Newspaper of The New York Herald, December 4, 1846, Page 1

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated December 4, 1846 Page 1
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* ?J I. J IJ.1.1 1,11 .J "I. TH] To?. HI. I*. llT.Wkdi Mm. MTV. THE GREAT SPEECH Of THE HON. DANIEL WEBSTER, DELIVERED AT PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, Doe. % 1846. sm rosxTiozr OE THE GREAT WHIG PARTY. It is my duty, in the first place, to express the unoommon emotions which I feel on rising to discuss important subjects in such a presence as that in the midst of which I now am?an assemblage composed of the worth and beauty of the city. Gentlemen, I (come among you, an assemblage of the men of business of the city of Philadelphia?of men engaged in the honorable pursuits of private life, and having no other interest in the political events of the day, than so far as the acts of Congress and ol.the Government, conoern property and industry. You are merchants; you are, therefore, deeply concerned in the peaoe of (the country and in its commercial prosperity. You are manufacturers, mechanics, artists, and have interests in the protection of labor. You are holders of city property?many of you are land holders in the country?and In this vast assemblage there are men, no doubt, who are cultivators of their own land in the neighborhood of their own city. Finally, you are all Americans?you are memberrof this great republic? bound to its destinies?partaking of all the happi ? - : 1?i-.-j ? ir-j ucto WUIVU lk9 gUTCllUUCUV IS ?ail/UUIUlU bV B1IUIU. I am here by invitation to address such an assemblage of my fellow citizens; and I will say, too, that it is always agreeable to me to speak upon great questions respecting our political institutions ?their progress and their results in this city of Philadelphia. With no habits of publie life but such as have connected me with the constitution of the United Stntes?accustomed somewhat to study its history and its principles, and called upon now for many years te take a part in its administration as far as a member of Congress oould?it is natural that 1 should look bask to the origin of the circumstances out of whieh that constitution grerr, and to the constitution itself, cut of whioh the government arises.? These bring with them agreeable associations. The independence of our country was declared in yonder hall?the constitution of our country was framed in the same hall; and as ens to whom that declaration and that constitution are of supreme human regard, when 1 enter that hall it is natural that I should gather around me, in imagition, the great men, the illustrious patriots who filled it on such an occasion. They are all gone to their graves?they have left their work behind them, in ah imperishable memorial of their wis dom and patriotism. Gentlemen, the city o. Philadelphia is in all respects much connect' ed with the history ot our government She is, in, all respects, interested in whatever, for weal or w^khall be ids the republic. Hsr position is centrftlrfher population is large?the occupations of her people various. She is the capital of the great State of Pennsylvania?not improperly called the keystone of the arch of this Union. Gentlemen, some years ago, in addressing an assemblage, I said what I believed, and now behere, that perhaps, with the exception of England, there is no spot on the globe so lull of so many natural riches as the State of Pennsylvania. A mUd and delightful climate?a rich ana exuberant soil, one of the best in the world?with mineral riches beyond all calculation?I know no spot on the globe that can go beyond her in any just estimate of natural power and productive wealth. Pennsylvania, too, gentlemen, is concerned in every interest that belongs to the country. On her easterly boundary she touches the tide-waters of the Atlantic?on the west she torches the great river which carries west and south her products raised beyond the Alleg&nies. She is open to the Gulf on the north, to the ocean on the east. Her position is oentral?her population numerous. It she chooses to say that she will connect the waters of the Gulf with the navigable waters of the Atlantic, she can do it without trespassing on any man's territory. It is with her a home affair?a family business; for the waters of the Ohio are owned by lier. Gentlemen, 1 can't help thinking that what Pennsylvania is; and what Peunsyb vania is.to be and will be, ia greatly owing to tne constitution and government under which we live. I would not be idolatrous towards the constitution of the United States, nor to an/ other work of man, but i hold it in profound respect. I believe that no human woik on such a subject, has ever produced as much happiness, or provid s it now to sis many millions of people, through a succession ot ages, as the constitution of the United States. And what duty does it impose on us?we who are hers for a single life, and yet in our several situations in society entrusted, in some degree, with its protection anu support?what duty does it not impose on us 1? Gentlemen, there are persons on the contrary who conscientiously doubt, its fitness. Some of those at the time ttre Constitution was adopted, did not approve of it. Some feared it from an excessive jealousy of power?some disliked it?a great majority of the United States adopted it, and placed Washington at the head of the first administration. This constitution fairly expounded, justly interpreted, is the bond of our union. Those who opposed it will be bound, in justice and honor, to follow the example of Patrick Henry, who himself opposed it; but when it was passed, took it in the fulness ol its spirit, and in its honest mterpretatiori. It was not, then, fair for those who adopted the constitution to come in afterwards and endeavor to fritter it away. The people had adopted it, and they were bound by it. But, gentlemen, in other days, those called upon to administer it, think that if they had lived when that instrument was 1 ranted, that they could have made a better one. It may have been the misfortune of our forefathers that they may not have bad the intelligence of those men? (laughter.)? That is not latr. Every man who is called upon to administer the constitution of the U. States, or act under it, is bound in honor, faith and duty, to take it in its ordinary acceptation?as it .was understood by the people who adopted it? and as it has been practiced upon since. I think instances have occurred, in which the spirit of this instrument has baeu departed from. What ol that! Are we to absuidon it on that account Why, 1 should as soon think of abandoning my father when ruffians attacked him. We are to rally around it with all our power. We must cling to it or fall with it. What was the oonduct 01 the great lovers of liberty in English history T The yeomeu of England passed the magna charts without King John. Tbe crown violated it, and what did iheydol They reinforced it, and tha; is what we are to do, gentlemen. Gentlemen, l have never fell more interest, 1 may say, never as much interest? in tbe course ol iny public liie, as during some periods of the last session of Coi aress. I could not but ner sttade myseltihaiwo were in Uie in idst of impjrtant events. It was my purpose, towards the close of the session, to oonsider with some care the acts o( Congress, and the course ol the administration during that session. It so happened, however, that in the fleeting hours of the last > week of the session, no opportunity offered, and I | determined to take some occasion,before the pub- ! he, ot reviewing the acts of Congress during ths ' last session, and of making such comments on 1 them, as, in my humble judgment, they deserved. ' This insy be a proper occasion lor that duty, but ! my