle* of commercial poli^ which have received the sanction of parliament in tbe present *ession, 1 shall not urge them to any such simultaneous and precipitate adoption of them as may be either really injurious to interests, from ipecial circumstance*, entitled to soma continued protection; nor shall I urge them to any such rash and precipitate adoption of them as would incur tbe risk of deranging the finance* of the country. Speaking thus, 1 am bound to say that I am rather indicating ray own intentions and the course I shall pursue. than that I have had the opportunity of conferring with others and speaking their sentiments. I cannot doubt, however, that those who gave their cordial concurrence to the measures which 1 proposed, will be ready to give their general acquiescence and support to measures of a similar character to be proposed. (Loud cheer*.) Sir, 1 do not know that it 1* necessary that 1 should make any other declaration than those I have made. I wish to draw no invidious contrast; 1 wish to make no unseemly allusions; but 1 cannot surrender power without making at least this observation that I do hope, during the five years for which power has been committed to our hands, neither the intereits nor the honor of this country hava been compromiied. (Cheers) I think I may say with truth that, during that period, the burden of taxation ha* been equali*6d, and the preature. which wa* unjust and severe, has been removed from many classes or her Majesty's subjects. (Cheers.) I think I may say with truth, that manv restriction* upon commerce injuriously affecting the 'trade of this country hare been removed. (Cheers.) I think 1 may say that, withoutjat al! interfering with legitimate (peculation ; without at all paralyzing or deranging the credit of the country, stability haa been given to the monetary y?tem of thia country?(cheers)?through the cordial support which again (without reference to party distinctions) the measures I proposed with regara to the Bank of England, the joint stock banks, and the private banks of this country, received in the year 1843. (Cheers.) Sir, I trust also that .the stability of our Indian empire has not been weakened by the policy we have pursued (cheers)?ami that the glory and honor of the British arms, both by sea and land, in every part of the world have been maintained, not through our exertions, but through the devoted gallantry of the koldiers and sailors of this country. (Cheers) Sir although there have been considerable reductions, great reductions made in the public burdens, yet I have the satisfaction of stating to the House, that the national defences of this country have been improved both by sea and land, and that the army and navy are in a most efficient state. 1 trust I may also congratulate the House, that notwithstanding the great reductions in the fiscal burdens of the country, our finance* are in a prosperous and buoyant state ; and that, on the 6tn of July next, the return which will be made to this House will be, that notwithstanding the reduction of taxation, the increased consumption of articles of customs anil excise, and the general prosperity of the people have supplied the void which might otherwise have taken place. (Cheers.) Sir. lastly, 1 think 1 may say. that without any harsh enforcement of the law, without any curtailment either of the liberty 01 the subject or the liberty of the press, speaking of Great Britain, there has been \* much of obedience and submission to the law aa there ever was at any period of our history. (Cheer*.) Nay, I will say more; in conaequence of the greater command of the necessaries and minor luxuries of life, in consequence, too, of confidence in the administraton of the law, there has been more of contentment, leas of seditious crimes, lass necessity for the exercise of power for the repression of political outran than there ever was waa at anv antecedent Eariod in this country.- (Cheers ) I said, lastly?but I ave reserved one topic, on which I also think I may, without any uaeemlv boast or invidious contrast, say a few words. Wtnink 1 may take credit to her Majesty'* government, at least to that distinguished member of it, less prominent, perhaps, in debate, than other*, but aa deserving of public honor and public credit for the exertions which he ha* made in the maintenance of peace (loud cheers) ? 1 mean my noble friend the Secretary of State foe. Foreign Affair*?(loud cheer*)?he ha* dared toavou^hat he think* in a Christian country there 1* a moral obligation upon a Chriitian Minister to exhaust every effort before incurring the risk of war. (Loud cheer*.) But while he ha* not shrunk from the avowal of that opinion, I will in justice to him say this?it is perfectly consistent with that opinion, a* to the moral obligation of maintaining prate while peace can be maintained with honor, that there never was a Minister less inclined to sacrifice any es seulial interest, or abate any thing Irom the dignity and honor of this country, for the purpose of securing even tha* inestimable blessing ?(Cheeis ) Sir, I do hope that wa leave the foreign relation* of thi* country in a satisfactory state? (lou.l cheers)? that, speaking not only ef France, but speaking of the other great power* of Kurope, there i* confidence in the intentioncof thi* country, and a real desire on the part of the Government of other power* to co-operate with us in tho maintenance of pear*.?(Cheer*.) Sir, it ia that mututl confidence in the honor and intention* of public men which molt facilitates the maintenance of peace. We coma In conflict with France in distant part* of tho world ; there are heated partisans naturally and justly jealous of the honor of their respective countries; quarrels.small in themselves might bo magnified by the spirit of jealousy, and a too nice rivalry about national honor might easily be fomented into a cause of war, desolating nations, unless the counsels of the great powers were presided over by who, feeling peace to be the true interest of the civilised world, are determined that tha heated passions of angry partisan* shall not involve their respective countries in war. (Loud cheers ) Sir, (f anything could have induced me to regret a decision on the t?art of the | House prematurely terminating the exigence of the government, it would have been the wish that we should I kairu iiipvivA/t tha -?a . ... ' .r .7 wn*n 'nieingence might l>e received fromI the Unite J States (loud cteers) as to the resuit of perhaps, our last alterant to adjust tho.e .li(Terences between this country and the United State* which unlessspeedily terminated might have involved ua in war. The Home will probably recollect that, after we had offered arbitration, and that offer had bean rejaeted, tha President of the United Statea sent a message to the Houae of