Newspaper of The New York Herald, April 28, 1848, Page 1

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated April 28, 1848 Page 1
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HP II JHL JL?JL WinuU *o? MM HIGHLY IMPORTANT MANIFESTO. Views of Mr. Cobdcn aod the Movement Party Id England, on the Criiii. Affairs on the Continent, &e>) &e? fcfc TBS MANIFESTO OF MR COMKN AND THE MOVEMENT TAKTY IN KBOLANd! [From thw Manchester Kiarniner, April 6 ] Wh?-n an intrliigent foreigner first visits this country, his feelings are evrr of surprise and ndrniraUon. Re flies from town to town, insnec's grf at establishments, witnesses many i 1 r _i_: 11 I j.._. marvellous comuicauuuB ui hiv111 nuu Iiiuuaiiy, firvi'vs our streets and our public buildings, mingles with our active merchants and manufacturers, and in the houses of hospitable entertuiuers comes into con'act with numbers of men who owe their wealth to their intelligence and their activity. Then, when tired of tho din of Birmingham, or the bustle of Manchester, he runs ihrough rural districts, where he sees old ancestral halls, venerable churches, snug rectories and vicarages, and many a pleasant village embosomed in hills, and enriching the landscape. Returning to head-quarters, he murmurs, " It is a v onderful country, and a surprising people !" Nor is the wonder abated, when in the quietness of retirement ho turns over official documents, supplied by the liberality of a British et itisi. The figures are to him puzzling in the extreme. Accustomed to calculate in the smaller coinage of his own country, he cannot convert British sterling into francs, or florins, or rubles, without a staggering sensation. The national wealth of Great Britain becomes as vast and vague a thing as the figures which represent the distance of the fixed stars, or express the velocity of light. In thirty years of peace we have increased the annual value of real property by forty millions, representing a capital of a thousand millions sterling. The annual value of that property is,in round number*, one hundred millions. year with another, we build ten millions worth of houses. The insurance societies have contracted to assure trom the risk of fire, property equal to the nominal value ol the national debt. Life assurance societies have accumulated a surplus capital of not less than forty millions. A portion of the community, including a considerable number of the work ing classes, have thirty millions in the savings hanks. While ia ships, in docks, warehouse*, roads, canals, aud railroads, we have an amount of capital sunk far beyond our foreigner's comprehension, to Bay nothing of seven millions a year for poor rates, and fifty millions for national expenses, while forty-six millions of fluctuating capital nHuualiy pay legacy duty. Were our foreigner a man incapable of penetrating t>' ncutti the surface, he might fall into a very natural error. He might come to the conclusion that a nation so enormously rich must be iuhnbited mainly by a leiturely people. In every town he visited he found comfortable merchants mid professional men, with everything urouad them indicative of easy circumstances H* saw carriages, livery servants, elegant house*, rich lurniture, well-appointed tables, and was entertained with manic and dancing. None seemed to be poor, but tne ver/ poor? none nppeared utterly wretched, but the reckless Activity, energy, and abundance, characterised the habits and tne daily life of the middle and upper class-s. To live comfortably, it was only necesa-ry to put forth sufficient exertion; and thoae who did,so seemed secure in attaining enough to render life a happy mixture of moderate toil, and attractive, because polished and elevated pleasures. K little more intercourse with us would Boon enlighten our foreigner We are not a leisurely peopU. The gjeat bulk of the community iu this country are engaged in incessant toil, whether it he with the hand or the head ; if merchant, manufacturer, clerk, or workman suspend his lubors, or be compelled to suspend them, his meaua ot existence vanish. The idlers amongst us ?re comparatively l?w. Few are they who, by their own exertions, or those of their proJanitors, can afford to saunter leisurely through if-'. The sheer?Bt minority of the people ot Great Britain wmlk their parts; all the rest are doomed to grim, earnest work, and it is our pecaliar glory that we have no with to be idle The m^rrhaut is aasiduous at his desk; the manufacturer active and uneasy at his mill; the pen is as busy as the spade, and the bustling commercial traveller carries in his head more aaxieties than ever troubled the carking farmer, fretting about mildew, or aighing for fair weather. Work is our lot, a lot accepted with unqualifid cheerfulness, whether it be over a ledger or over a shirt, provided we can liv# by it; and ne who riciiuicb mc iuu., ...~ incessant activity of the people of Britain by the amount of suak capital which they can snow in their national books, commits a greater Blunder thai did Louis Pnilippe, when he thought his hundred thousand troops would secure his throne, and entrcnch his dynasty. Here lies the root of the evil We have a House of Commons?a reformed House. But by the constitution of society, and the nature ol our institutions, that House is composed mainly of the clnssirom whence are derived our minority of idlers. Thers are eminent merchants in the House? busy professional men?hard working, energetic and honest representatives of popular opinions. But the bulk, of the Legislature is composed of the* idlers?in the one house all lords, in the oth?r all gentlemen?the sons, and brothers, and nephews of peers ; squires 01 high degree ; wealthy landowners, who delegate to agents all their duties; half pay officers, whose talk is of commissions and vacancies. Between a busy, toiling community, and some four or fiv* hundred gentlemen sitting in the House ol Commons, who have nothing to do but attend what they ostentatiously term thair " public duties," there ia a "great gulf," although it is not nscessariltr 41 fixed." We have few points of contact. W? do not understand each other. We have no mutual sympathies?no common ground of comprehension. The idler drives to hii club in the forenotn, and t? the House in the evening, and wonders what these turbulent people really do ivant. True, he has bia letters to write nnd ins committees to attend; he has to watch the division bell, and mark himself a unit in a division. Going through such toils, he resents the idea sf being termed an " idle" man. But be belongs to the minority, who, because they have no othrr business, think themselves perfectly competent to manage the business of the noi.