purpose has been so long deterred that it has become anticipated. Other commentators have , artserff more powerful than 1 aha, and they have ' given their comments on the last session of Con- 1 gress. Gentlemen, the political events that have occurred since tho termination ot that session? the result of the elections especially, in the central States on the Atlantic, while they have awakened^ new hopes, have shown that emotions ,s>rt tar too deep to be expressed in any evanescent .alow of party triumph, it anwears tome am e plain that no sueh revolution tn public emr.ior wo have witnessed, hat happened In I I Mil ' I " I E N E1 NET I this country before fo? nearly thirty years. I may I confine my remarks to the two great States of Pennsylvania and New York. When have such I changes of public sei.timent been manifested in I the ."State ot Pennsylvania since the years *99 and I 18001 At that period a very strong feeling occurred j in the election of Gov. McCain. Certain events followed, and since that time Pennsylvania witnessed no such chanve. I may say the same of the State of New York. At the same time it is quite manifest that these changes were not produced by any effort. The country has been calm ?the public mind serene?there have been no mass meetings, no extraordinary elForts of the press to influence men's opinions, it seems to me that they were produced by the spontaneous feelings of the people. Now, gentlemen, the question is, what ia the character of this revolution 1 For whom and against whom 1 Gentlemen, I come to perform the duty before me this evening without vituperation. 1 intend to avoid, as far as possible, all reflections on men, and all unjust reflections on parties; but it appears to me as clear as the light ot noon day, this revolution was against the principles and measures ot the now existing administration, it is against the manner in which the war with Mexico has been brought on. it is against the tariff ot 1846; it is | against that absurdity of all absurdities, the sub-treasury bill; it is against the duplicate vetoes. Gentlemen, the present administration is not regarded as the just representative or the regular successor ot any other admistration that went before it. In its principles and measures it doet|net resemble the administration of Jackson, nor that of Van liuren, and God knows it resembles no other administration. Now, we must be just to those who in time past have differed from us. We must forget the things that are past, and 1 take the truth to be jhat it is because this administration has adopted a system of measures ot its own, and assumed a character of its own, distinct and separate from what was seen in other adminis trations of the same partv. I take it to be for the reason that hundreds ana thousands of our fellow citizens, of this city and this State,were supporters of Jaokson's administration, Van Buren's administration, have repudiated this administration I think, therefore, this administration stands alone: I will net say in its glory; but in its measures and principles : and again I think it certain that the sober minded and intelligent portion of the country, who have heretofore sustained what is called the democratic party, think this administration of Mr. Polk, either adopts new measures or has carried the sentiments of the patty to such extremes, that it is impossible for honest and just men to follow it, and, therefore, they have come out,?overcoming the natural feelings which men entertain at departing from their mends,?they have come out, in order to manifest their disapprobation of it, they have left it and have again become memberaoi the whig party. Now, | are they right in this 1 Gentlemen, it is perfectly evident to me they are right. I will now, with ycur permission, illustrate ; these sentiments with one or two instances, and will begin with that of protection to home industry. It may be deemed too light a question toI day, whether in this respect, Young Hickory > is hke Old Hickory; but it is a grave question to pat to the people of the United States, whether the principles of the present administration, in the protective policy ot the country are, are or are not, an entire departure irom those ol Gen. Jack son. I say they are. We all know that Gen*Hackson was a man of sense, and strong character. For ene, 1 believe that he wished for the happiuess of his country, and to establish that bappiness he thought it necessary to exercise more power, perhaps, than he possessed. After the passage of what was called the compromise act of 1U33, no gteat agitation arose on the tariff, until the expiration of the period provided by that act. Within that time the Van Buren administration began, went through, and terminated. The circumstances of the country, therefore, did net call on Van Buren to express any opinions respecting the protective policy of the country. But 1 go now 10 compare the opinions and principles of the present President of the United Suites by themselves, vnth those of Jackson, during his presidency, as expressed by himself officially; and 1 begin, by reading what the President' said on the subject of protection, at the last session, in his first message to Congress. Here it is. It wilt c<aim some attention from you; and I hope yon will not think it too tedious, if 1 go into some little details on this question "The object of imposing duties on imports should be to raise revenue to pay the necessary expenses of Government Congress msy, undoubtedly, in the exerciso of e sound discretion, discriminate in arranging the rates of duty en different articles; but the discriminations should be within the revenue standard, and be mads with the view to raise money fer the support of Government. If congress levy a duty forrersnueof one per cent on a liven article, it will nroduce a eiven amount of totho Treasury, and it will incidentally and necessarily afford protection or advantage to the amount of one per cent to the home manufacturer of a aimilar or like article, over the importer- If the duty be raiaed to ten per cent, it will produce a greater amount of money, and af ford gteater protection. If it if raiaed to twenty, twentyfire, or thirty per cent, and if, aa it ia raiaed, the revenue derived iron it ia found to be increaaed, the protection and advantage will alao he increaaed, but if it be raiaed to thirty-one per cent, and it ia found that the revenue produced at that rate, ia leaa than at the rate of thirty, it ceaaea to bo revenue duty. The precise point in the ascending scale of duties en whioh it is ascertained from experience, that the revenue is greatest, ia the maximum rate of duty whioh can bo laid lor the bona-fide purpose of collecting money for the support of the Government" Discriminating duties are, therefore, to belaid with the single view of raising revenue to the government. " If Congress levies a duty ot one per cent, it will produce a given amount to the treasury." Now, some gentlemen here And it difficult to understand what is meant by a reve nue sianuara ; dui wnaiever else lie means, lie means to go against protection ? he means the sole object to be regulated by the legislature, in impoaing duties, is the raising of revenue, in laying such duties as will be beneficial for revenue, for nothing but revenue entered into his calculations,and in levying duties, domestic articles are to be protected. 