Newspaper of The New York Herald, June 22, 1848, Page 1

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated June 22, 1848 Page 1
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. ? TH Wkal* Ho. IU 3. AHhlM lit tUe Dotaltticat. Republic. City of St. Doxinoo, May 16,1S18. As promised in my last, I now proceed to give i a sketch of the constitution of the Dominican Re- 1 public, embracing an occasional reference to laws subsequently enacted to carry out some of its pro visions. This instrument, the essential teatures of which seem to have been derived in part from the constitution of the United States, and in part from the French charter of 1830, declares, in the first place, that the Dominicans erect themselves into a free, independent, and sovereign nation, under a government essentially civil, republican, popular, representative and responsible ; and defines the limits of the national territory, which, it states, emtfcaces the Spanish part of the Island of St. Domingo and its adjacent isles?to be identical with those which in 1793 divided it on the west from the French part. That is, embracing about two?thirds?jierhaps a little more?of the whole urea of the island. All persons are declared to be citizens who were born in the territory, and were residents at the time of the drafting of the constitution ; as also the children of all Spanish Dominican absentees and their descendants, who, not having bome arms against the new State, return to reside within its limits. Those are declared capable of becoming citizens?first, who acquire in the republic real estate of the value of six thousand dollars: and secondly, those who, by their personal labor, form in the republic agricultural establishments, under the title of proprietors, or owners. But foreigners comprehended in these last two classes cannot enjoy political rights until alter a residence of six years in the territory. This period, however, is reduced to three years?first, in favor of those foreigners who marry a Domimpnn wi ft* nnrl nf fltna# ut^iA tnrm o tvei. I cultural establishments, tfie value of which amounts to at least twelve thousand dollars. All foreigners not belonging to a hostile nation are declared to be admissible into the territory of the republic, if they profess -any art, science, or useful industry, and are guarantied the enjoyment of civil rights, being declared to be under the safeguard of the national honor from the moment they step upon the soil of the republic The Dominicans are declared to be born and to remain free, and equal in right, slavery being forever abolished ; and all are eligible to public offices and employments. Individual liberty is secured. No one can be prosecuted except in conformity with a pre-existing law, and in the manner it prescribes. Nor can any one be imprisoned, unless taken in the criminal act, except on the order of a judge, setting forth the cause of the arrest; and this must be made known to the party arrested at once, or at latest within the space of four-and-twenty hours. The confiscation of property can never be imposed as a punishment for, or consequence of crime; nor can private property be taken from its owner, except where the public good requires it; in which case he is to be indemnified its value, to be ascertained by a just appraisement. The residence or dwelling-house of every citizen is declared to be a sacred and inviolable asylum; and no domiciliary visits are to be allowed, except in cases provided for by law, and with the formalities it prescribes. No censorship of the press is to be allowed. All Dominicans are permitted to print and publish freely whatever they think proper, being responsible solely for the abuse of the right to the laws. A subsequent law has defined what shall constitute such an abuse, and limits it to five classes of cases, namely?publishing maxims or doctrines that tend directly to destroy or subvert the relig;on of the State, or the constitution of the republic; publishing maxims or doctrines intended to excite rebellion, or cause any disturbance of the public tranquillity; inciting directly to the violation of any law or legitimate authority, or instigating to this violation by invective or satire; publishing obscene writings, or such as are contrary to good morals ; injuring any individual or individuals by infampus libels, stigmatising his or their private character, or wounding their honor or reputation. rue amnor or eoitor ot sucn imputations is al lowed, in exculpation, to offer in evidence the truth of his charges. Allegations against public functionaries are embraced within the same provision. The constitution proceeds to declare that no person can be compelled to do w*hat the law doas not command, nor prevented from doing what it does not forbid. Public instruction is to be established, common to all the citizens, and gratuitous in all the elementary branches. Schools for thiB purpose are to be established throughout the territory of the republic. The details in regard to those elementary branches, as well as the higher ones, are to be regulated by law. To carry out this provision of the constitution, the Congress passed u law the following year, establishing one elementary school in each of the conimunes (or parishes) of the republic, and two in each provincial capital. These last can be transformed into higher schools, if expediency suggests it. In these elementary schools arc to be taught the principles of religion, the Castilian