^n v., Inr that hiiiiineua th?v ?r? wholly disqualified by prtvious education and habita At Harrow or Ktou, at Oxford or Cambridge, thiry wer* finished young gentlemen ; and in town they are known in the highest circles, and are frequently seen at the opera. When the recess arrive*, they drive off to the Highlands or to the Continent; and return again to maunder through another season Sometimes they preside at a ctiaritable dinner, or at a public meeting; unci they can make a good set speech on education and distressed nesdle women, or ihe necessity for sanitary reform But never were men more ignorant of tne nature of that great heart which bent* in the body of the toiling multitude. Tne millions who live day by day, as they best can; the anxious shopksepers, who see customers cropping oil from their doors, and whose books tire, ovrrcuirged with bad debts; the busy manufacturer or merchant, who knows that his own profits are dependent on the prosperity of his woikpeople?all these are really unknown to the small minority of idlers who undertake to rule the uehtiuies of a preat commercial and minuf-icturmg country. Tht a ? hy did we not do bettsr, and send men to the House of Commons at the last general election, who would truly represent our wishes nnd o ir feelings! The question is almost au insult. I'oor men aud adventurers do contrive to get inio the House of Commons, but their position is one of constant and irksome struggle with necessity. To be influential there, a man rnust he rich and leisurely. We did remarkably well at the last general election, for we sent into the House of Commons a larger number of men positively identified with commerce, manufactures, and trade, and nuth the interests oj the balk of the people, than had tvsr previously been seen there. 15m what uVnil these men, wnen their voices are drowned by h full chorus ot generals, admirals, colour Is and captains, barristers who hope to by Hie aristocracy, and connections of officii! mi ii, omitting lords' sons, brothers and n phewsl Every right had we to look forwaid c.ieerlu ly toilie work which thisliouse of Commons would do. Orirvoui-ly have we been clisiippoiuted?the oligarchical influences are too many lor the jet teeble power ot commerce and i' .u-, when advocating tne interests of the community. Now, is it not au irritating thing to aa ani1 \ E JV? IN ious, toiling community, to see their money (lung away, at the very time when they have so little tp spare 1 Manchester R^nds two members to parliament, and so ilcs Marlboroi'gb* which h*s only 230 registered JCIO electors. The votea of th?* members for S >uth Lancashire, with its ?00.000, or rather 1,000 000 of people, and 24,000 electors, may be neutralised by such a filthy hole as Harwich, where th*- poor wretches, " free and independent electors," value a vote as one might estimate a stale fish?to be got rid of as soon as .......tkl. ... .k,- i i ~:n TU I' 'Ofl'wir., ai uic HiUurBi pntc At Will iritu We?t Riding of Yorkshire, with its 1,200,000 inhabitants,and its 36,000electors, has no chance against Horsham and Woodstock, each of whom muster between 300 and 400, who vote either as they are ordered, or an they are bought. Leeds, Birmingham, and Glasgow, each of them with a swarming population and large c<>n?tituency, are on the very Fame level as Lyme R^gis, Bewdley. Lincoln, or Kinsale, places always to be let, and where honest men would scorn to possess the franchise, lest they should be implicated in the disgusting practices by which seats in parliament are to be procured. No wonder that generals, admirals, colonels, captains, commanders of yeomanry, militia, Yorkshire Hussars, or " Royal Meath Rrgiment," should be eble to laugh down the appeal for economy in the national expenditure, and, with an aristocratic sneer, to " po.?h-pooh" everything which would reveal to the legislature the real condition of the country. This state of things can be endured no longer. JVe of the middle classes have a vast stake in the welfare and well-being of the country. Our factories, our shops, our counting-houses, and our warehouses, have cultivated and enriched the soil, and augmented the value of land tenfoMv? The brawny arm of lab'or has drained the morass, reared the streets, dug our canals, and constructed our railroads. All that renders Eagland worth living for is the achievement of the middle and the workingclasses?capital, skill, and labor, are the supporters of throne, institutions, and public order. Are we to run great risks, because a few puerile idlers will not or cannot comprehend the necessities o f the are. or the exirtneies of the coun try? Are we foraver to have around ub a dissatisfied, discontented population, standing as it were constantly under armfi, and encamping over against the peace and prosperity of the country! Or shall we not endeavor to take them out of the hands of pike and blunderbuss men, of wild theorists, and dangerous demagogues, and, by preach- j ing blessed words of sympathy and encouragement to the manly and thinking portion of the peopFe, cool the fever of their souls'? Yes?the hour is come?we want the men. We require an organization of meu such as those who achieved the peaceful revolutions of bygone tunes. There iB no fear of a violent revolution in this country; for all sympathies are on the side of order and peace, but there is something worse than lolly in permitting even the idea to be entert-tined, of demands to be enforced by riot and bloodshed, which can be obtained by peaceful and constitutional exertion. The points of union for au orgauizition of the middle and working classes are numerous and palpable. We want sufficient powev in the House of Commons to ensure a thorough revision of all taxation, and a complete control over the national expenditure We want electoral districts, 111 order to extinguish th* disgusting bribery which is practised in small boroughs, and by which idlers and sfaiuon^ers buy their way into the legislature IVe require an enlargement of the suffrage, vute by ballot and substantia?justice to Ireland What elatt is required tit ed got now be indicated. Are there honast. earnest men amongst the middle clsssgs ready to enter into such an organisation? It there are, let them read what wbb written in the year 1819, by professor Goerres, and for which the (ate king of Prussia caused hi in to lly from his native country They are vords full of prophetic power, aud though nearly thirty years have elapsed, most signally are they descriptive of the great wautot the present hour. Thus spoke the prophetic Goerr--B i ? ' The persons of whoa history U now in want are not rnooth^snperflclel, worn-ont o?ni tiers, who pursue unmeaning insignificancy as a study, and Inanity as a trade; nor minis t?rs, who eu only set themselves at 1 tne end of long row of olarks, and tfceu display a martery of tne Utters of the alphabet, but who know notliieg of the worhd or life ; nor generals, who bold the seaboard higher than the aword, and who ssfsl the ap oeariag to advantage in a court drawing-room as the hiihest blessing on tarth ; nor men in oflloe. and sol i dlers, whose whole vigor evaporates in empty show E'HaUnt aaHva And ?*n*ri??nftAfl m?n tra vantud 1r whom thtrs ii life and spirt , who are ready to svniace ihemstlvo a?