1 believe these are nearly his words. He is lor laying taxes for revenue, and that alone just as if there were no iron manufactures or cloth manufactures in the United States. Wat that ever Gen. Jackson's doctrine 1 Let us see. I will read you an extract from Gen. Jackson's first message. "The general rule to be epp'ied in graduating the duties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is that which will place our own in fair competition with thoee of other countries ; and the inducements to advance even e step beyead this point, ere controlling, in regard to thoee article# of primary necessity in time of war.'1 What is that doctrine 1 Does he not say it is the business of Congress to lay duties so as to give ns fair competition with foreign manufacturers 1 And does he not go lurtber 1 And you, iron men of Pennsylva ma, does he not go farther, and say that in regard to articles which are of principal importance in time of war, we are to go farther and put down competition. Now 1 ask you if the principles of Mr. rolk are not agaiget those of Gen. Jackson 1 Instead of putting down To reign competition, does he not put down our own competion 1 I will reed to you an extract from Gen. Jackson's second message, which, in my opinion, express s the true American constitutional doctrine on this subject " The power to impose duties on impoits originally belonged to t*e several States. The right to adjust those duties, with the view to the encouragement of do atostie branches of industry, is to complete]; identical with that pewar, that it is diOcult to suppose the existence of the one without the other " The States have delegated their whole authority ovar imports te the general government, without limitation or restriction, saving the vary inconeidarahle riser ration relating to their inspection laws. "This authority having thus entirely passed from the States, the right to exercise it fer the purpose of protec tion, does not exist in them ; end consequently, if it he net possessed by the general government, it mast be ex tinct. Our poetical system would thus proeent the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their own industry, and to counteract the most selA<h end destructive policy which might ho adopted by foreign nations. This sural; cannot ba ths case , this indispensabis powsr.thas surrondorsd by the mates, must be within the scope of the authority on tho subject eapressly dalegated to Confines. "Ia this conclusion, I am eonflrmad as wall by ths opinions of Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison, sod Monroe, who have each repeatedly recommended tho exercise of this right undtr the const tution, as by , ths uniform practice ot Congress, ths continued scqul scence of the states, and the general andarstanding of tha paople." Aoeording to U?n. Jackson, when the power goes, the duty attached to the power goes too. It appears to me that these extracts are very different from the extracts of Mr. Folk's speech at the opening ot the last session of Congress. 1 ' think his notions ot the revenue standard, it ihey . mean any thing, mean that the sole business of : government is to get as much money as it can, and touched with tha pruioiplea of Jackson, SSHSSSarS; I II I I tv ro 7 YORK, FRIDAY MORP in raising a revenue, you must arrange the duties on the imports so as to give to the manufacturers of the country a fair competition. There is nothing said about that cabalistic word " incidental." Again, gentlemen, having said that 1 believed the ceo pie see the difference between the principles of Jackson and Polk on the subject of pro- ( taction, so I think ttiey see a difference on othsr , important subjects. It happened that General Jackson pi iced his negative on the Mays- j vilie road and his veto on the harbor bill; but I believe the people of New York, Pennsylvania, : Michigan, and even Indiana and Illinois, and all i the Southwest, will see in the exercise of the veto i power of Mr. Polk, on the river and harbor bill. > and his opposition to works that it contemplated a desire to stretch this power to a greater extent j than General Jackson ever thought of. More of i that presently. In the next place, in regard to the war with Mexico, gentlemen, I am accustomed to mix as far as I am sble with men ol all classes and persuasions. Your situations iu life lead you to do the same, and 1 ask you, if you can tind a sensible man who has ever said to yeu,that if General Jackson or Mr. Van Buren were at the head of the government, we should have had this Mexican war 1 I found none such. Why, we all know that Mr. Polk came into office against Van Bureu?that he came in on the Texas interest and for Texas purposes, and we all know that i Taira anri Texas numnaua Kova Url ?a Therefore I say, that 1 know no man of intelligence who believes that if the result of the Baltimore convention had gone the other way, for Van Buren,tbat we should have had the Mexican war. The purpose of these remarks has been to show what I consider has been the cause of this change in public opinion, it is in vain ior people to say that local causes produced these changes; that it was anti-rentistn, or something else, that produced it in New York. It was not any thing of the kind. The test this, "do you say the question of State politics has influenced these results 1" If you say it has, then look to the election of members of Congress?they have nothing to do with State questions; and the truth is that the election of members of Congress in this State (Pa.) and in New York, have been carried by greater majorities than any of the State officers. The elections were governed by national politics. There were counties in New York with which anti-rentism had nothing to do. There were oounties, too, that were influenced, some one way and some another; but put the test even, and apply it, and I find that Mr. Fish, the whig candidate for Lieut. Governor, received more votes than Mr. Wright, the democratic candidate for governor, did. That battering unchon, therefore, they cannot take to themselves There is no getting over this result. There is no doing any thing with it than to acknowledge it to be an expression of opinion against the existing stdministration. I proceed now, gentlemen, to make some rein arts upon occurrences connected with the previous course of the administration since Mr. Polk's induction into the office of President. The question respecting the territory of Oregon is a settled question, and we are glad it is. lam not about to disturb it, nor do 1 wish to revive any discussion of it; but in two or three respects, it may be worth while to make remarks on us progress. By the treaty of Washington of 1342, | an ijunuuiu ruusisuug uaiweea tne united states and Great Britain wera settle i and disposed of , with the exception of the Oregon controversy (Great applause.) That remained unsettled (Clapping of hands and waving of white handkerchiefs ) While 1 thank you, gentlemen, for this expressiou of your approbation, I must say that when 1 mentioned this subject 1 did not intend to give you occasion for any expression of your thanks. It is worthy ol remark that the importance of the Oregon question, and the interest with which it was viewed by the people of tke United Suite;, grew greater when every other subject of dispute had ceased. 