grammar, and the other usual branches of a common school education. The law places the general supervision of education under tne Minister of Public Instruction. The Dominicans are declared to possess the right of forming associations?of peaceably assembling, without arms?and of petition to the President, or to the National Congress, as individuals, one or many, but not in the name of a collective or corporate body. No law can be made to have a retroactive effect; nor can any he enacted that is contrary to the spirit or letter of this constitution. In cases of doubt the letter is to prevail. The Apostolic Roman Catholic religion is declared to be the religion of the State ; its ministers, in whatever pertains to the exercise of the ecclesiastical ministry, are dependent solely on the prelates canonically appointed. The article stops here, nor does the constitution sav any thing whatever on the subject of religious toleration, or make any allusion to other forms or doctrine of religious faith. I shell again advert to this subject in the latter part of this letter. The sovereignty is declared to reside in the universal body of the citizens, and is to be exercised by three delegated powers, corresponding to the three co-ordinate branches of our own government. The members of both houses of the national congress ure chosen for six yeurs. The upper house, or as it is called the conservative council, consists of five members, one for each province of the republic, and is renewed integrally every six years. j. he lower house, or tribunate, is composed of fifteen members, apportioned by law among the provinces, and is renewed by third parts every two years. Naturalized foreigners are not eligible to the lower house, until after a residence in the republic of ten years frotn the time of their naturalization. The executive power is vested in a president, who is cho*en for four years, in a manner similar to ours. It is provided, however, that the first incumbent shall retain his seat tor two terms, or eielit years. He is liable to impeachment and trial for malversation in office, as in the United States. Connected with this department is the ministry, represented by four heads?the minister of justice and public instruction, of the interior anil police, of finance and commerce, and of war and the navv. The department of foreign affairs is to be filled by any one of these secretaries, whom the president may Hppoint to that charge. Different from ours, they have a right to appear in Congress, and take part in the discussion and action on any measures connected with their respective departments ; and, on the other hand, they ure obliged so to present themselves, whenever summoned to do so bv that bodv. The judiciary department consists of several (rradet of tribunals; the Alcaldes, or Justices of the peace; a Justicia Mayor, answering to our County Courts, at the capital of each province, nnd composed of fiva judges; u Court of Appeals, likewise composed of five judges; Hnd a .Supreme Court?of last resort?consisting of four judges, whose place of sitting is the capital of the republic. Each of these three last tribunals has a law nilviHer, appointed by the executive, who is an indispensable element of the tribunal, and whose business it is to give his opinion?which is generally followed?on all questions of pure law that may arise The body of wntten law which these tribunals are appointed to administer is mainly composed of the French civil and criminal codes, commonly known aa the " Code Napoleon," which have been adopted us the basis of the national jurisprudence. The constitution directs that over each province there shall be appointed by the executive, a superior political chief?a sort of governor?to preside over its internal affairs, and who is to hold his office for four years. Besides this officer, each province is to havs its deputation, or assembly, over whose sittings the chief is to preside. Not only the president of the republic, but likewise the' members of both houses of congress, are chosen by electoral colleges, the members ot which last * *,,, **rszv n",1 irjwaiM1 m liiWI E NE Ni bodies are again chosen by vote of the people in their primary assemblies. The qualifications of a voter are citizenship and the possession in fee of reai t-siaie, or in piace 01 me lasi, me exercise 01 some public office or employment, the profession of some science, art, or useful industry, or the leasehold for at least six years of an agricultural establishment in active cultivation. In these primary assemblies are likewise chosen the members of the Ayuntamientos (or town councils) of each commune. Each of these last mentioned bodies is presided over by the alculde, who is chosen by the body from among its members. The national mercantile colors designated, and now used, are blue and red, placed in diagonal squares, separated from each other by a white cross. The military colors bear besides, in their centre, the arms of the republic, which are a cross, at the foot of which is an open volume of the gospels, and both of these rising from anudst a trophy of arms, with the emblem of liberty entwined with a riband that hears the following device, Dio$, Patria y Libert ad, Rcpubiicu Dominican ; "God, our country and liberty, Dominican republic." Thers are four national festivals, one commemorating the separation; two, important victories; ana the fourth, the publication of the present constitution. unucr me arucic oil