<l their pteaoroi t? the olaime of th? Hum ?who esteem form* to cording to their worth, bat disdain to be alavee to them?mea who cm couraKesutly bestride the rapid courser, end govern Its wild Impetuosity." AFFAIRS OF KNGT.ANR AND TUB CONTINENT, f from the Manchester Examiner, April 8 ] Public affairs bare not, at thia moment, a cheering aspect, In London and tn Manchester, a gloomy optrit prevailt, at if tome undefined calamity were impending ; ind the cold, incessant rain which has succeeded the sudden and premature, heat is not calculated to lighten the atmosphere ot opinion, or impart to desponding hearts that feeling of confidence which cau rally a commercial and industrial community Yet we really cannot see any substantial cauae for all this despondency. It is true that a chartist convention has been sitting in London, and foolish or excited men have uttered threats ot contemplated violence, and urged the necessity lor a positive resort to physical force. The government have also deemed it necessary to issue a proclamation, through the medium of the metropolitan commissioners of police, interdicting the announced great meetinu on Kennington Common, and the contemplated procession to the House of Commons. We shall not comment on the inconsistency of a whig government (which, at the time of the reform bill agitation, was so indebted to displays of physical force,) interdicting a popular assemblage on the strength of an act ot the reign of Charles the Second. If they were to carry out that act in its integrity, liberty would be a mere name 111 this country The Daily Newt points out that the act of Charles the Second can be applied to any popular meet ing whatever, and is so constructed as to be effective for the suppression of that right of petition which was secured to us by the revolution of 1698. But all this we pass oyer, because we are averse to demonstrations which are not guid ed by men in whom we can pWce confidence, -ind because we feel persuaded that a procession of fifty or a hundred thousand men. bearing to tht House of Commons a petition demanding n radical change in th? entire constitution ot the country, has an appearance of intimiaation not compatible with tne freedom of a representative torra of government Yet even the Morning Chronictt, so long the 4*rvue organ 01 ms wings, auinus mai in? onartiat petition is drawn up with becoming gravity And decency. "The petition," aays tha Morning Chronicle, " if remarkable for the cUaraesa of the language, the otlm ueas of the tons, the preelaion of tha thoughts, nnd the togioal connection of th? reaaoning Oram the premiaaa, and you are in a dead lock aa regards the lnfareoeea \llow the first Item and jou allow tba whole account l'h* auppoaad right of every man to tba elootlva franohiaa ia tba foundation of tho entire fabrio While that foundation laata, tha fabrio will atand -the moo?nt ic la struck away, tha fabrio wlU oume dowa But it muat b atraok away by argument, not by c tnatablea' atavaa ; although theaa may be highly u eful to prevent any un?eemly Interruption of the oontroveray.1' In addition to interdicting the meeting at Knnnington Common, the governmrnt, through Sir (ieorge Grey, the Home Secretary, have brought in a bill lor " the better security of the Crown and government of the United Kingdom " At the moment at wich we write, we are unable to say what ia the character ot this measure, although the ministerial Timet hints that it is merely to remedy the delects ol the law with respect to seditious meetings, and to extend it to Ireland. But it must be very narrowly watched Under a colorable pretence, a fatal blow may be struck at constitutional liberty?those who made the grievances ot Ireland their stook in trade, and afterwards gave it a coercion bill, are p rfectly competent to perform a similar s;-rvicv I - iIt a all Ku<hli> orl rni n iaf tatlnria ministers are somewhat divided nmongst themselves, althougn the tendency of the majority is to work en the fears of the upper and middle clashes, and thus endeavor to carry on the uovernmeut in a puiely conservative a irit lu thui case, there will probably be secessii ns, Mr. Miluer Gibson, who, though not of the cabinet, being mentioned as likely to be one of the departures ; and even Lird John Russell issrid to be anxious to esctpe from the pnst of Prune Minister, to the dunes of which h feels himself physically and mentally unequal Ireland it in it* chruntc itatr of innurrtetion, although the deputation from the Irish confederates, composed of Mr. Smith O'Brien and others, with the address to the French provisional government, was received and answered by M. de Lainarune in that tone of chi<alric courtesy and discreet caution which have rendered his conduct to remarkable. But a circumstance of W I o fEW YORK, FRIDAY MC a very u;ly nature has occurre 1 in Dublin, raising the suspicion that the Earl ot" Clarendon cannot escape from the old Irish policy of spies, infnrmty?, and 1-galbloodhounds,?the " Paddy M'K?a system, which hHs be?-n the oppribrium < ( Irish government. Colonel Brown^ one of the heads or the Irish constabulary, officially resident at Dublin Castle, has avowed his connection with an individual whom he employed as a spy, and who endeavored to entrap a blacksmith into the manufacture of pikes, which were to be used ht-realter as evi ence of the treasonable designs <>f a conspiracy. We are glad to see that the ministerial Timet is shocked by the disclosure, although its 1 idignation is vented on the false position in which the government has been placed by the "blundering conduct" of its officials ! With the exception of two interesting but brief discussions on Monday and Tuesday nights, and ths coercive announcements of the government, the proceedings in Parliament have not been remarkable. Measrs. Gladstone, Cardwell, and Bright, raised the question of the navigation ia>v3, and pointed out the tact that there were cargoes ot cotton lying at Havre, which could not be brought to this country, because of these laws Yet, although a government measure on the subject was announced in *he sprech from t:ie throne, ministers were, unable to say when it could be brought in. Discrcet Mr. Labouchere " fully admitting the hardship, but such was the law?cotton must i*o back from Havre to America, before it could be admitted into this country !" At last, Lord John Russell, feeling that it was impossible to trille longer on a question of such importance, rose in a fit of desperation, aid declared tlint before Eister the co intry would be put in possession of the iuteutious ol government ! Mr. Hindley has given notice that he will, after Easter, call attention to the condition ot the industrial classes of this country. The paralysis of monetary affairs extend* itself ?and the Unglisti funds have sunk lower during the week thun at any period since ths French revo lutiort. There h<is been hIjo a great fail in the value of all securities in Ireland?the panic feur of an outbreak causing a simultaneous rush to "sell out." In France, and the continent gene rally, commercial affairs are as bad as they can possibly be; and since the announcement of the intention