1 do not mention it as a matter of reproach at all; but 1 repeat, every man in public life has a perfect right ta the exercise of bis opinion; and 1 nope it may not be out of place to say on this occasion, tnat it was injudicious on the part of the President of the Unitvd States to trust the duties of the State Department, pending this Oregon question, to the nanus ol a distinguished gentleman who was one of the few who opposed, and had opposed,\he whole settlement of it. The Baltimore Convention assembled in 1811. One of its prominant proceedings was their resolution on the Oregon question. It was in these words:?"Resolved, mat our title to the whole of Oregon is clear and unquestionable?that no part ol it ought to be ceded to Great Britain, or any other power." Mr. Polk, in his first speech, adopts the same idea, and in the same words. It is repeated again in me same words by the Secretary of Slate, (Laughter) iu his letter to Mr. Pakenhatn, the Urilisii Minister, en tlie 3ft?h nf Aiurunt. IRiX And Mr. Polk, in his first massage, having talked ol negotiation with England, yet having retracted lus otters, asserted that our title to the whole ot Oregon could be maintained by irrefragibta argument. In Congress and out of it, the cry was our title to Oregon is clear and unquestionable." The Baltimore resolutions,in sentiment and words ran through ail documeuts and all despatches,and i n all newspapers lfyou knew what the Baltimore Convention had said, you knew what all those of me parly had, might, could, or would say through ail ttie moods and tenses I remember, gentlemen, when 1 was at school, and learning Greek, I felt extremely obliged to Homer for putting the same words in the mouths of several ot his heroes t was obliged to bim, because, when 1 came to translate them successively, my labor was saved; and any body who understood the Baltimore Convenuou, need not have stucied aay thing else. Neverthelers, gentlemen, this clear and unquestionable chum was questioned,and was in the first l>lace made a good deal clearer by a Senator from Mississippi, and the country was in favor of a just and satisfactory settlement of it. 48 carried me day, in opposition to 64 40. Now, gentlemen, the remarkable characteristic of the settlement of t.lis Uregon question by treaty, is this: As a general thing, treaties are negotiated by the President, and confirmed by the Senate; but in this case the treaty was negotiated bv the Senate and confirmed by the President, (daughter.) Mr Polk was inaugurated March 4.1846. Ha entered into a nrgohat'on with the British Minister at Washington. He repeated the offers of his predecessors?these not being accepted, he retracted toem all, and terminated the whole negociation in August, 1845. In August, '43, ail efforts of the administration to setue the question, came to an end, and 1 am not aware that from that da/ to the signature of the ireaty, the administration, er its agents, at home or abroad, did the least thing to advance the negotiation a single step?not one single step; and if it had stood where they left it, it would be an unsettled question now. It was settled. The liscussions in Canada and on the other side of the water, the general sense of the community in both countries, concluded that it was a question to be settled by fair consideration. It was done. As the question is settled, gentlemen, there is only one other topio connected with it on whieh I will remark. I would not do so if I thought the honor ff the country was not in some way conoerned in it, and to take an opportunity of expressing my dissent to the course ot the administration. vVhat I rt fer to is the repeated retnsal of the administration to submit the question to fair and honorable arbitration. After the administration had withdrawn all its offers, and the case resied with the British Minister, the latter offered to refer teh matter to any sovereign to make a division of the territory.The administration said,we won't admit Kid I any Utvivivil UW uiauvi WC V4U1IIVI nf^i to lo any division. Well, said the British Minister, we differ in that; England thinks she has some rights there as well as you. The minister then proposed to refer the question to any sovereign who might be agreed upon, and if none could be agreed upon, then to umpires in any part of the world?men whom the wealth of the world could not bribe?men whom no influence could sway. That, too,was declined; and again, opposing other reasons, such asthvy were,.the Secretary 01 state informed Mr. Pakouham that the Presiuent rests upon this single reason, to wit: that in bis judgment a question ot territory ought not to be referred to any arbitration whatever. Well, gentlemen, how ; lsihtsT What sort of doom no is thisl Why, 1 take it that every question of boundary is a tit subject ol arbitration, and Gen. Jackson took it ' that Irom the origin of the Government, from Washington down, under all administrations, we ; have been in ihe habit of referring questions ol boundary to arbitration. The Eastern question, is the time of Washington, was referred 10 arbitrators. THfc government appointed two commissioners each?they were to agree on a fifth, and it tuey could not agree.the fifth was to be appointed by lot. Maiqr decisions have been made in that way. These references were adapted under Washington, Madison, Jefferson, Jackson, and Van Buten, sad always received the sanction of the denote sad the psOylo sad paw news Mr, i Folk, mad Nfs thai question of torrHory should RK I tING, DECEMBER 4, 184 not be referred to arbitration. Now, how is it to I be settled if governments disagree 1 If owing to | the infirmity of human nature, two governments don't see their rights, h.*w is it to be settled with- | out the shedding of innocent and chi istiun bloodl Does it not look like supporting the right of the | ttrongest? Let us suppose a question of i territory to arise between Russia and Sweden. Russia says that her right is clear and unquestionable; Sweden says she has rights, too, ana says she is willing to refer it to arbitration. Russia says the question should not be re- ; ferred at all. what then remains to the minor power but hopeless war, or abject submission 1 And does not this dootrine go for establishing the power of the strong against tne weak, and to take public questions between nations from public opinion and the judgment of the world to the decision of the lougest sword1? I do not think that this correspondence has raised the United States in the opinion of the world, i take this eccasion io say ior mysen mat 1 uo noi uoiu 10 me principle, and while 1 go back to the dignified councils ot Washington, and follow them down, 1 come to the conclusion that if dispute arises among nations, which cannot otherwise be settled, the peace ol the world, the cause ol civilization, the doctrine of humanity, the love of religion?all require that they should be reterred to impartial and intelligent umpires. The remaining topic, gentlemen, is the war with Mexico. Well, that war you may, perhaps, say, is the deed of Congress, and is a war of right. But may not the Mexicans be right tool I wish, for one, to speak Iny opinion on the war; and yet 1 care for my couutry, perhaps, as much as any one. Vet, nevertheless, there are some things connected with it which 1 must review. Allow me to go back and bring up a short history ol the whole case. Texas achieved her independence many years ago, unexpectedly, by the bravery and good fortune of a single battle. Texas threw oif the