Congress in that};ountry, which led to ditcnaaioni with regard to the termination of that convention which provided for a temporary adiuatment of our dirtereneei?at least fjr a temporary avoidance of quarrel- and enable tha two countries jointly to occupy the territory of the Qregon, Sir, tha two floutes of the American Congreaa, although adviaing the President of the Unaed Statea to aigoify to ihls country, aa he waa empowered to de, the termination of tue existing convention, by giving a )e*r*S uolice, added to that advice, which might, paruaps, have been conaidered of an una* tjsfaoiQiv or ho?tile character, the declaration that they ?dri??d tha notice for the termination of the convention to be given, in order that it might faoilUate an amicable ; adjustment of the dispute. We thought tha addition of the?e words by these high authorities, tha expression of a hope that tha termination of the convention might the mora strongly impress upon the two couutriea the neoessity of amicable adjustment?we thought that thoae { expressions removed any barrier to a renewal by either ; oountry of the attempt to settle this difference. We did 1 llAl *- a .A.. aU. s . I?yv uNivrore. wunm two umjn ?iwt lum r?c?mi ofitetiatoUifwMofAwlahMprMMd by U? Hon*m ==*==*= W 1*0 NEW YORK, SUNDAY b of Congress that efforts might be made for the peaceful I termination of these disputes, although the oAr of arbitration had been rejected?we did not hesitate to do that which, in the present itate of the dispute. it became essential to do?not to propoee renewed and lengthened ' negotiations, bat to specify frankly and at oace what were the term* on which we could content to a partition of the country of the Oregon. Sir, the ' President of the United, I mint *ay, whatever might have been the expression* heretofore made by him, and however strongly he might have been personally committed to the adoption of a different coarse, wisely and patriotically determined at once to refer our a>osals to the Senate?that authority of the United 1 ee whose consent is requisite for the termination of any negotiation of this kind; and the Senate, again act i : ing in ike same spirit, has, I have the heartfelt satisfac- ! ' tion to state, at ouce advised the adoption of the terms we offered them. (Loud cheers ) Sir, perhaps, from the importance of the subject, and considering this is the last day I shall have to address the House as Minister of the Crown, 1 may be allowed to state what are the terms of the proposals we made to the United States on the Oregon question. In order to prevent the necessity for renewed diplomatic negotiations, we aent a convention, which we trusted the United States woulAaccept. The first article of that convention was to tins affect, that? "Krom the point on the 49th parallel of north latitude, where the boundary laid down in existing treatise and conventions between Great Britain and the United States terminates, the line of boundary between the territories of her Britannic Miyesty and tho.e of the United States shsll be continued westward along the 49th parallel of nunn itiuiuao 10 uie in mine 01 me channel wUflb M|)trate* the contiaent from Vancouver'* Island, and thenge southerly through the middle of the said chanaol, and of Fucg's Straits, to the racitic Ocean; provided, nowover, that the navigation of the *aid channel and straits, south of the 49th parallel of north latitude, romain free und open to buth parties."' Those who remember the local conformation of that country will understand that we propoied the continuation of the 49th parallel of latitude till it strikes the Straits of Fuca; that it should not be continued across Vancouver'* Island,?thus depriving u* of anj pfrt of Vancouver'* Island?but leaving u* in possession of the whole of Vuneouver'i Island. Sir, the second article of tho convention we lent for the acceptance of the United Slates wa* to thi* cffcct?that "From the point at which the 43th parallel of north latitudo shall be found to intersect the great northern branch of the Columbia river, the navigation of the said branch lhall be free and open to the Hudson's Bay Company, and to all British subjects trading with the saiao, to the point where the said branch meets the main stream of tho Columbia, and thence down the said mainstream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river or elvers, it being understood that all the usual portages along the line thus described, shall in like na? ner be free and open. In navigating the said river ?r rivers, British subjects, with their goods and produM, shall be treated on the same footing a* citizens of tho United States, it being, however, always understood that nothing in this article shall be construed as preventing, or intended to prevent, the government of the United States from making any regulations respecting the navigation of the said river or rivers, not inconsistent with the present treaty." Sir, I will not occupy the attention of the House with any more of the details of thi* convention. (Cheer*) I would only itate that, on this very day on my return from my mission to her Majesty to offer the resignation of her Majesty's servants, I had the satisfaction of finding an official letter from Mr Takenham, intimating in the following term* the accentance of aur nronniuls. and giving an ainurance of the immediate termination of our difference! with the United State* " Waihinotdw, June 13, 1846. " My Lord?In conformity witli what I I'ad the houor to state in my deipatch No. 6S, of the 7th imtant, the President a menage on Wednesday lait to the Senato, submitting for the opinion of that body the draught of a convention for the aettlement of the Oregon queition, which I waa instructed by your lordship's despatch, No. 19, ol the 18th of May, to propose for the acceptance of the United States. " After a few hours' deliberation on each of the three daya, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, the Senate, by a majority of 3d votes to 13, adopted yesterday evening a resolution advising the President to accept the terms proposed by her Majesty's Government The President did not heeitate to act on this advice, and Mr. Buchanan accordingly sent for me this morning, and informed me that the conditions offered by her Majesty's Government were accepted by the Government of the United States, without the add lion or alteration of a single word." I have the honor to be, fcc., "R PAKE.VHAM. " The Right lion, the Karl of Aberdeen, K. T., be. (Loud and continued cheering) Thus, sir, these two great nations, impelled, I believe, by the public opinion, which ought to guide and influence statesmen, have, by moderation?by the spirit of mutual compromise, averted that dreadful calamity of a war between two nations of kindred race and common language?