rriigiun, 1 rriiuirueu ui?u i should again allude to that subject. The assembly who framed the constitution were divided in opinion in regard to religious toleration; some being in favor of it, but the majority opposed to such a concession, and in favor of inserting in the artic{e in question a clause prohibiting the public exercise of atiy ?tlier religion than that adopted as the natio<>aJ The former, on the other hand, wished to have inserted an express declaration of religious freedom. Now this question deeply interested a portion?though a comparatively small one?of the citizens, namely, tne naturalized American people of color, of whom I shall speak in a subsequent communication. These were Protestants, and had come hither in the time of the H litian supremacy, under an express guaranty, thus far sacredlv kept, of toleration nnd# protection in regard to their faith and its public exercise. The discussion of the question of toleration in the assembly awukened their apprehensions, and many, if not most of them, were about making up their minds to fly to the other part of the island?as many of their fellow-countrymen had already done on the breaking out of the revolution?from a groundless fear lest, their old protectors being expelled, their own rights of person and propery derived from them, would no longer be respected, To quiet these apprehensions, solemn verbal assurances were given them that the old guaranties, given in their favor bv the late government, should be religiously respected by the new one. Soon after, however, on learning that the ^rticle on religion had been inserted in its present shape? which expediency required the friends of toleration to acquiesce in?they again took the alarm: but their apprehensions were now finally allayed by their being referred to a previous article, which declared, as has been seen, that np person could be compelled to do what the law did not command, nor prevented from doing what it did not forbid ; although the article certainly does nm cover, in terms, the whole ground, since the word " law," which might be legitimately interpreted to mean any tuture as well aa present enactment, is used in it, and not the term " constitution." Rut though this circumstance might be thought to afford advantage ground and jirctext for action to the enemies of toleration, if any such now exist in any quarter, it is too late to take any advantage of it, it being but justice to state that it is well understood and acknowledged on all hands that religious toleration is a fundamental law of the republic, though nowhere expressed so to be, within the writer's Knowledge, in written terms; and no guaranty of the existing government is relied upon as more sacred and irrevocable than this. In regard to this matter, I might have entered much further into minute, and, in some respects, instructive as well as curious details, having at my command well-accred;ted materials for this purpose ; for the peculiar faculty and facility of getting into the secrets of cabinets, councils, and conclaves, not apparent to the uninitiated, is not confined to your home correspondents; though it certainly is to be hoped that it is there only they are ever to get imprisoned for it. His sole reason for not doing so is, that his motives might be thought to be dictated by prejudices which he does not entertain. The writer would further and finally remark on this topic, that so far as he has been able to observe and judge, a tone of sentiment and a degree of liberality exist, both throughout the different branches of the government and among the better informed portions of the community at least, such as we are not accustomed to look for, or suppose iq exist in American governments ana communities south of our own country. Ccelebs. City of St. Dominoo, May 22,1848. I will now give a cursory glance at the currency, trade, and commerce of this republic, and present some general statistics in regard to its revenues and finances; closing with some remarks on the civil administration. In order to provide for the new state of things consquent on the separation from Ilayti, the new government resorted to the expedient usual in such cases?a paper issue. I have not by me the docu. ments to show the whole amount issued from the beginning. In the second fiscal year of the republic (1845-6) there was issued in paper and in copper coin, the sum of $1,128,806, and in the third and last reported year (1846-7), in same, the sum of $771,830, making an aggregate of nearly two millions of dollars. Ttie whole amount in circulation is probably not far from three millions. This issue was based on the credit of the government, and, like most of such issues, it has gradually depreciated. A year ago it was worth nine cents to the dollar, and now it is worth a little over six and a half, showing a depreciation, during that period, much less rapid than it must have been in some previous ones of its short existence. Its value has remained quite stationary for several months past. The government is now di reciinc us niicniion lu mc advising en sunn- iiiran* whereby to avoid the necessity of making any further issues. The only other circulating medium heretofore^and the principal one still, has been the Spanish or South Americun gold coins, though now, silver, in the form of Mexican and American dollars, is getting into use. There are four ports of entry in the republic, though this one on the south, and Puerta Plata (Port au Piatt