dominion of Mexico, and for many years maintained a government of her own. That government was acknowledged by this country and Eu rope. Texas was an independent State, a new nation admitted into the circle ol modern nations. Mexico, nevertheless, did not acknowledge the independence of Texas, while, at the same time, she made no effort to regain her territory. In this condition things remained for years. This reminds me of a state of things whioh existed in Washington not long ago, growing out of the revolutions that took place within thirty or torty years. There was a representative from Texas then, but Texas was not acknowledged bv Mexico. There was a representative of Mexipo, but the independence of Mexico was not acknowledged by ola Spain ; and there was a minister from old Spain, but old Spain was not acknowledged by Russia ; and there was there the regular minister from Kussia. My objections against the annexation oi Texas were, first, that it was not a free exercise of constitutional power. Others thought so. The majority of the councils of the country overruled the objections. The second is, that we had territory enough, and that there was some danger of extending it. Third, that it was insurmountable in my judgment that the annexauon of Texas was to oring under it the control of slavery. 1 wonder what was this fear of slavery about! why, when annexed, it would become the subject of a slave population. That objection was insurmountable in my mind, and would be in all other like cases. Let me add, and fourth, because it was certain, and so it was urged on Congress again and again, that the annexation oi Texas would lead us to a war with Mexico. These were the feur grand principles on which the annexation of Texas was oppesed by those who did oppose it. Now, gentlemen, there is not a man in the country who thinks less ol the Mexican Government than I do. They are an unhappy and unfortunate people, and have nothing that deserves to be called a Government. When she broke off from old ?pain, and appeared disposed to follow the example of the United States, and revered the name of Washington, we expected and sighed lor a republican government and trial by jusy. We all wished her veil, but, uufortunately, the result has been that she has no true representative Government?no Government acting under the influences of representative principles. All her Presidents have been men created by the yronunciamcntao of the military. A fortunate general to-day deposes his unfortanate predecessor of yestetday. One military man to-day seizes the Government, and expends its revenues in another seizure. Quicquta dtlirant rtgtt. ptecturtur Ac .ivi. But the annexation xoat computed. The western boundary of Texas was so situated that s dispute must arise about it. Thore wasi as between Texas tad Mexico, no ascertained western boundary. This was the state ot things alter the annexation ol Texas, sad a heaths President of tho United States commenced his military movements in that direction. Now, gentlemen, that 1 may raiareprsseat nobody, and say nothing that is not cloariy proved by ottoial evidence, I will proceed to state fairly to you throe proportions, which, in my opiuioii, are established by the correapondence of tho tiorernment and ite various deputies, communicated officially to Congress. Tho first ol these propositions is this: 1 think tnet the President took possession of territory by force of arme to which the United State* had ao asceitainoJ title?territory which, if claimed by the United State*, was also claimed by Mexico, and was in hor occupation in July, 1646. lielore this General Taylor was, ordered toward* Texas, and on the 10th he was made to eater Texas and conoentrats his forces on tho west bank of tho Rio Grande, which weuid be our western - boundary. Gen. Taylor is inlormod that this is tho territory of tho United States. Mr. Marcy says " The Rio Grande is claimed to bo th* boundary between the two countrie*. end up to this boundsrv. vou are to extend your protection, only excepting any poata on the eastern aide thereof which are in the actual occupancy of Mexican forcea, or Mexican eettlements over which the Republic of Texaa did not exerciee Juriadiction at the period ef annexation, or ahortly before that event." It eppeare then,that Texaa had only made a claim to it Secondly, aa early aa July, IStt, the Preeident knew that the territory waa in the actual poeeeaaion of Mexico, and that Texaa had not exercieed Juriadiction over It On the 8th of July, the Secretary of War wrote to (Jen. Taylor that " Thia Department la informed that Mexico har aome military eatabliahmenta on the eaat aide ef the Rio Orandc, which are. and for eoaie time have been, in the actual ocoupancy of her troops." Third, it was apparent that it waa the intention of Government to tahe potaeaaion or tho territory by force of ?rai-they intended to extinguiah tho Mexican title by force of arma?otherwlee their aot* ire wholly inexplicable. I now read a letter from Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Slidoll, June ,30, 1846. "In the moan time, and in anticipation of Mexico refuting to receive you, the adminiilratien haa ordered (Jen. Taylor to tahe position on the west bank of the Rio Grande, he. Now, if by ordering the troops of the United Statee to the left bank of the Rio Grande, ha bad taken poeeeaaion of all he claimed as forming pert of Taxes, to its extreme western limit, whet else was there that he proposed to do,"with vigor, when Congress gave kirn the power V Did he mean a general war againat Mexico J Did he mean to place himself on the extreme verge of whet he celled our right, and then wage a war of acquisition, aa soon aa Congress gave him the author!, ty? if tnat wea his idea, he bad better wait until he bad got the authority. But why tahe thia step without the previous authority of Congress T Congress me* in session at the time. The letter la writenla January, end the letter to General Taylor was written en the 13th, ; when Congress wea in session. The question arises why . should the kxecutive government, in its own dieoreeion and in its own authority .take a step so directly tending to ; war, when Congress was in session in Washington1 That it left to be considered hereafter -, end how will | it be answered? We shall see. Mr. Slidell answers Mr. Buchanan, by letter ol February Uth. saying that be is | to defend Texas to the left bank of the Rte Grande, and strengthen himself in tho hope that these measures would sfRrflihR a aaliitarv infliiiD?? on tho ROTsramant Nov. aJUaw me to aay, that bttora and at iaa time whan thaaa 1 troop* were ordered to march and take petition an tha left Dank of tha Hi* Grande, there were no apprehension* of ear iavaakm of Texaa by Mexico or any hoatilHy committed by Maxiao at all. Tale ie | evident fieni tha letter* of General Taylor down to the time whan thoae inetrnctiona war* given. Now, Oen. 1 Tn) lor write* un the ltth Anguat, that he haa no infornation of the Mexican* concentrating large force* with ? new of invaaion : and on the Oth at September, he aaya ' that tha oonfldential agent haa returned, and report* no axtenaive preparations going forth at Matamora*. And , again he aaya, "recant arrival* do not change the aapact o, affairs." This ia Tayior'a latter on the lite October, and waa tha laet letter which tha department oould have received. And again he aaya?" many report* will doubtteaa reach the department, giving exaggerated sccounta of the Mexican pre pet alio ea, kc. 1 truat they I will receive no attention from the war department.? 1 I do net believe that* our defence* on the Rio Giande will be relisted" Now I think that theee , oemmunicaiioDa from Gen. Taylor eetabliah two propoaitiona?tat That no danger axiated of any invaaion by I Mexico. 