ot the provisional government to take tiie railroads into their own hands, French railway shares have suuk to a very low stage in depreciation. The invasion of Lombirdy by the King of Sir dinia raised some conversation in th?. House of Lords on Monday, the Earl of Aberdeen affirmi <g the aet to be a direct violation of express ireaties, and of public law?as of course it is The Marquis of Lansdowne said that the Kng1 ish Ambassador at Turin had, in obedience to instructions, repeatedly recommended neutrality i5ut Charles Albert is not the man to be diverted from his objects With a large army, he is in full pursuit ot Radetzky, who, with twelve thousand troops, was expelled irom Milan, by citizens awkwardly handling a lew hundred rusty mut-kets, and who will probably find it a hard task to secure hiu retreat from Italy An alliance, offensive and defensive, has been established between the different Italian States asainst Aus tria, whose three centuries of dominion in iMtnbardy is now brought to a final close vleantime, tlie provisional government at Milan is acting with liberality and moderation While we are still boggling about admitting Jews to legislative rights, the Milanese have invested ihem with fu I political and civil privileges Altogether, although this Italian movement mus< necessarily recast the framework ot European nationality, the work of Italian regeneration h t? proceed -d, aa yet, with aa much moderation as enthusiasm. German nationality occupies the attention of the Frauklort Cougres*; and in Brlin it is steadily progressing That raited Diet which atwelve months ago, was inaugurated with so much pompous display, meets, lor lhe 1 >st time, preparatory to that new representative aud constitutional form of government whicn is to fol(U>w. Prussia is to have un elective frHnclns", approaching to universal suffrage, a frte press, md full freedom of meeting and discussion, iu dependence of judges, and publicity 9I judicial tiroceadinga, equality of civil and political rights 10 all religious pereuasiona, a popular law of el- ction, and various other things, unheard of in Prussia before. As for Austria, ita future is still uncertain?there are none to guide it; while the Emperor of Russia, although he is gathering a great army on the frontiers, believes that trie better part of valor ia discretion, and announces , iiis intention to preserve a atrict neutrality?unleas he is meddled with. [From the Soottlsh Prei*.] If we were asked to hit off a deacription of the AAnufiliitinn ura hniilii ant If i? n miUBU uuuouvuuv?i) "V ouw-iu onjr &? io a despotism of two electivo oligarchies." Such might be our approach to the facts. It is a despotism, undoubtedly, notwithstanding all our after-dinuer prating about freedom. It is a despotism, for the people are nothing without the help of the one or the other of the aristocratic factions. They are cyphers, unless marshalled after either whig or tory numerals. If preceded oy two or three hundred aristocratic somebodies, the millions of nobodies inay become lor nidable enough to carrjr a reform bill or a corn bill. But without the figures which give thein onsequfnce, they can do nothing, and are nothing but shopkeepers and mechanics, to be taxed and despised. The whig and tory oligarchies do not include all the members of ihe aristocracy, but only the active and combined fractions of the aristocracy?the members of the permanent leagues among the rich and titled, whose objects are patronage dnd place Everything, from a chancellorship to .1 giugership, from a marshal's baton to a policeman's st*fl', the archbishop's mitre and the beadle's hat, any berth witn aught of comfort in it ??n earth and se t, is in ths gift or in the possession oi these factions, the aespotic patrons ot every 6weet loaf and every fresh fish provided by the country for the army, navy, church, law, police, and public olfices. The rule of the oligarchies is despotic, beciuse it is irresponsible. The Hanoverians have just wrung from their Orange king, the Austmns have just extorted Irom their despot emperor, what is c died the responsibility of ministers. But the people of the tnrce kingdoms have it not. The British oligarchic factions are not responsible to the British >eople. They can call each other to account, !>ut the people cannot call them to account. They have conventions and compacts ol corruption, .some tacit and some avowed; and while this .r? kept, they screen each other: and even vhen these ure fcurp-issed, their interests are identical Against the people. There is scarcely in act of bribery, corruption, or venality, respecting which the one dare throw stones at the itlier, tor fear ot the (rightful scandals and revolting exposures consequent upon recrimination. Dtspotic, because responsible only to each other, and because engrossing all the patronege <?f the couutry, they ure despotic also because ihey have the command of the whole of the physical force of the country. They officer he army, navy, yeomanry aud police. Corrup uon, bayonets, nnd irresponsibility, make th real, practical, every-day constitution of this country, a despotism ot two oligarchies. Headers who will acknowledge the truth thus :ar, will, however, exclaim, " bu t the despotic fictions are elective, and tne press is free." li seems so, but it is not so. The faction? are not elective. Their powt-r in the Rous'* of Lords is obviously not elective But neither is their power in the Home ol Commons elective. Their acres are their votes Their ten round houses are their votes. Their secret conspiracies, called associations in the Carlton and Reform clubs, and in every constituency in which thev need such help, ure not elective. Rupee ting these thing* the. people hive no election whatever Out these source* of legislative pouer, enable the oligarchic* to rtturn fully 500 of the (W)'members cf the House of Commons, thm nsf(?iH/W f A /??' f* a in n?/i?</tj f It f so fur at to secure the exclusion uj event man whom they dread and dislike, who it not backed by a powerful organisation of the people. I it reterence to lection, they have the power of land, houses, "kill, ttnd the whole ot the resources ot' the government, and all the might ot constant comoiintion, and habitual practice, and unceasing igi-ncy. But these things are not elective, and the people, ruled by the despotism they establish, h'tve neither choice nor voice respecting them. VVe have said the oligarchs a el^ct about 500 ol the members of the Hous-4 of Commons under ttie retorm act The assertion could be proved by statistical tables, and in ide undeuiable by acy honest man. But the readiest prool n the number of men returned, in d*tianoe oft>oth sections ot the aristocracy, since the year 1832?we mem, of mea honestly and sincerely in^-n of ihe p-ople, and men of nny purpose and ability The oligarchies have not any great objections to see radical constituencies returning nobodies. i UK fl )RNING, APRIL 28. 