(loud eheers)? the breaking out of which would have involved the civilized world in calamities to an extent it is difficult to taW (not one year?probably not one month of such a war, but would have been more expenutve than the whole territory that had called it forth); but they have averted that war, I believe consistently with their true interests?consistently with perfect honor on the part of the American Government, and on the part of those who have at length closed, I trust, every cause of difference between the two countries. (Loud cheers) Sir, I may say, also, to the credit of the government of this aountry. that, so far from being influenced in our views in regard to the termination of these disputes about the Oregon by the breaking out of the war with Mexico, we distinctly intimated to Mr. Pakenham, that although unexpected events had occurred, it did not affect, in the slightest degree, our desire for peace. (Cheers.) Mr. Pakenham, knowing the spirit of nis government, being aware of the occurrence of these hostilities, having a discretionary power in certain cases, if he had thought this effer would have been likely to prolong negotiatioks, or diminish the chance of successful issue, vat wiialv -f Mexican hostilities with the United States was nut one of the casei to which we had adverted, and therefore most wisely did he tender this offer of peace to the United State* on his own discretion, and the confidence of his government. Now let me say. and I am sure thii House wilt think it. to the credit of my I noble friend, that on the occurrence of their hntlilitiet between Mexico and the United Statei, before we wne aware of the reception which the offer on our part would meet with, the firit packet that tailed tendered In the United Statei the offer of our good offiret for the purpoir of mediation between thrm and the Mexican government (Loud cheers.) Sir, I do rejoice, therefore, that, before surrendering power at the feet of a majority of this House, I had the opportnnity of giving them the official assurance that every c-use of quarrel with that great country on the other aide of the Atlantic is terminated, before we retire from office. (Loud cheers) Sir, I feel that I have now executed the task which my public duty Imposed upon me. I trust I have said nothing which can by possibility lead to the recurrence of these controversies I have deprecated. Whatever opinions may be formed with regard to the extent of the danger with which we were threatened, 1 can eay with truth thst tier Majesty's Government, in proposing those measures of commercial policy, which nave disentitled them to the confidence of many of those who heretofore gave them their support, were influenced by im> other desire than the desire to consult the interests of this country. (Cheers.) Oar object was to avert dangers which we thought were imminent, and to avoid a conflict we believed woul? soon place in hostile collision great and powerful classes in this ceuntry. (Cheers.) The love of power was not a motive for the proposal of these measures; for, as I said before, I bad not a doubt that, whether these measures were accompanied with failure or success, the almost certain t'sue must be the termination of the existence of this Government. Sir, I am not sure that it is not advantageous for the public interests that this should be so ?I aduiit that the withdrawal of confidence from us by many of our friends was a natural result of circumstances ; and I do think that, when proposals of such a nature are made, apparently at variance with the course which Minister* heretofore puraued, and subjecting them to the charge or taunt of inconsistency ? iiikjh the whole, it is advantageous for this country, and Tor the general character o? public men, that the proposal of measures of that kind, under such circumstances, should entail that which ia supposed to be a fitting punishment?namely, ttv hnl.iAn Irnm I ?An r?t nf it; utUuii( in preferable to attempting to maintain ourselves in office without a fall measure of the confidence of this House. (Cheer*) 1 said before, and I said truly, that in proposing those measures I had no wish to rob others of the credit juatly due to them. Now I must say, with reference to the honorable gentlemen opposite, as I say with reference to ourselves, neither of us is the paity which is justly entitled to the credit of them. (Cheers.) There has been a combination of parties, and that combination, and the influence of government, have led to their ultimate success; but the name which ought to be associated with the succesa ef these measures ia not the name of the noble Lord, the organ of that party, nor 1a it mine. (Cheers.) The name which ought to be, and will he, associated with the success of those measures, is the name of a man who, acting. I believe, from pure and disinterested motives, haa, with untiring energy, by appeals to reason (loud cheeii,) enforced their necessity with an eloquence the more to be admired because it was unattested and unadorned ? (cheers) ?the nam* which ought to be associated with the success of those measures is the name of Richard Cobden. (Lioud and protracted cheering) Sir, 1 now cloae the address which it has been my auty to make to the llouae, thanking them sincerely for the favor with which they have Hstenod to roe in perferming this last act of my official career. Within a few hours, probably, that power which I have held for the iieriod of five years will be surrendered into the hands of another?without repining?1 can say without oomplaint?with a more lively recollection ol the support and confidence I have received than of the opposition which during a recent I period I met with. I shall leave office, I fear, with a name j everely censured by many hon. gentleman, who, on j public principle, deeply rogret the severance of paity I ?who deeply regret that severance, not from any ; interested or personal motives, but because they believe , fidelity to party engagements?the existenco and main- i tenance of a great party?to constitute u powerful in- ' Strilm.nl ./ I / f _k.ll ... I.. 1 verely censured, 1 fear again. by many hon. gentlemen, who, from no interested motive, have adhered to the principle of protection aa important to the welfare and intereata of the country; I shall leave a name execrated by every monopolist (cheera by the opposition) who fross leas honorable motives, maintains protection for his own individual benefit (continued cheering 0 but it mar be thtt I shall leave a name sometimes remembered with e xpresaiona of good-will in those places which art the