eunder the Haitians) on the north, are the only ones worthy of remvk in regard to the actual aiflsunt of commerce. The mercantile marine of the republic is very small, and is almost exclusively confined to the domestic coastwise trade. As the republic is yet unrecognized, its flig has not appeared in any foreign ports except one or two in the West Indies Its foreign commerce is curried on in foreign vessels. The sources of its trade and commerce are, with the exception of tobueco, the spontaneous productions of the country, more or less elaborated bv ! human labor. With die i xeeption just stated, there are no ngriculf mi products exported. Of the exports, mahogany is the staple of the ! south side, from this port; ns is to'acco of the j north, from Puerto Plata. Besides these, lignum | vita;, satin wood, fustic, hides, honey, wax, und j various other articles of less importance, complete I tile list. Of the two most important articles, th-rc were j exported the last fiscal year:?mahogan v. n,083,<WS feet, of the export value of about t600,0'0 ; tobae- ; co, in the leaf, 2,845,IW9{tounds, of the e,\port value of about $'2*5,000. These quantities are somewhat less than those of the same articles for the preceding year; but may |ierhaps be taken as a fair annual average. The nverage custom-house value of all exports will not vary much from twelve hundred thousand dollars annually. The number of vessels cleared from the several . ports of the Republic, were, during the years 184/5-6, | 205; during the year 1846-7, 210. Of thes?, there ! cleared from this port the former year 108. and the j latter 120?or, one-half of the whole. Of the re- ' mainder, there cleared during the former year, I from Puerto Plata, 92; and the Intter year, from ; the same port, 110. And these two porta divide between them the commerce, imports and exports, ! in about the same relative proportion in value I 1 may ndd, under this head, that ahout one-half of the foreign vessels?those of them that trade at this port at least?are from the United fSfates. The sources of the revenue.of the republic may 1 be divided into three classes?the customs, com- j prehending tonnage, import and sxport duties, {for there is a small duty of this last kind on all productions of the country exported), the public domain, the sale or renting of the same, and, lastly, internal imposts or taxes, of various kinds. The revenue from these vnrious sources amount-1 W YO EW YORK, THURSDAY I ed, in the year 1845-6, to $118,755 13, hard money, and 4360,944 22, national currency ; and in 1846-7, to $60,463 10, hard money, and 4703,703 38 national currency ; which shows a falling'off in the hard money receipts of about one-naif. This arose, not Ironi a corresponding diminution of imports, from which it is derived, but from the fact that the tariff of duties on importation was, by a law of Congress, which took effect that year, reduced one-half. To show the proportions of the revenue derived front the principal classes^?the last year's alone, for example?that derived from imports amounted to $-1-4,830 38, and from tonnage $15,735 46, hard money; and front exports. $139,146 61, national currency, or to about $11,827 (3 hard money, taking the market value of the government issue at that date, July 1, 1817 ; the two first items of which constitute a little more than half the whole revenue ; the whole lor that year, reducing the paper in the same way to its real value, being $120,277 88. The expenditures of the government for the same year were $32,942 32. hard money,and $1,345,217 87 national currency, which last being reduced as before the two amount, in hard money, to the sum of $147,285 94, showing an excess of the expenditures over the legitimate receipts of the government. of a little more thun twenty-seven thousand dollars,?a sum not quite equal, however, to the diminutions of the revenue caused by the reduction made in the tariff of imports. I have analysed the official documents, omitting the items of government emissions of paper and cooper and a small loan, and presenting all through only those which compose the actual revenue. I made this discrimination in order to show the actual resources of the government, as compared with the expenditures. To devise the means of bringing up the receipts to the amount of the expenses of the government, (for the hitter were considerably within the official estimates for the last year), has occupied the earnest attention of Congress during its present session. The President in his tinnual message recommended the raising of the tariff on the principal exports, namely, mahogany and tobacco; whicn measure, he calculates, would make up the deficiency for the future, while the Congress has been warmly discussing a proposal to raise the whole tariff. Nothing has yet been decisively acted upon. Meanwhile, there is a considerable balance in the treasury, resulting from the extraneous sources of revenue before alluded to. A foreign loan is talked of; but no steps have yet been taken, that I am aware of, for effecting it. I pass to a few observations on the general administration of the several departments of the government. Of the Congress, whose sittings I have occasionally attended, I may remark that their proceedings are characterized by a degree of decorum ana parliamentary system and regularity, that strike the stranger very favorably; and measures are discussed in it with as great a degree ?f ability and practical skill as