1848. What they fear it democratic ability. It will b" i an error to reckon every man a rrpresentutive of the people who professesanti-aristocratic princi plea, tor there are no greater slaves in public i life than some of these personages?radical tondiettwho can be bought with a small place, und, though rich, seducd by an invitation to dinner. Mr Ilume is almost unique in parliament. The machinery of a powerful and organised agitation brought into parliament Mr. O'Connell and Mr Cobden. The middle classes are glad to see Mr. Hume and Mr. Cobden embodying their feelings in reference to the unjust pressure of taxation But the middle classes have at present no organisation to secure an increased supply of such inen, nnd the oligarchies have clubs and corruptions in sbundance to prevent their increase and wpaken their efficiency. The number of rnca who will vote for the separation of church and state, and for enfranchising every m in supporti ng himself by his independent labor, and an equitable adjustment of taxation?the uurnncr ui inemoers sincerely Hostile 10 me essentials of aristocracy?shows the ftrmuth of the oligarchies, and the weakness of the people in the Hoiism of Commons. " lint thepress is free " h it f Persons who say this do not know any thing of the British press The oligarchies are the masters of the press. The daily press of the metropolis, with the solitary exceptions of the Morning Advertiser Hnd the Telegraph, are the veriest tools of either the protectionist, the conservative, or the wh'g s?*ctioB8 of the oligarchies. Small places for elitors and contributors, and baronetcies lor proprietors, eullice to make tho daily press of London subservient to the dirtiest purposes of the cliqucs. Occasionally there is a grumble heard among them, but the purport of it is tu-it the ;> my journalists are very angry at their share of the common Biioil; and no wonder, when the price of a faithful editor is only an inspectorship of education or poor laws, or a clerkship in the Duchy of Lancaster. The journalists ol the oligarchies contrived to make simple people believe that the corn bill was obtained bec?use we had previously had a relorrn bill. But Mr. Pitt was a Iree-trade minister, and the first legislative adoption of the ideas of Adam Smith was in the year 1786. The fact is, that the reform act secured the monopoly ol corn so well that the assailants of it were compelled to use the corruptions and trickeries of ttie electioneering agents to destroy the corn Uws Prior to the general election, the anti; lribery society declared that the reform act had increased the crimes of the electoral system. No man practically acquainted with the subject could deny the assertion, and certainly no one will now listen patiently to a doubt of it who has read the revolting exposures betore the election committees. [From the British Banner] Nothing has tended more to excite the griel of patriotic men, and to awaken their worst fears, than ihe treatment received during the present session, by Mr. Hume, Mr Cobdeh, and other pitriotic members of the House of Commons, whose warnings are treated with derision, and whose protests ure received with scorn. When Mr Cobden told them that he despaired, with respect to the vote of seven millions one hundred thousand pounds, of being able to " bring them back to a sense of duty," he was met by a torrent of " ironical cheers when he told them there watt great discontent rising up in the country, ?g.tin his voice was drowned by "ironical cheers when he hinted to them hat the perusal of his letters received that day from the country might change their tone, again the house resounded with "ironical cheers when he charged them with ignorance of the state of leeliug among the middle classes, ayain he was met by "cheers and laughter." When he told 'hem they had lew partizans among the working class s, again they replied by " laughter vh^n he asked them, if it was not a reproach lor them to vote money before they had devised the means of raising it, the reply was, "a laugh;" when he askea mem wnetner tuey were prepared to meet the discontent that was rising up, not rniong the working, hut the middle class ot socieiy in this country, the root tree resounded with loud cries ot "Divide! divide;" when he enierr d his protest against the recklessness with winch they voted the money before they considered how it was to be raised, and hinted they might possibly repent of the deed, again he was visited by "laughter and ironical cheers." Now, <re muft siy, that sued a scene, in such a place, and under such circumstances, is, in the highest degree, discreditable to the senate house, and reprehensible to those who occupy it, with participation in, or approval of, such proceedings. Let it not be forgotten who was the speaker, and what was the subject; that speaker was the first of practical statesmen, and the chosen representative of the greatest constituency in England, and that the subject was one involving not simply the rights, ttie comforts, but almost the existencB of millions. Never was -Saughter" so misplaced ! But the matter did not end here. Mr. Bright, Mr. Cobden's great compeer, and fellow-worker for the good of mankind, followed in a speech worthy of himself aud the occasion, in the course of which he met with even more insult and obstruction than the member for Yorkshire. Had Mr. Bright, instead of being a speaker of the highest order, and a representative for Manchester, been some poor, ignorant, degraded normaer, sitting lor a rotten borough, he could scarcely have been treated more contemptuously. At every sentence he was met with cries of "Oh, oh!" "Question, question !" "Divide, Divide!" When Mr. Bright solemnly told them that sixty millions of taxation could not be continued to be levied without exciting dangerous discontent, the response was, "Divide!" When he re-as?ur<*d them that, trom bis knowledge of what was passing in the country, etforts to raise that taxation must be unsuccessful, he was overpowered with shouts of "Oh, oh!" and "Divide, uvidf! inuB, u seems, we nave reached a pass in the people's house, when reason, justice, md facts, as indicative of the wants and wishes >f the people themse lves, are no longer to be neard, and no longer necessary to enable the Senate to come to a decision. It requires but small sagacity to foretell the consequences of such a spirit, and such a proceeding. Comparing .vhat is passing before us with the records ot the historic page, we are filled with sadness Assuredly, force in Senates is the precurser of force in nations! This is a game which two can play at; a truth which was never so palpably brought home to the minds of men as at the present moment. A large portion of the members give themselves no concefn with anything beyond Hie division. During the argument of Mr. Hum", me people's friend, there were but six persona ?n the opposition benches, which were " well fitted" when the vote came on; end when Mr hlume indignantly reproached thvm with this neglect, the response, as usual, was laughter;" l>ut when the minister of war had finished the .tatcment winch involved the expenditure ot 'his sum of millions, condemned by Iiume, Cobden and Bright, on resuming hit* seat ho was loudly ctuered from both sides of the house." This is but a glimpse ot the unseemly Bcene presented by ihe house 011 what ouuht to hare beta a very MMU occasion These are noi days when it is meet, or comely, or sate, tor > he senates ot nations to become halls of mirth lul uproar and vulgar buffoonery. It is high time 1 hat the chief performers should give place to serious men, who will fat that they are engaged in serious work OPINIONS IN RUSSIA OK THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, KIC., ETC. [From th? London Post, April 1 ] A newspaper of St Petersburgh has published a stinging and abusive article ou the new French revolution and the provisional government. It s in the form ot a letter from l'aris Tue French journals have atteched importance to it, because ihey assume that tie Abeille du Nord, in which t appears, 1* an organ oj the Emperor of Hussia 1'hc Parisians are s?