abodes of m whoee lot It is to labor, and to earn thoir RK I IORNING, JULY 19, 184 daily bread by the sweat of their brow? name remembered with expressions of good-will, when they (hall recreate their exhauated strength with abundant and untaxed food, the aweeter because it ia no longer leavened by a sense ofinjuatice. (Loud and vociferous cheering during which the right lion, barondt resumed his seat.) Wliri. the cheering hsd subsided, Sir R. Pkil again rose and said?I have received a communication from the noble lord whoae services have been lequireil by ber Majesty, and 1 trust, in conformity with bia with, the House will unanimously support the motion I shall now make, namely that the house at ita rising do adjourn till Friday neat (Cheers ) Tb? New Kngllih Ministry. The Cabinet. First Lord of the Treasury Lord John Russell. Lord Chancellor Lord Cottenham. President of tha Council Marquis of Lansdowne. Lord PriTjr Saal Karl of Minto. Sec'y lor the Home Department. .Sir George Grey. Sea'y for the For'n Department. .Viscount Palmeraton. Secretary fer the Coloniei Earl Grey. Chancellor of the Exchequer. . . .Charles Wood. " of tho Duchy of Lanct iter.Lord Campbell. Paymaster General Mr. Macaulay. Woods and Forests Viscount Morpeth. Postmaster General Marquis of Clanricarde Board of Trade Earl of Clarendon. Board of Control Sir John Hobhouae. Chief Secretary of Ireland Mr. Labouchere. Admiralty Earl of Auckland. Not or the Cabinet. Master of the Mint Right Hon. R. S. Sheil. Secretary at War Hon. Kox Maule. Attorney General Sir Thomas Wilde. Lord Advocate A. Rutherford. Solicitor General for Scotland. . .T. Maitland. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Earl of Besberough. Commander in Chief Duke ef Wellington. Master General of the Ordnance. .Marquis of Anglesey. The admission of Cobden was discussed ; anc if tho state of that gentleman's health and hi: finances hud enabled him to become a profession al politician, he might, it seems, have risen to the dignity of a Cabinet Minister?a splendid compliment to his talent and his great personal popularity. His colleague. Mr. Bright, tliere is every reason to beliwve, will join the government in a responsible capacity; and Mr. Wilson, the chairman of the league, has also been otfered an appointment. [From the London Standard, July 3 ] The new ministry U formed, ut least ai respects what at the university examination i? called the " papei work." The litrning Chronicle, which we are happy to see accepted a* the organ of the party that it hai so lone, ?o faithfully, and 10 ably served, publishes the offl ..rial list, which we proceed to copy, with the list of th< ministry of January, 1841. We add the latter list, that our readers may see thai the new administration is, as regards the persons com posing it, almost identical with that which the country expelled years ago. The only holders of high office in the ministry of January, 1841, not to be found in the new ministry, are Viscount Melbourne, who was alwayi a reluctant minister, and more reluctant free trader, and Mr E. J. Stanley, who, it is understood, is to be relegat ed to a high api>ointment in the colonies. Orrici Jan. 1841. First Lord of the Treasury, Lord Melbourne, Chaucellor Lord Cotleuham. President of the Council Marq. of Lansdowne. Lord Privy Seal Karl of Clarendon. Chancellor ol the Ouehy ot Lancaster,Sir Oeorge Grey. Chancellor of the Exchequer Mr. K. T. BariiiK. Home Secretary Martinis of Normanby Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmenton. Colonial Secretary Lord Jolm Kuasell. Secretary at War Mr. T B Macaulay. First Lord ef the Admiralty. Earl of Minto. President of the Board of Trade Mr. H. Labonchere. President of the Board of Control. ...Sir J. C. Hobhoute. Paymaster of Forces j 8uu|ey, no Comm.,of Woods and Forests j Irish Secretary Lord Morreth. OrriCE. Jvlt, 1846. First Lord of the Treasury Lord John Ruaaell. Chancellor Lord Cottenham . I'reaideut of th? Council Marq. ol Lansdowns Lord Privv Seal Earl of Minto. Chancellor of Dachy of Lancaster... . Lord Campbell. Chancellor of the Exchequer Mr. Charles Wood. Hone Secretary Sir O?or*e Orey. Foreign Secretary Lord Pslmerstou. Colonial Secretary Earl Orey. Secretary at War Not named. Firit Lord of the Admiralty Karl of Auckland. Preaideat of the Board of Trade Karl of Clarendon. Pre<ideat of the Board of Control Sir J. C. Hobhouie. Paymaster of the Rorce? Mr. T. B. Macaulay. Commissioner of Woods and Forests.. .Lard Visc't Morpeth Irish Secretary Mr. H. Labouchere. The Earl of Besborongh, late Viicount Duncannon, i to be the new Lord Lieutenant, an offlce held by Lore Kortescue at the close of Lord Melbourne'! administ rn tion. The Marqnia of Anglesey resumes hit old offic< of Matter of the Ordnance ; and the Duke of Welling ton, ai we have already stated, remain* Commander it Chief. Nothing it, we believe, ai yet determined as ti the Secretary at War ; possibly Lord Lincoln ii expect ed to remain ; to very plastic a person may suit any mi nistrv or any let of principle* ; or the bait may be let g< free in the hope of catching Mr. Sidney Herbert, aaothe gentleman who ha* proved himself easily persuaded bni there ii, we believe, no doubt that Mr. Brady is to b< the Irish Chancellor, and Messrs. Moore and Monahai Attorney and Solicitor General* for Ireland. Mr. Brad; is an admirable Judge, and, for a whig, an excellent man Mr. Moore ie a good lawyer, and . was, until within thi last *ix year*, a zealou* conservative. Mr. Monahan i professionally, and in hi* private character, a highly re spectable man. Messrs. Brady and Moore are Protest ants, Mr. Monahan ie a Roman Catholic. The real inter ests of the country lose nothing by the Irish law change*. We have intimated above that the office of Secretary at War may bo kept open for Lord Lincoln or Mr Sidney Herbert; and if there be any truth in thi itfttAinant of (Ka Tim#< (ha mrmiu r*nnnt Ha thnuirh improbable. Coxrosmo!* of the House of CoxMKts.?Fron the analysis of the division of the Irish Coercioi Bill, it appears that 221 Whigs and Reformer voted against that measure; that 16 paired ot against it; that 5 voted for it, and that M, inclu ding the speaker and two tellers, did not vote either way. This irialces th? whole strength oi the Liberal party in the House of Commons 275 votes. From the same analysis it appears that 7( Protectionist* voted against the hill; 8 paired ot against it; 106 voted ior it; and 06 did not vote a all. This gives a total of 240 Protectionist votes From the same analysis it further appears tha 108 Peelites voted in favor of the measure; against it; that 1 was absent; and that 24 pairei on' against the measure. This gives a total of 19 Peehtes. It likewise appears from this analysi that the English majority against the second read ing of the bill was 66; the scotch majority 9 ; am the Irish majority 17 ; and that the Welch mem hers gave a majority of 9 in favor of the bill. Ikish Coercion Bill.?On Thursday, the 25th the adjourned debate on the second reading o the Protection of Life (Ireland) Bill, and Sir W iSomerville's amendment thereto, was resumec by Mr. Stafford O'Brien, who, regarding th< question as one of confidence in the government would not do otherwise than vote against the bill On a division.there appeared? Kor tha amendment against the second reading of thi bill Against it 31! Majority againit the bill and against tha government, 7 The New Corn BUI. The new corn bill (9th and 10th Vie. cap 33) came int operation on the 27th ult. and the duties payable tinde it, until the 1st of Feb. 1849, are as follows, viz :? r IMPORTED PROM A!