3d That it waa tha object of our government j to take poaaeeeion by force of the diaputed territory, and ; then to treat, if Mexico choee to treat, in other word*, j that the President did, withont the authority of Congreaa, ; that which he could only de by ita authority, vt* : make a military movement on a country than at peace with the ! United btatee, without any authority from Congreaa wt atevar. Now it aetma to me thet theae are grave charge*. I ahall uae no inflammatory language, but it lookato me i like conduct highly prejudicial to the United State*? a * piecedent for ueurning power. Nobody but Cong;*** aan dvclara war, and that provision of the constitution ia ! null,fled if the President, on hie own authority, can make en invasion ol a disputed territory, and must lead to war. If the war power ia in Congress, thaa avary thing landing t* bring on war should be referred to the dit0'sUen of congress. New there la something mach greater ia Ma. Tan mar tali N a free* mistake to puak j Hi km tot* tkia teerttery, Kit it waa aamethlng mora HMMMMar " waa ? anerote* of power efme* dee IERA 16. gerous character?an exercise of powar leading to war as the event haa proved, and yet a power exercised in the city of Washington, with both houaes of Congress sitting at the time at the other end of the capitol. and no communication made to them on the subject. Hostilities were the consequence ; then came the act of May. I shall not remark at any length on that Them is, however, a preamble in it of some celebrity. If a thing was true historically .it was to be believed without an a-t of Cong res?; if it was net, no act of Congress could make it true. It was a saying of Chief Justice Marshall that the legislature might alter the law, but it could not alter the fact, and his illustration of the positiou was this : Suppose Congress should pess an act declaring that David Hume never wrote the History of England, what would be the force oi such a law 7 It might be said that Congress, by the act 01 May. justmed tue i-resident and made the war iti own but Mr. W. did not consider that the art meant more than to aey, that the Preaident had a right to defend the whole extent of our own territory, but not to ecquire foreign territory, eitabliab province*, appoint governors, and annex an entire new world to the Union. If it meant to juatify this, it at leaat never said so, and he did not : believe it But (oontinued Mr. Webster,) I repeat that | Mexico is wholly unjusiifiuble iu refusing to receive a minister from tha United States. My remarks are not ' drawn forth from any desire to sympathize with Mexico, : from any desire to injure my country, but from a desire to maintain the power* of government as they are established by the constitution, and to take rare whether we are to have war or peace, that we will maintain in ita integrity the constitution of the United Statoa.?(Cheering and waving of handkerchiefs.) Nevertheless, gentlemen, the war is upon us?our armies are in the field and our navies are on the ata. Our duty a* good citizens is plain. We must maintain the Sovernmentrand aid it in an honorable manner to bring le war to a speedy conclusion. The people demanded that every etiort should be made to effect this end. But while war lasts, while our soldiers are'on the land and ours sailors on the sea to uphold the ilag of our country, every means must be adopted to succor and support thorn. They boar the commission of their Government They are under the control of the Government?their duty is obedience to tne com.nand of their superiors. They are engaged in foreign service?they have done honor to thoir country. I am behind no man in ascribing praise and honor to the gallant General Taylor and all >ia officers. 1 am behind no man in haaping reward* on thosa men, and in admitting tha brave conduct of our volunteera who hare gone abroad. I know no portion of our hintorv, nor in ourenemiea, which ahowi on the part of raw'recruits, in which men takenjlrom the purauita of civil life, and put on military aervice, have behaved with ao much calm bravery aa ihoae voluneera. The moil diatioguiahed inatance in our country of the good conduct of our militia, ia, perhaps, that of the battle of Bunker HU1. The gentleman who aita beaide me, (alluding to Mr. Beck) though not then of yeera to bear arrna, waa old enough to aee their brave deeda on that occasion ? (Cheera) I muat go farther, and say that then our recruita went behind defencee, b>t ia the attack on Monterey our volunteera have gone forward and entered wall ed citiea, and performed the aevereat dutiea of diaciplined troopa. At any rate, gentlemen, whatever cauae may have brought on the war, and called them forth, it ia gratifying to aee what we can do in the way of exhibition of military power, if the exigencies of the republic ahould ever require it. It ahowa that without the danger or expenae of a atanding army, there la military spirit enough?intelligence enough?peraeveranoe enough? among the young men ol the country, to uphola our a tare and atripea, whenever our government may order them out. I will now leave all topioa connected with the foreign relatione of the country, and paae to the conaid ration of aome of the subjects connected with commerce and our internal or domestic intereata. This is a subject of great importance to the country, one of high interest to many . hundreds?aome thousands of individuals who have been made the victims of the exercise of the veto power, i apeak of the Harbor Bill, and the bill making indemnity tor French spoliations on our commerce before 1800 There ia, gentlemen, a veto power in the constitution oi the United dtatea?there ia an express provision that the riesiaeutoi u? uuuea states may wunnoia m* approbation from any law of Co groat, and that if ?uch a law ba not paaaad alterwarda by two third*, it fail* to becomo a law, and remain* a dead letter. Thi* ia what we cadi the veto power. Something like it existed in Rome, but the framera of our conitituUon borrowed it from England By the constitution oi England, it exiata ia the crown The framera ol our conatiiution qualified it eo that by reconsideration, and passing a bill by two-third*, it ahould become a law,not wiihatauduig the veto, in England thi* power of the crown ba* not been exereiaed tince the reign of William III., two hundred year* ago ; and it haa been generally aaid the reaaou waa, that, aince that period, Mich haa been the courae ol the Britiah government that the influence of the crown in one or both houaeaof Pariiament, connected with the power ol diaeolving Parliament, ia sufficient to prevent tlie passage of bilia wiih which the crown ia not satisfied, without using the veto power Commentator*, therefore, aay, that uniformity haa taken the place oi prerogative. The Crown may dissolve Par liament, but it due* not negative bill* Aa 1 have aaid, our oonatitution place* thia power in the hand* of the Executive in a pellicular manner. It iagood uuleaa twothirda concur la the meaaure. Well, rather a lingular ieaula J*oa happened iromthiw J will not impute to Congreaa, or to am membera, any llabdity to undue or improper influence, but 1 auppoae that all will admit that trequantly aome Utile hope of office?some deaire to beueilt friends, may eoften down oppoaitiou to a certain meaaure, and may accomplish something, which, if we were to talk atraight, we anould call undue influence. It haa happened, and it ia nothing curiou* to find instance* not very remote, in which persons, membera of Congreea, bav.< concurred in certain measure*, and not being longer called upon to go to Congrea*,and not willing that tne oounlry should lose their valuable aervicea, they have been quite willing to take office. (Laughter) Therefore the reault under the particular operation of our government seemi to be thia: that aome influence can be exereiaed, and that may amount to one-third j well, then the veto overwhelms that one third. So it coma* to this,if the pnrpoaa be to defeat a meaaure passed by a majority of congress, influence will doits proportion and veto will do the reet. (Laughter and much amusement.) The first subject which the President selected for the use of the veto at the last session of Congress, waa the Harbor Bill. I conceive,that feeling greet interest in that bill, saving nothing iu it, me 1 thought, but such aa Jackaou advised and Van Buren approved, 1 had no more Apprehension that Mr. Polk would veto that, than that he would veto the bill for the support of the army and navy. 1 was aa much surprised aa if he had vetoed a bill for carrying on the government. It was the case.? The bill mad* appropriations for improving certain har bora on the Atlantic and on the lakes?a work of peace ?a work of improvement?an obleot to carry the nation forward?the acquiaition of weelth?something to make permanent fixtures iu the land?that ahould do us goed lor ever. That waa the object. The appropriation we* mail?the amount was no burden on the treasury a t all worth considering, and yet here come* the veto on it. Well, gentlemen, whet ie to be done' We can't shut our eyea to what wa see around us.? Here w* are?thi* favored country, with the ocean on the eeat, the Gulf on the south, the great laksa and rivers on the weil and southwest. What are w* to do) le it X ./ _ II X.1._ i_ al I iL.l I. .kUt. notiiam not, vi an countries id uh woriu, urai iu muva bad dona the most? She call* loudly for man to do mora. Providence baa given ua a country capabla of irnprovamant. Wo ara called upan to do something?aome daada of paaca?to furnian harbor* for our gull a and rivers? to do arary thing, all and lingular?to adopt a liberal po licy?to atimulat* tba intelligence of tba people to tba advancement ol tba country. We live in an age, too, when wo ara not to abut our ayai to the progress that other countriea ara making. 