> accustom- d in their own city 10 the Ufe of newspapers as organs ot the 11,'iaions (ii influential individuals, uiut incy are apt to nuke assumptions of this kind without niijr other foundation than tlieir uwn lancy The probibility is, that the Emperor Nicholas would no more d renin of Ufing a newspaper to express Ins views upon any public matter in St Petersburg!), thin the Dake ot Wellington would in Loudon The Russian journal, or its correspondent, considers that the revolution whicu overthrew the monarchy ol July, 1830, whs i erfrctly accidental, and that it w.s iccoinpanied with horrors and sc >nd-ilous exct sses. He uccusrs the provisional government of shameless bossting*, and scornfully reproves it tor during to set itself up us the arbiter of the destinies of France. He says it is a burlesque government, sprung from the ij'utti r, and that it makes on<i blush lor humanity to sec eucli a ilimj s- t ing its ll up an example for other nations. Tne d-crees and manifestoes of the preaent government he treata I [JSKAJ the bowlings of a handful of the vilest rabble. t He considers it absurd that a government, pick- r fd up out of the kennel, should pot forth its | s'ateinents as the legal expression of the will of I th>* country. i Having opened with such observations as the i foregoing, upon the general character of the revo- < lution and the government?observations which, i it will be admitted, show a very pretty talent for aSusivenesa?the writer proceed# to notice some of the acts of the revolutionary government. Up Hays:? " The first aot of the provisional government wm the proclamation of the republic By what right? By what right dared they Interfere with the sucred crown of the Coant of Paris? Forgetting, I repeat, its orlgn ? the puddle of Paris?it despatches proclamations Into every oorner, promising order and tranquillity. But who will answer for Its promises? The first howl?r the comer who oan assemble a band of men dretied in blouses and armed with stioks has a right to expel the members of the government, and place tdemselves In it* place. It must be eonfessed that the French have arrived at that poiat that the 11 -et who takes a atlck in his hand is their master. Such are the floe fruits of their revolutions. It is true that the Frenoh republio has preserved the Oalilo cock, the true emblem of thoss noisy and boasting rallors. They assert tbnt there will bo no war We shall see that. At all events, it is not with his lyre that M. Ltmartlns oan repel foreign bayonets, it lavishes the vilest flattery on the mob of Paris It promises thsm a million of francs. The people will ut least have as rauoh money as will afford them means to get drunk ! In a word?effrontery, folly, quackery, such are the distinct nharaoteristios of this government of buffoons, whloh is not ashamed to invite the world to follow the example of Paris It is a real pasquinade. And where is all this passing? In a country which boasts of being tho most oiviliMJ in the world, and In the nintoenth century!" . * To these severities the National, which they say in Paris is the organ of the provisional government, replies that " the republic" has no reply to make te them. Its contempt is too profound for utterance. The National, however, proceeds, on its own account, we presume, to point attention to Bome facts which are assumed to give an ancwer oi themselves to the writer in the Petersburg journal " Facts, moreover, have replied in thirty days to the prognoatioa of lmpoteneeot the revolution of Parla. The Iltitaian publioiati bare only to look ronnd them ? Vienna revolutionized and constitutional?Lombardy ereot?the Pledmonteae at Milan?the abdioation of Munioh?the tranaformationa of Southern Geraaany? the revolution at Berlin?the empire changing ita centre?constitutions or republica eetabliahed everywhere, Hurt th? various armiea of the Oerman Confederation uniting of their own aooord to eppote the Ruulana should they attampt to traverse Oermany. Such are the impotencies of the revolution of February. Pro pheoiea bring misfortune on thoae who prognoaticate against the people. Nicholas himself shall seen Isatn, not at Warsaw, but who knows? perhaps et St. Petersbur/(h itself." It is not surprising that the journalizing friends of the new order, or disorder, of tmnjjs in France, should resent the unmeasured abusiveness ot the northern critic. Moreover, it is evident that the critic was wrong in regarding the revolution of the 2ith ot February us a contemptible affair with reference to European consequences. The whole continent of Europe, except Russia, seeins to have been, some how or unother, ripe for revolt, and this affair in Pari* just gave the impulse that was necessary to s?*t the revolution going. In that point of view, the conduct of the Parisian populace has indeed led to, or, at all eventB, has hurried on, most important changes in the political state ol Europe. It would be well, however, if the friends of the new French revolution would so far set aside their resentment us to consider how much oi truth there may be mixed up with the abusiveuessoftheSt Petersburg rtntrment. Whenthe provisional government was formed, the first emotion of all calm observers in tins country was one ot respect for the courage and decision I with which matters had been apparently taken | out of the hands of an excited mob, and brought into som' thing li*0 ord?r. Such a city as Paris, absolutely at tne mercy of a wild, furious, triumphant mob, was a spectacle too fearful to be contemplated with calmness Every one was thankful tor any rescue from such a position; hud it was manitest that the m-mbers ot the provisional government had exercised both c urage and add/ess in managing and restraining the wild rabble that had broken loose. But trom the moment that Messieurs the members of the provisional government undertook to ' conduct the business ot the State, they appear to I have managed exceedingly ill. Had they been discreet?had they shown themselves rational triends of France, their first obpet would have been to abate the public terror naturally following from such a revolution, and to keep up the public confidence. They were, indeed, pledged to a republic, but they were not pledged to mobgovernment Had they possessed prudence and discretion, they would have labored to convince France that no more changes would b? made immediately than w?:re absolutely necessary upon ?h?