*T FOHKIOW COUNTRY, HOT BEIPO I BRITISH rOilEMIO*. Wheat. Flour and WA eat Mea I Average Price. Duly. Per Bb Per Cwt. of 196/1 ander 48? ... 10* ... 3> SJjd ... 6i 0 6-3 (Hi and under I9i ... 9? ... 3< lid ... 5? 4-31 49* " SOi ... s< ... 2? 9d ... 4.9-14 iva 9ia ... iw ... ?l l?u ?* Sis " J?s ... 6s ... 2a nfid ? T-lt Hi " ill ... it ... Il IS1! 3s 0-3 Ui and opwards ... < ... It 4)(d ... t* t-JI Hyr, Pent, Bi<m, Barley, Bear, trMgg. Oalt. Barley Jlverafe. Duly. Average Price. Dulf under 26a.,. is Ad under 18s ... 4s 0 2fx and under 27s.. ,4a fid IBs and nuder I9?...3a6 27s 21?...4?Oil 19* " 20s....3s0 2Js " 29<... 3a td 20s " 21s...,2s 6 29a " 3fla...3sfl<l 21s " 22s....2sO 3fls 31s... I* td 22s and upwards ....Is 6 31a and upwards . ...2?M Barleymeal, for every IIT'^' lbs. the duty to be equi to that jieyable on one quarter barley. Ryemeal and flour, for every lbs. the duty to b equal to that pay able on five-eights of a quarter barlej Peameal and heanmeal, for every 272 lbs. the duty t be equal to that payable on one quarter barley. Oatmeal for every Iftl Jf lbs. the doty to be equal t that payable on one quarter barley. If the produce of or imported from any British possei aion out of Knrope :? Wheat, barley, beer, or bigg, oats, rye, pea* andbeani the duty shell he for every quarter Is. Wheatmeel, barley meal, oatmeal, ryemeal, peamea and heanmeal, the dirty shell be for every cwt 4l*d. On and after the let of FebtiM^y, 1840, the duties hen after named shall be paid, vis :? Upon all wheat, barley, beer, or bigg, oats, rye, pen beans for every quarter la. Upon all wneatmeal and flour, barleymeal, oatmea ryemeal and flour, peameal and heanmeal. for every cw 4>?1 and ae id proportion lor a le.M quantity. M. (>ui7.ot has loiA h * aimer-in-law, Madame d MeuUn, who uMielljr <IkI the honors of his hotiM and took care of the rduaation of his daughters. N Ouizot, who has already suffered the loss of hi two wives, is plunged in grief, w htch leaves hit without the presence of nund req uisite for pubh all air*. The mortal remains o!" the laic Pope wero cor signed to the grave in St. Peter's on the 3d ul The funeral procession wa* hollowed by a body of cardinal* and preka'fet. It is said that Viscount Falkland haft determine to resign the government ol? Nova Scvtia, and expected immediately in ?ngtaud. SERA J 1 | THE OREGON QUESTION IN ENGLAND. | The Efftft of Ita Settlement. THK MEXICAN Wl|, [From the London Timet, June 30 ] Whatever may hereafter be said of the precise term* upon which the Oregon controversy hat been settled, there can be but one reeling of satisfaction throughout the two great nations which are thu< restored to amity and peace at the termination of a dispute which had threatened to sacrifice some of the principal interests of the civilised world,for the sake of one of the leait important tracts upon the surface of the globe. If the question , was to be decided, or even argued, ai one of strict right, 1 we have frequently repeated our strong conviction that ; in opposition to the vait and exclusive claim* put for ward by Mr. I'olk and the ultra American party, the pai ramount claim* of (treat Britain, resting upon discovery, occupation and treaties, might b?. and nave actually been, effectually advanced and maintained. Hut it was equally clear, in a conttoversy which involved 10 much obscurity and so direct a contradiction of title, supported by such slender political interests on either side, that the practical solution of the difficulty which should bo most beneficial to both parties, least injurious to exist, ing interests, and most consistent with the honor and character of civilised states, would be the best As long ago as the third ol' Jauuary of this year, when tho whole negotiation was suspended, and very serious and not unfounded approbations as to the result were entertained in every port of the world, we expressed a clear opinion to this effeot, to which we now revert wiih a natural satisfaction la tho accurate fulfilment of the views we then took. The maintenance of all existing rights of property, which have been created under the treaties ol 17SH) and 181(4; the use of the great waterprivilege of the Columbia ; tho possession of the whole of Vancouver's Island, and of the harbor of St. Juan de Kuca. which is in reality the only safe port on the Oregon coast, were the conditions upon which we contendl ed that the 49th parallel might be adopted as the bounda3 ry ; and it is precisely on these conditions that Mr. I'akenham's treaty has been negotiated. If we compare theso toirns with the exaggerated aad unmeasured language repeatedly used by Mr. Polk, and with " tho assertion, in the most solemn lorm, of the titlo ' of the United States to the whole territory," contained in Mr. Buchanan's despatch of tho 30th of August of last &-nr, we shall not be surprised that the entire credit of is pacific arrangement has been transferred from the Cabinet of VI r. I'olk to the Senate of the United Statos. That body has felt the responsibility of it* executive office. It is less accessible to the influences of popular excitement, and of personal ambition, than any institution t of the Commonwealth ; and, as it has more than once done before, it has displayed a degree of statesman like prudence and resolution sufficient to grasp the true inte< rests of the country, and correct the aberrations of the - nominal executive. In spite of the declamation of excited s partisan*, we have no doubt that tho decision of the Senate will prove highly popular in the United States. The I people were anxious for means of escaping from the con sequences of their own folly, and tho Mexican war had already given them soma slight taste of burJens and em i narraisments, wnicn wouia nave Deen increased a nun i dred fold by a war with England. i A* far ai the honor and interests of thia country are i concerned, we have every reason to be satisfied with the stipulation* of thU treaty. The iutereiU of the Hudson Bay Company are fully protected during the whole term of their charter, with an arrangement for indemnity and the purchase of their establishment) situated south of the American frontier, upon the expiration of the rights they now hold under the British crown. When we have