1 do not apeak ol Knglandt but if wa look at the continent, at Rnana, Pruaaia, Saxony? we aaa every where a apirit of improvement?we aee mountaiui tunnelled tor raiiroada, harbor* improved, everything done by government, where, in the natnre of tbinga, the people can't do for themaelvea. Mr. Wabater then referred to the neceaaity of improving the navigation of the Miaaiaaippi liver, in the removal of anaga, he and who, aaid be, la to do HI Will any one of the Stales do HI la it the duty of any number of Statea to do it? We know that unleoa the government waa placed in tba handa of a man who knowa that it ia bia conatitutional duty to do it, it never will be done, and the watera of tbe Miaaiaaippi will run over anaga for centuriea to come. Thee* improvamenta muat come from the treeaury of tbe U. State*, or in the nature oi tbinga can't come at all; and I aay that every ateamboat loat by the** obatructiona?every life that ia aacrigced by tbeae conatitutional cavila, go** to make un a great account againat thia government. Why, what a great thorougiuare tbi* river ia?what great citiea are on ita watera ! Cincinnati, New Orleans, at Louia, LottieviUe, and otbera, that apring up whii* we ere apeaking oi tbam?it ia tbe commercial mart?the great place for 1 tichea and commodities, over all of whion the general government has authority. He considered the veto of thia Harbor Bill as raising a j great and vital question. The question waa put in Con- . gross? he woulu put it no? it waa whether thea* im..ntnauni, >h?ay nr ikniilH not be made Those wha I Mill they nmi not be made, would of coorao ouataia the President in bit veto, but those who ware toady to My they unit and thai! bo made, and have them we will, held the power in their own hand*. Mr W.then aided, what ia tha Harbor Bill 1 Hera, aaid he,it ie.and though it had had three readiogi in Congre**, and one mora leading when it waa vetoed, I wtil give it a fifth reading now A Mill making Appropriations Jot IA? Improvement of certain Harkori and Aiirri. Be it enacted Ay ike Smote and House oj Representatives of the Vnoted States of Aeaonca, in Congress at etmkied, That a turn ot money be, end the aame ia hereby appropriated, to be paid out of any unappropriated money in the Troaaury, lutAcient for the following purpeeee, via: llKM J-For the continuation of the Breakwater tincture at Burlington, on Lake Cham plain, Alteon thonaand deilari. (l8it?1?For the continuation of the Breakwater truetare at Plattaburg, on Lake Cham plain, Alteon thousand Jadlata. [lwM]?For tha repalra and working of the Steam Dredge on Lake Champialn, tit teen thousand dollar* For the improvement oi the harbor at Tort Ontario, on Lake Ontario, ten thou*and dollar* [IBBll?For the improvement of the H?rbor et 0*wego, on cake Omarto, thirty ibouMnd dollar*. (itMtij?For the improvement ot Big Sodut Bay, on Lake Ontario, Ave thoutand dollar*. For ,the improvement oi Little Bodu*B*y, on Lake ; Ontario Awthouiand dollar* . I [lUtiJ -For the improvement of the Harbor at the mouth ot tHneeee River, on Lake Ontario, twenty thou0HDd doliBTS. lidSoi? For tlie improvement of the Oak Orchard Harbor. Btata af New Wik, liven ihou.end dollars f? tha construction el Dodge Beet for Lake Gaterta and river at Lewreaoe, twenty thousand dollar*. [uKj?For rspairiag eadtapmrng tha barber at ?* i.M.I i _i^u~-sesg LI). # fnlo. on Ltko Erie, and the continuation of the Ml wall for the protection of the eame, fifty thouaand dollar*. f 1830J ? For improving the harbor of Dunkirk on Lake Erie, fifteen thouaand dollar*. For improving the harbor at Erie, on Lake Erie, forty thousand dollar*. [1830]?For improving Grand River harbor, on Lake Erie, ten thouaand dollar*. [1831]?For improving Aihtabula harbor, on Lake Erie, ten thouaand dollar*. [1830]-For improving the harbor at Cleveland, on Lake Erie, twentv thouaand dollar*. [1830.]?For improving the harbor at Huron, on Lake Erie, five thouaand dollar*. For improving the harbor at Handuaky city, on lake Erie, eleven thouaand dollar*. [1830.]?For improving the River Ra*in harbor, en Lake Erie, thirteen thouaand dollar*. [1830 ]?For constructing a <1redg*-be*t to be utd on Lake Krio, twenty thousand dollars. For ths improvement of tho St. Clair Flats, so called, so as to prevent them obstructing the passage of vessels from Buffalo to the ports on Lake Michigan, forty thousand dollars. [ 830 ]?For . improving the Grand River harbor on Lake Michigan, so as to give protection to veseols sailing on said Lake, ten thousand dollars. For improving the harbor at the mouth of Kalamazoo river, on Lake Michigan, so as to give protection to vessels sailing on said lake, ten thousand dollars. [1836]?For improving the harbor at St. Joseph, en Lake Michigan, ten thousand dollars. [1886.]-^For improving the harbor at Michigan CHy, on Lake Michigan, forty thousand dollars. For the improvement of Little Fort Harbor, on Lake Michigan, twelve thousand dollars. For improving the harbor at Racine, on Lake Michigan, fifteen thousand dollars. For improving the harbor at Southport, on Lake Michigan, ten thousand dollars. [1836 1? For improving the harbor at Milwaakle, on Lake Michigan, twenty thousand dollars. 11883 ]?For improving the harbor at Chicago, on Lake shigan, twelve theusand dollars. F'or constructing a dredge boat, to bo used on Lake Michigan, fifteen thousand dollars. [ 1836.] - F'or improving the harber at St. Lonis, seventy five thousand dollars. [1836]?F'or constructing a breakwater structure at Stamlord ledge, Maine, twenty thousand dollars. [1833.] -For Improving ths harbor at Boston, fifty thousand dollars. [1836]?For continuing the wsrks at Bridgeport, Connecticut, fifteen thousand dollars. F'or removing tho obstruction at ths crook in tho harbor of Providence, Rhode Island, five than sand dollars. [1836]?F'or improving tho haibor at New Castle, Dels ware, fifteen thousand dollars. [18301?For improving ths harber at Port Fenn, Delaware, five thousand dollars. [1830]?For completing ths Delaware Breakwater, seventy five thousand dollars. For removing obstructions is Newark Bay, New Jersey, fifteen thousand dollars. [1886]?For improving the harbor at Baltimore City, twenty thousand dollars. Kor the improvement of the harbor at Havre de uraee, Maryland, twenty thoneand dollar*. [lM'iJ ?For the improvement of Savaanah barber end the naval anchorage near Kort Pulaabi, fifty thoeaaad dollar*. For the improvement of Great Wood Hele Harbor, Mae achuietta, four tbouaand four hnndred and fifty dollar*. [IMC] Kor the continuing the improvement ef the navigation of the Hudaon nver above and below Albany, in the State of New York, aeventy-five theuaand dollar* [IU7 1 For the improvement et the Ohio river above the (alia at Louiaville, eighty thoneand dollar*. [1SS0 ] For the improvement of the Ohio river below the fall* at Louiavi le, and of the Mississippi, Missouri