< fih'unup in th#? fnrm nf fffiVfrnmpnt It Wuh their business to have greatly extended the basis of election, but not to have broached the idea of summoning work people and peasants to reconstruct the government of France. It was right, indeed, to recognise the working classes, and to give them such political privileges as could be given consistently with justice toother classes; but the claims of property to influence and protection ought to have been as much in the view of the provisional government as anything else. By neglecting this, aud identifying themselves with one interest only?that of the multitude?they have destroyed all confidence in everything which exists in France. The destructive propensities of the multitude are notorious. To admit them alt at once? without training, without experience, without habits of observation and reflection? to the supreme government of the political concerns of France, is folly such as no language can too gravely or too earnestly condemn. We do not see the use of applying angry or opprobrious epithets to the provisional government of France ; but, as advocates of justice and prudence?of dignity, moderation, and gond sense in the management iind urr mg.'nient ol public affairs?we really think that no language can too Btrongly condemn the recklessness which the provisional government of France has displayed. Behold the fruits. Financial confidence and commercial credit in France are destroyed. All peaceably disposed persons who can get awny without ruin are leaving the country. Every one fears further change, aud not thai gradual, considerate change which is consistent with safety, but violent, destructive change. The revolt of the populace of Paris nny hnve given the impulse to populsr revolt elsewhere; but does not the present condition of France, mat is, of all holders of property in France, deter every man in Europe who possesses property from giving any sort of countenance 10 such a revolution as that which Paris his accomplished \ Does not every honebt and intelligent mind in Europe turn away with disgust from the palpable violations ot all reasonableness and all true liberty of which France is now the scene ! ( What do we read in the Rtformi? What but this singular tpecimea ot treedom and justice I? '-Th? elub of clubs, where dtlrgatea of a hanJreJ club* had assembled \ tsterdaj, voted the priotiog of a nlllionof copies of Ibe Rights of Man.' 1 Wj also una uimoutly votud Imperative and absolute losiructloos to the members of the National Assembly." Now, when such proceeding hs thete go on in the name of "liberty, equality, and fraternity," < who shall say that, with rcterence to them, th< IVtcrsburgh writer is lar wrong in accusing thFrench revelutionisti ot "effroutery, folly, and quackery V' The fact is, that milder terms of description cau hardly be retorted to without tome sacrifice ot truth. We know not whether the provisional government hat not advanced too far in ita career of error and extravagance to make it possible lor it to retrace its steps; this, however, we are sure < i, that it France would escape the doom ot becoming contemptible hi the ey?s ot all Europe, it i must exhibit very diHVrt nt public acts from >hose winch, in me last three weeki, hive coat France I so umny millions of property, ?nd have disgust < d every liiend of justice, good order, and rational liberty, in all parts ol Europe. ASPKCT OF AFFAIRS ON THK CONTINENT OF kl'ROPK. [From the Londou Cbrouiole, March 30 ) The fumes of revolution, with which the at- , motphere ol Europe is now heavily charg'd, mm. To judge from the overt acid by which public feeling huturto mabileated naelt, we *hould be lea Jo suppose that their thiriy-six millions ol he ids are, t>y tins tint'', spinning round at a rate which altuge>her blinds their eyea '?< the suggestions ot sober judgm nt and practical experience The orginic changes now dfmanded ol the King 01 l'nmsm.aro >4 the iimat sweeping character, involving universal suffrage, th complete aepamuoa ot church ni<d state, und th iibiolutt* ann i hilation ot the fnodicum ol polit >1 power at til retained oy Hie aristocracy?in shell, the Belgian constitution, and something m? e. Nor are the effects ol the powerful stimulant ? / : ^mmmm i LD. Wmam rm o?m. hey are Imbibing confined to the circle of doneatic politics; they are but too visible in the >09ture which the yet undeveloped empir", conedTttion or republic?be it wli it it mxy?is ey?a low beginning to assume towards its surroundmq; neighbor". It is commonly remarked, that when very sober, peiceable people, allow th^mselves to be seduced into a drink ing-bout, the first organ tickM by t'ie vinous influence, as it ascends into the br-tin, is th* or^an of combati*#ness. Your regular water drinker is the most quarrelsome man in the world when drunk. A somewhat similar result if we may b? permitted the use of so vultjjr an illustration, sfenn to hav ; been, wrought Uj>on the (t*rrmn mind by the restlessness inseparable from political change, and the inebriating prospect of the speedy realization of their favorite scheme ot national unity. Woo would have thou tjht, two months ai<ot of seeing Germany pqti-iriua up to the Czar sh tkina her fist in the fac? of the King of Denmark, scowling at Franc*, and turning her back on England I who would recognize in the bellicose personage whom we behold tucking up his coit cutis with so much emphasis, and expressing his determination to fi<<lit his huge Russian neighbor in a mouth, and thrash his diminutive Scandinavian one "before the harvest," the social, kindly, s> date, speculative gentleman, with whom w* lutely moltH our pipe, and talked Greek and metaphysics 1 The rupture between Denmark and the D jellies of Sleswic und Holstein offers a ready conductor to this irrnscible spirit of nationality, and can hardly fail to provoke a war, unlett the Dane* submit to the conditions proposed to them, and acquiesce in the severance of Sleswic from the a own of Jutland and the Islet. Unfortunately the quarrel iu too ancient, and too much embit* tered by animosities and heart-burnings of a character not merely political, and the lose of territory involved in such a concession would be too ruinous, to make it probable that they will vield except at the sword's point. So early as 1665, five years niter Frederic III had established the descendibility of the Dinish crown in the female as well hs the male liie, that monarch commenced his efforts to effect a corresponding modification in the law of succession in both the duchies The same object was kept iu view throughout the quarrels in which the branch of the house of Oldenbu'gh, reigning in Denmark. WU at erwards < ngsged