taken care that no British interest is sacrificed or impaired, and no British possession ceded without an ade. quate consideration, there is more of honor and true policy in agovernment which can afford to deal with questions ofthis kind in a liberal and magnanimous spirit, than in the higgling and grasping artifices which commonly overreach themselves, and sacrifice character, to gain what it of infinitely less value to nations. The dist trict of Oregon contains a vast uninhabited and uncultivated territory, and two points of peculiar interest to ' maritime and trading nations?the river Columbia and the Straits of Kuca. The territory it not unequally divided, nor it it of much importance tchat the division of the toil it. Hoth of the other point! we thare equally with the United Statei, the navigation of the Columbia being perpetually, not temporarily, at hat been errontovtly atterted by the American printt, secured to ut; and the middle of Ihe Straitt of Fuca being the boundary line, to the touih of Fort Lang ley, down to the ocean. In point of fact, therefore, no cession has been made of any portion of the Oregon territory which it was our intcrcit or our duty to keep. The treaty is what every compromise must be?an arrangement by which each party submits to a certain amount of diminution in its claim for the sake of securing what it holds, and, above all, for the sake of preserving the - sacred interests of peace. Upon that principle, and in that cause, if England has made any sacrifice, the world, J which knows that she never was more able to exert all the forces of her wealth, her armies, and her fleets, will not admit that such a sacrifice is any disparagement to " her fame and her power, but rather an additional proof of her sincere devotion to that pacific policy which she 1 regards aa more conducivc to hor present and future 5 greatness and prosperity, than the numberless trophies ' of her past wars. The termi upon which thii treaty hat been negotiated and concluded are our own They are the ' deliberate proposal of the British government ; and it speaks well for the spirit of the American government and the American Senate,that no attempt waa mad* to in9 terpose any further delay in the settlement of this affair by endeavoring to otitain any further modification of f them. The honest and straightforward character of the ' transaction was obvioua. hngland offered to terminate * the dispute by a liberal compromise ; (he United States acceded to the offer, though it was below any proposal ] they had before entertained, with a promptitude which does them honor, and pays the highest compliment to the government with which they were dealing. ' It is needless to repeat what is self-evident, that if ever there was a moment in the history of the United States at which a hostile, or even an adverse power, might have pressed its claims, with the utmost certainty of sueJ cess, and availed itself of the Mexican war to plunge 1 the Union in a most embarrassing situation, this is that time. We have disdainod to take any advantage from l this untoward concourse of events ; and, deeply as we ^ regret the Mexican war, and the unjustifiable policy g in which it originated, the misfortunes of Mexico have r nothing in common with the polioy of Kngland, and these events have not exercised the slightest influence on our pretensions. Wt truit that no part of the Jtmerican com? mmnitu will to egregiovtly mitinterprrt the conduct oj I the Britith Government with reference to the Oregon terl ritory at to tuppote, that in our loticitude to remove that ) tlumhlinf-block, we art ditpoted to overlook or connive at j' the excettet of an aezrettive and ra/iacious policy. The , operations of the American forces in the Gulf of Mexico and on the Paci0c, but more especially upon the latter station, will be watched with vigilance by this country. 1 The rights of war have their limits, espeeially when they 1 involve consequences of the deepest importance to all [1 neutral maritime nations ; and after the signal proof* Kn6 gland has giTen of her desire to avoid a rupture with the 8 United States, for any unworthy cause, wo trust that no i act of violence, and no fresh schcmes of aggrandizement j at the expenso of any neighboring states, will impair tlio a good understanding now happily restored between the " two greatest kindred nations of the earth. [From the London Chronicle, June .10 ] , The Oregon question is settled. The announcement if of the peaceful upshot of a tempestuous negotiation has been received with acclamation throughout the States, j The more reasonable views of the moderate men have prevailed. The exaggeration of patriotism has subsided. * Truth has won for itself a maioritv?commerce is fiudinir its way to it! usual channels?and, simuhaneotnly, ?i b the absence of all fear of any threatened interruption, the greet organic change that has taken place in the ta0 ri/1' of Great Britain ia in a fair way of taking ita full deve1 lopment under the favoriug condition* of peace with 9 all the world. We say peace with all the world, - because it has only been from the small cloud in the 3 West, that the calamities of war have of late threatened Kngland. This has now blown over. Let it only be hoped that if English intervention take place in respect 0 to the affairs of Mexico, an upsliot equally paciflc may r tie the result. Sir Robert Peel last night announced the terms to be ai k follows . " The boundary to he Ik* itlh parallel i Or rat Britain : to hats* the frtt navigation of Ik* Columbia river during (' Ik* charter of Ike Hudton't Bay Company, wkirk rxpirtt 2 in IMS, and it? ro-ckarter, if one tkould be granted ; Ike wkol* aj faneouvtr'i /aland ; Ike right tkrougk Ike Strait* of Puca to h* common to both partite. Any Britiih t'ttlimtnls lotilk of 49 degree* are to be purckated at a fair valuation by the United Stale* Ooremmenl at any time when they think it dttirahl* to ponn* them, while the Britiih Government ilipulatt* to do th* tame by American property north of 4tf degreei, if there be any." . All this ia plausible, and no doubt wiil content the ,j people of Kngland, who have other and more important d objects to think about. On the part of America, the popu' d lar feeling is favorable to Ureal Britain. The who (e Or d egon men are at a discount. Hwamped in Congress ' they are also swamped amid the nation at large. It '' required but little foresight to perceive that even th? most western 8tate* of the Union had more to gall '1 from peace with Kngland than from the occupancy of tlx Northern Oregon. To convert their country into a tho e roughfare, by making it a highway to the Paciflc, initeai of a cui de-*ac, was, undoubtedly, an advantage ; yet i was a greater advantage to And a vent for the bieadstuft'i of the enormous valley of