and Arkanaaa Rivera, two hnndred and forty thonaaad dollar*. [1M1 ] For removing the reft of Rod River, aad for the improvement of said river, eighty thonaaad dollar*. For repair* and preaervation of harbor work* be rotefore conatructed on the Atlantio coeat, twenty thonaaad dollar*. Mr. Wriirri'i argument on the anbjeot of geaerel improvement* waa ao long that we are compelled to omit it. He delivered hi* opinion to the efifeot that the argument of the present Preaident, to the effect that appropriation* for internal improvement* were uncoaatltnttenal, waa fallacious. It is aa followa : In my opinion, Cong ret* ha* the power to make harbor* on the riven and lakes, to the lull extant to which it haa ever propoaed to exercise auoh power. That, whether these propoaed harbor* be Judged neeful (or foniga commerce, or only for commerce among the States themaalvea,?the principle i* the same, end the Constitutional power given in the seme clause and the same word*. That Congress haa power to clear out obstruction* from all riven auitad to the purpose* of commerce, foreign or domestic, and to improve their navigation and utility, by appropriation* irom too irinur; v? uiv ^uim Statu*. That, whather a nvar divid# two Statu* or mora than two, or ran through two Stataa or mora than two, or la wholly contined to one Statu, la immaterial, provided ita importanco to commarca, foreign or domastio, ba aJmittad. for example, the North river 1* a navigaole, tide-water river for many milaa, whilo laaniag entirely within the territory of the Statu ol New Yeah; yet I axppo*e the removing of ohatrnctiona la thia part of the rirer, i* a* fully within thapowar of Cengresa, aa the removing of obstruction* in the other parts of the river, where it divide* New York (rota New Jeraoy. I think it wholly immaterial whether a proposed improvement in a river, for commercial purposoa, is above or below an actually existing port of entry. If, instead of clearing out the rocka, and in that manner improving the channel of a river, it is found batter to make a Canal round the Falls which are on H, 1 have no doubt whatever of tbo power of Congress to const!net I such Canal. I think, for insUuce, that Cengreas has the power to purchase the Louisville Canal round the Kalis of the Ohio; and that it ought to exerciao that power now, ii the works can bo purchased for a reasonable prioo; Hnd that tha Canal should than bo fro* to all those who have occasion to use it, reserving such tolls only M suonld be suflcient to keop the work la repair. It seems to me that these propositions all how from the nature ol our Government and ita equal power over trade with foreign nation*, and among the States; and from the fact resulting from these powers- that the oossmarca of the United State* is a mint 1 have no conception of any such thing as seems to bo thought iiossible by the report of the Committee of the Senate, of an external oommeree existing between two States, ca ried on by lawa and regulations of their own, whether such Iowa war* adopted with or without the consent of Congress. f nni tiniUvatnnrl kflW than rtsfr hg m PdnniwIrsnU venal, built, biim! and equipped under Penney lvmnia law*, trading aa *uch Pennsylvania Taaaal, with Naw York or Mar*land, or haviM any right* or privileges, not conferred by the act* of Congren, and oonseqaently that the idea U unloundad, which luppoana that whnn only two State* aia intaraatad in the na(ligation of a river, a* it* water* tonch the ihorr* of only two States, the improvement of inch river i* excluded from the power of Longraa*, and mu*t be loft to the care of the two State* tbemaolve* under an agreement, which they way enter into, with the conaent of Congreae, for that purpose. In my opinion the proviaianaof the Conafltution which forbid* a State from entering into any alliance, ooapaot, or agreement with another state without conaent of Con greaa, can draw after it no *uch concluaion, aa that, with the conaent of Congreae, two State* ought to be bound to improve the navigation of a river which (operate* their territories-, and that, therefore, the power oi Coagreee to moke anch Improvement* i* taken away. A rtvar lew ing between two Statee, and two States only, may bo highly important to the commerce of the whole Union. ItT* liardiy noceeeary to diecute thi* point. It ie iul cient to eay, that the whole argument ie founded on the notion, that the Constitution prohibit* mora than two State* from entering into agreement*, oven with the onaleot of Congre**. Thi* ia manifestly untenable. The Conatitntioo extendi aa fullv to agreement* between three, four or live State*, aa between two ooiyi ami the ------ c??. o Bihu en anreamant between Ive aa valid, aa between two. If, therefore, two States can improve riven, with the coneeut of Congress. ao can Ave or rno'e; and if it be a aufficieat reason for denying the power of Congress, to improve a river, in a particular caae, that two States can themeelvea do it, having Ant obtained the convent of Confrere, it ia an equally valid roaaen, in the caaa when Ave or tan Statea are concerned. They toe may da the aema thing with the conaent of Congreea. The diatinotion, therefore, between what may be done by Congreea, whore only two States are concerned,with a river, and what may be done inoaaea whara more than two are ee connected, entirely vaniahea. I held the whele doctrine of the report of the commiaatenera on thie point to bo nneound. (am aire of optaioo that there la no difference between the pewer <e oonetrnot a pier and the power to construct a Harbor 1 think, that a eingle pier of iteoll, affords a degree of eholter and protection from wind a and aeas. That two parallel pie re make e harbor ; and that if eae pier may be rightlully oonetruoted, it ia no extravagant (tratch of constitutional power to construct another. In Ana, I em of opinion, that Congress dies constitutionally poaaoss the power of eatabnshing light bouses buoya, beacons, titers, breakwaters, end karOors, on the Ocean, the On If, the Lakes, end the navigable Aivars. That It dees conetlteUeaaliy p eases toe power of im proving the groat rivers of the country, clearing out their channel#, by deepening them, or removing obatruc Hod#, In order to render navigattoa upon them more ante, for life end property ; and that for the same reason, construct caoeia round falls in rivers, In ?U neoesanry cases. All this authority, in my opinion. lows from the power ever commerce, foreign and domestic, confaiied on Congress by the conitiiation , end if euniiiary contulerarnmuaraiive argument be required, they are four*! in two IKU, via lit That improvemonta, rack hare boon mentioned, j whether on the Ocean or tba Oalf, on tba Lake* or tho I Kir*is, arc improvemauti, which, fro* thair Bator*, aiw , *nch ai no elngio (Mat*, nor any number of (Mat**, can rnako, or ought to bo called on to maka. All id** of fatai undertaking rack improvement* u, in my opinion, pr*po*t*rooa. 3d That aa all tho ror*nuo* derived from commarce, accrue to tho general government, and noma of It to the file tea, the Charge of improving tho moon* of commerce, end commercial intercoureo, by each work* ea have bean mentioned, propaily devolve* on the treorary of that government, and on that traaeury aione. Mr. Webitar briafly adverted to tho vetafof the ipolia tlon hill, giving a etatemant of tha beta arvi axpoung the gioaa injuatic* done to the claimant*. Heoheerved that ibla wa? tha flrat inatance in which tha veto pewer had boon employed to intorforo with private right*, and pro nouncod tha Frasident'i reaaana to ba trivial mijwantlag tho dignity katanmB. Tboeo fmiid to the i? Btiva km |OBMhU? mS** OB peliilCOif?BT?*di, bu< So van* efHit bWioAgfvtt] *0 i?fii|lM? Srf*?t?o

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