with the Dukes of Gottorp, who participated with the former in the government of Sleswic and Holstein, and adhered to Denmark's enemy, the k ing of S -veden. In the course of his wars with Sweden, in the latter half of the seventeenth century, the king of Denmark had been compelled to abolish the feudal connection of Sleswic; but thin only increased his desire to possess himself of it entirely?a design in which he experienced decided opposition from the emperor of Germany, and several of the German potentates, who took the part of the Duke of Gottorp, Thus, when, in 1683, the Duke petitioned the Emperor for protection against nis encroaching partner, it whh objected, at Copenhagen, thut SleBwic did not belong to the German Kmpire ; and that even Holstein, being united with Sleswic, w?b equally exempt Irom the imperial jurisdiction. With regard to Holstein, indeed, th? oiaim thus set up whs afterwards abandoned; but tue kings of Denmark never relaxed their hold upon the sister duchy. In 1713 we find the Czir entering into an engagement with Frederic IV., that he "would not hinder bis Majesty from reaping whatever luvautuges in- iHiyin, one duv, in muKing peace, be able to derive from tii* aid" ot Sleswic;" and two years I tier, th* exclusive enjoyment of the portion of the duchy c illed the ducal portion, to distinguish it from that originally pissrssed by the reigning Kings of Denmark, was guaranrted to him by the King of Prussia, and by George I as elector ol H mover. Similar guaranties were given in 1720 by Great Britain and France, upon the conclusion of the peace of Friedensburgb; and in the following year all the inhabitants of Sleswic, who had up to that time obeyed the joint government, or had been the private subjects of the Duke of Gottorp, awore allegiance to the King of Denmark as ''sole sovereign lord" of the country. Upon this act of homnge, upon the letters patent which accompanied u, and upon the renunciations obtained in 1750 and 1773 from the Swedish and Russian lines of the house of Gottorp, the controrersy between the Kiel professors and the doctors of Copenhagen principally turns?the former contending that their effect was only to incorporate the dacal with the royal portion of the duchy; the latter, that they extended to the absolute merger of the Sleswic law of succession in that of the monarchy of Denmark. Holstein has since joined the German confederation as a sovereign duchy, which all the states of the confederation are, and must be, according to its fundamental laws, whilst its connection with Sleswic, and trie relations between the latter and Denm irk remain the same, except so far as tha recognition of the *tatu? quo at the peace of Vienna may be deemed to have guarantie d their continuance. Into the various knotty points involved in this interminable dispute we shall not attempt to enter. To Euroue at large the question has no further interest than it derives from the fact, that the decision of it one way would effectually cripple the power which at present holds the keys of ihe Baltic, even if it should not eventually lead to a new Union of Calmar, and place the rates of the Sound under the guardianship of Sweden. But to the party principally coneerned it is a matter ot lite ana deatn. rue Scandinavian subjects ot Denmark are firmly convinced that their sovereign, as King of Denmark, has a right to Sleswic, whilst the German inhabitants ot the duchies are determined to break off the connection. Tne quarrel has been taken np throughout the length and breadth of Germany, by men of all classes and all parties, not altogether, we suspect, from disinterested motives ? The want of a seaboard it keenly felt in the States of the ZoUverein, and it could not but be foreseen that one of the first act* of the new German commonwealth would be to make itielf master of Kiel and Rendsburf. Frederick William, as provisional Kmperor ot Germany, challenges tne King of Denmark to resist or submit; the King, beset by Ins Danish subjects, must either take ap the gauntlet or jeopardize his crown. Russia, too? Russia, which sees herself threatened by Oermaoy at home?has an interest, and not a very remote one, in the issue, and Russian ships have been observed dodging suspiciously about in the Sound. Altogether it is a " mighty pretty quarrel." But a far more ominous cloud is rising over the Vistula. The speculation, tor such it is, of resuscitating Poland as an impassable barrier between Russia and the constitutional princes oi Germany, is one which involves the heaviest responsibility to all who are actively concerned in it. Frederick William has already signed the warrant which erects Prussian Poland into a separate Stale?one ot the States which is his in contingency. To such a proceeding Russia is not, ot course, entitled to object. But It any attempt be made to countenance the threatened insurrection wiiran her own territories, she will, ttud must, retaliate. Deprived, as she now is, of . U - ? tV. . J - .1 ? .? U..? L.. A i me oiauiuru in uri uj nuaum, nuu menaced with ill" growth of independent Sclavonian States up.m her frontier, she may posr.i(>ly think tlie boldest course the safest, and proyoke, rattier than avoid a war. But she must be sensible thsU it will be a struggle out of which, unlrs* ?he b<s victorious in it, ahe cannot come alive and unmutil>iti-d. Whatever thtuiue, there ran he no doubt that an soon an a German toUlitr rro**M the I'olith frontier, the temple of Janu* it jpened, not for (jirmany only, but for Aurope. We do not, of course, loae ol the tact that the voices through .vhich Ciermuiiy, at present, speaks to lorrmn ears, are principally uttered on the Rhine. "What may be tne feelings and inclinations of the bulk of the frussian people we are unable t? iiiviue by the course pursu d by the king huiwll, who appeurs, voluntarily or involuntarily, to bepla)iug tor au imperial crown in the North, wmlst the wise mm of lleidelbcrtf, in uie douth, arc probably concocting something much more like a republic We. can but truit ihdt the Germans huve uot lost all their good sense, and that the re-actio \ -*hicii we m*y hope it will eventually occasion, insy not comc too late. Army Iiite.llgance Darirgthe p??t ween ?a?*r*I buu4r?<l nsw r*croi'.? r h? >li.?-ouri * Illinois rfglm^uU, whlrbl'ave b??r. ?? oinbkd *c Jftiamon b?ri*oks. undrr tfe cu?air.?tf<l of ?vl K?rpou>y, bar* left for Koit L?avu.woiltt ~4i. r. Mtii Ae/mA/u. >?, I7f/l injt. Tn? atsambnut Al'jmuhr* Capt. Briekl? srrlTfdjreerdty Irum Ctneini art, bti'gieg to tbla oity on* ouoirvd ?nd tbirtj recruiti from N??p>rt b?rta???. draw 4 for aerflo* in tti? 6 a lndl??a, and Jod and 440 On o >KUD<*nts I b>M> troops wrrs In tho oharga of i ?j?' l-'Dn it Hugbev A AodtrWP, H i?r *ruw?r<-r, II W. nun, 3d L sut > h Ir.ri a ? To uui'Ti nr.I 11 f H icek. Tin tt'tn.b'r' A > !; trwi l~ju nought down flum Jc O^ifO'i birvnois c 114.1. >1 M. s?< i?rd and s?reDlj-?(* reo-ui'a for Ill i l.\ t rsgim?Qt 1 11toll rolutMm ?A'. O mt, I9ih on I

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