the Miseisaippi, at once over productive and under-peopled. Kor this last object ai equitable peace was preferable to even a glorious war. The clear perception of this laat fact may, perhaps, ex plain tho changes that have coane over the conduct o some of the more violent spirits of Congress. With thi exceptions of Mesar*. Cass and Allen, few senators o rank retain the original virulence of their belligerent ps triotism. Mr. Hannegan la gradually detaching himsel from the latter gentleman ; so that the war chorus ia cur tailed of ila loudost notes, and the government has to sub mit to further modifications of its original policy. The American government has certainly been dli lodged from the over-statements of ita eariv claims. Th< President's speecn ia read backwards. Tho Preswlen himself has cried ptccaui. If he has not done this in i direct and straightforward manner, he haa done so by the 1 subterfuges that he has had resort to. He has aaked th? *tw. anil hv th? anMortnr.fl of tilkini it counael from that My, shifted upon ita shouldera ilu n responsibility of hi* own inaugural e<trtvnKin/t Th< smullost man in all America i* President Polk The rump of the war party look upon him with contempt a* a reneSsde ; the true patriots?the advocate! of [>?s deapiae im a* an obstructionist Whatever may be the amount t, of uncertainty in the future politic* of America, on eject ... is unequivocsJly sure, vit , tnat Mr. Tolk will not be ?<? 1 Twm cnntul. lite world may congratulate himself upon this point. ** , The date of tie aettlement of thi? Important question ? la well-timed. Whether the position to which Great Britain is new limited be above or bolow her just clauna, ii I 11 *1 . .. * LD. PrtM Two twill. | if undoubtedly the result of condition* anterior to the late events on thf Kio (irnnde Kven American vanity will be unable to discover in Mr.l'ukenUam s propositions, sign or symptom of bis being frightened out ol his propriety by the buccaneering bravado that has 10 lately been engrafted on the exploits of Uen Taylor. The Oiegon settlement i? evidently independent of the Mexican war. N'or would theie have been, on the part of thin country, any inclination to have riven in its demands in case ol an unsucc?k?tul teimmation to an unjust attack i ne nmn m in? npgoua'iou is wruunieii i,ei 11 oa hoped that the spirit ol compromise and accommodation in which it *?< made nriaj not he thrown awav U|?n the American* Over and above the geneial effect* of iti conciliatory condition*, it ought alio to annihilate the ri, diculou* suspicion, too common on the other aide of the I water, of it* being England by whom Mencu ia suborned I to the defence of her nationally. i All this is favorable. Nevertheless the plain trnth j that, in re*)>ect to the detail* of the negotiation, England i ha* been over-reached, must not be concealed fromut. ' A national lie on the |>art of America ha* won her the | boundary that *he ha* obtained. The national lie. repeated and repeated, until it pa*aed current a* a Koipel truth, that the whol* Oregon was the right of America, made every demand short of that euormou* pretension look like a conceaaion. Thia ia the aecret of the extent of territory that America haa thereby aocured. We have inaiated upon thia too often again to urge it All that can now be hoped i? that so gross a maiio-u vre may not deceive u* a second time. Ai things atand, the peace of the world 1* undisturbed. The price of this is a maximum amount of conceaaion on the part of England Such credit aa she claim* for the conduct of the affair ia the ciedit, not for skill, but for moderation. Let the language of the press imitate the language of the beat states men in the twocountriea, and the spirit between the old monarchy aud the new republic may still be that of good will and mutual respect. 1 From Wilmer's Times, July 3.J No event within our memory has produced a feeling of more general satifuction und joy in this country than the intelligence which camo to hand by the Hibernia, that the Oregon question had been amicably settled between the American and the British Oovertimenta. The new* arrived at a critical moment?literally on th? eve of tha dissolution of the 1'eel ministry ?and the excellent purpose to which this message of peace was turned by tha outgoing Representative of the Crown, will be best appreciated by those who read his last official speech. The American papers which came to han4 by the Hibernia, differ in one point Irom the British Minister'' version of the terms of the settlement. According to them the navigation of the Columbia is contingent upon the duration of tho Hudson Bay Company's charter; according to his reading of the treaty, the navigation ia common to tha citizens of both countries in perpetuity?a distinction of some importance, which hai formed the subject of u good deal of comment in the English press. It is assumed on this aide of the watar, not irrationally, that the late Premier is right, and that the American papara are wrong. ruus nan terminated a icuu wiiicn iroatenea to eniDrou in a bloody and protracted war two of the mightiest and most civilixed countries on the lace of the earth. We mav claim for our countrymen, during the continuonce of this dispute, the credit of having exhibited a dignified and noble attitude, the absence of all irritation, ana a fervent desire lo brine the dispute to a pacific close. If the American President took high ground at the outset of his official career, on this subject, his subsequent policy has been marked by judgment and discrimination; and, in submitting the proffered compromise to the decision of the Senate, he has shown true patriotism, and a pliant recognition of the difficulties which surrounded iiim. Like ordinary men, the chief magistrate of a free people is only, after all, the creature of circumstances. If be cannot secure all he wants?all be thinks himself justified in demanding, bo shows excellent sense in getting what he can, to avoid results more dire than all the ' enefits which would accrue lrom the consummation of his wishes. Lifo itself is but a series of compromises, and the possession of powor does not exonerate its occupant from the inevitable laws of our existence. With the disappearance of this temporary cause of irritation, will also disappear, we hope, the last vestige which can, by possibility, embroil two countries, whose habits, language, manners, and feelings beat eo powerfully in unison. There seems to be wanting enly another move to bring England and America into permanent harmony?to make their interests mutual, their sympathy and respect unfading. A free interchange of the commodities of both countries would do this?nothing els* so effectively can. Tho exampl* has been set by England. We hope to see it followed by America. Attention is now fixed on this side of the water on the American tariff, and hopes are being expressed amongst commercial men in all parts of the land that the present session of Congress will not terminate without a reduction of tho rates on imported goods?without, in short, an effort being made to carry out the free and enlightened commercial policy which England, in the teeth of all but insuperable difficulties, has given auch a glorious example to the world. We cannot closo this brief article without bearing honorable testimony to the talent and popularity of the American Minister in England, Mr. M'Lane?a gentleman whose intelligence, respectability, and patriotism, reflect credit ou hi* country and himself. He is universally respected, and his popularity i? certainly not inferior to that of any former Minister at the Court of 8t James The Karl of Abeideen, in the House of Lords on Monday, gave expression to the following aantimanta respecting thia distinguished American :? " Uratifying as that intelligence was, (the arrival of the Hibernia's news,) ha felt it an act of duty and .fustic*, as it waa a duty of as much pleasure as justice! to pay his tribute to the friendly and conciliatory course which had been adopted by the United States Minister in thia country. He had long known him, and he had had reason to respect him in an official capacity soma fifteen or sixteen rears ago. He was certain that by every meaaa in his (the Ameiican Minister^) power, he had contributed to the present result He Was certain that there waa no person in that House, or this country, who more cordially participated in the satisfaction which they might experience than Mr. M'Lune, the American Minister.'' [Krom the Paris Presse, July 1] " Did not time fail us, we should only have to search the annals of the diplomacy on the Oregon question to find terms sufficiently explicit, delivered lrom the mouths of English negotiators, to mark the condemnation of the treaty of which Lord Aberdeen has now taken the initiative. We should discover, that in 1OT7, Mr. OallaUn mad* an offer of the 49th degree, granting to ltagland the navigation of the Columbia River. Both Mr. Huakisson and Mr. Addington rejected this partitioa, which, nevertheless, would have given to Ureal Britain all the territory she will now gain, tnd have had insured to her for ever that community of navigation which is now conceded to herfor a limited number of years only. Thus, the Knglish ministry of IH46 has not only acoepted, but even ilemamlod, loss than that which was refused by tha Knglish ministry of 194?. But what need bar* we to go back iuto times past to seek for comparisons 1 Cannot wo find some equally extraordintry and significative ia the course of the negotiations that have been carriad on during the Presidency of Mr. Polk, and in which the two governments have had tor their champion* the lama diplomatists as have been intrusted with drawing up thia treaty of partition I Are not the terms, in fact, ideati^ cully similar to those which were proposed by Mr. Buchanan, in October or November last, and rejected by Mr. Pakeuliam, to whom they appeared to be to contrary to good faith and equity, (these are hii own word*,) thai he would not even submit them to hi* government I The American Secretary of State had, by order of Mr. folk, ottered the line of the 49th degree, with common light of entiance into the 8trait* of Kuca. Now, theie are the two fundamental condition* of the treaty, the concluilon of tafeich we have hereafter to announce. To them condition*, it la certainly true, there are added, for the benefit of the Hudson's Bay Company, the temporary navigation of the Columbia. But i* it not evident that this, like the question of expropriation and indemnity, iaonly , a secondary acceuory interest which Mr. Polk could not offer, but which he would hare a* readily granted fix month* ago, a* he ha* to-d*y, had it been allied for. The i Knglish government will, no doubt, endeavor to abetter it* diplomacy under the amall fragment of land through the concession of. which it ha* become the eole and legitimate lovereign of Vancouver'* I*lan<l. Thia, however, i will be a puerile justification ; became the arquiaition of that part of the iiland which liea between the 40th degree and the Strait* of Kuca can have no other reault than the giving it aa a right of boundary the navigation of the itrait*, which Mr. Polk had offered in perpetmlty, a* .a concession orer a territory which would have remained American. /? ihort, the solution attributed to Ihe Oregon quttlion it nothing more Iks* e complete retrogradation oj Of eat Britain upon e ground in which there wet danger oj war, in rate the thould refute to tuffer hertelf to he forced hack within the timUl imperiouelf marked out by the Federal Union. This solution i* a flrat, though pacific triumph for America, in her rivalry with Ureat < Britain, a triumph much more precious for the one, and 1 compromising for the other, than if it had been the fruit of a sanguinary and diiaatroua war, because it teaches, not only America, but Kranee, and indeed the whole , world, that it require* only to ihow a bold countenance, t and use big word*, to compel Ureal Britain to concede i through prudence what would be demanded in vain from > her justice ' Ireland. 1 The weekly meeting of the Repeal Association t was held on Monday the 22d ult., Mr. J. O'Neill ' in the chair. A letter was read from Mr. O'Con nell denouncing several ol the repeal wardens of 1 Manchester raid the neighborhood for "availing themselves of their situatipn as wardens to en} courage indecent and violent hostility to the decisis ion ol the Catholic Bishop," and desiring the axf pulsion of J. B. Treanor and Finnegan from i- the association. In allusion to the dissensions f which have recently been manifested amongst the members, Mr. O'ConnelJ says, "It is ruaniloet that the great majority ol the Repeal Association themselves strenuously to support the i association, or the persons to whom I allude will t divide its ranks, and, Anally, destroy tl?e as*o1 ciation itself. Foi my poor part, 1 will not bo an > idle * pacta tor of such a struggle. 'Tit true that tbe * people may be induced to desert me, but I never | will dewrt tbe people. I perceive that it is?I will , not use the proper term?but I will say, moN un, handsomely suggested, that, in the event of the whigs coming iriio powers the repeal cause is to > he abandoned, or postponed, or compromised. I utterly deny the assertion. While I live, the repeal cause shall never l>e abandoned, postponed or compromised, to advance any persons to power * to support any party or faction. ' The letter proceeded to direct that the declaration signet' by him in 1844 and the resolutions then passed should be read, and resolution* proposed in his/^me to