could be expected under the circumstances. For it is to be considered that they are practically novices in the science and art of legislation, since there do not exist within the constituency any traditionary or hereditary ideas, so to speak, of the character and model of legislation?the nation having vegetated for centuries in the torpid state of colonialaependence; ttnd latterly, d9wn to the period of the recent national resurrection, under the still more torpifying influences of foreign subjection. In this view of the case, one is surprised to find so much advance merit in the science of legislation as their acts and proceedings manifest. Comparing this body with our own, or our State legislatures, the contrust is, to be sure, sufficiently marked. But we are, as a nation, much older. Nor yet is this the only, or indeed, main reason. We have grown up with our systems and practices; or rather, they are the legitimate offspring?the fruits of our domestic, social and national education; they, or their germs, are incoi^lorated with our earliest ideas and associations, and grow with our growth, not less as individuals than as component parts of a social and political system. Here the ease is otherwise in each of these respects. This machinery of legislation which belongs to an advanced political state, exists here as an exotic. It is not indigenous to the soij, the hnbits and associations, the culture and training of the people.? Its idea has been seized upon, introduced and attached to the body politic here, by a few intelligent spirits, who, from observations nbroad or study at home, have grasped the ideas of rational liberty with its appropriate forms, its political machinery, and transplanted them to their own country, and moulded them, or are at least attempting to do so, to the condition, wants and capabilities of their fellow countrymen, with what ultimate success time alone can disclose. Meantime, it will be one of the principal purposes of this scries of letters to illustrate this experiment, develope its progress, and show how an off-shoot of the tree of liberty thrives, and is likely to flourish transplanted to this island?home embosomed within the Ironical sens fannprl hv ifa nnff firpp-?p? and created by nature, as it would seem, in one of her most prodigal moods The remarks to which my allusion to the legislative body gave rise, are, for the most part, equally applicable to every department of the administration. Thus, as has been remarked in a previous letter, the civil and criminal codes of the , State are not of indigenous growth. They did not spring out of the character, condition, and wants of the people?on the contrary, they are of trans-atlantic origin, the offspring of a very dillerent state of society, and are still clothed in the unnatural garb of a foreign language. All these circumstances render it often a matter of perplexity and difficulty for the .judges to expound the laws. The system is strange?foreign to them. Their early and inbred idcaB and associations do not come 111 to assist them in their expounding of the codes, as is the case under the common law, or even those modified systems of the civil law which the wants of particular nations originate. Hence, though the judiciary are, so far as the writer's professional experience and his observation, have enabled him to form an opinion, us a body, upright and intelligent men, still, there necessarily results, in many instances, a tardy and imperfect administration of justice, beyond their power to prevent. These imperfections and difficulties have attracted the attention of the government from the beginning, i The President has recently called the attention of , the national Congress to the subject; and the minister who presides over this department, closes his i remarks on the subject by recommending such an alteration in the system of laws as will " adapt them to the capacity of those who administer, and , of those who are to obey them." The subject of popular education has, from the ] first, engaged the earnest attention of the government. A law made siibseuuent to the constitution, i has sought to carry out the provision on this subject contained in that instrument. This has been practically effected, in 11 great measure, here in (he capital, and partially elsewhere; but the minister in his last annual report, laments the limited extent to which it has been done, owing to the inadequacy of the means at the disposal of the government for this purpose, and earnestly recommends that provision be made for putting the system in full ojieration. In its general course of conduct and line of policy?whether towards citizens or foreigners, in domestic or foreign affairs?this government seems to be actuated by just and liberal principles. But it has many difficulties to contend with, one of the main sources of which, though an anomalous one, I am fully |iersuaded, arises from the fact of its being, in all respects, far in advance of the great mass?the embodied national character and intelligence of the country, of those whom it represents, or, to speak more accurately, governs It seems to know and endeavors to |iursue a liberal and enlightened policy in most respects; but it has not that firm sub-stratum, so to sjteak, that support and impulse, which can only he found in an 1 intelligent and enlightened constituency. In a word, the government, as I have already said, is far in advance of the mass of the people. Hence, the latter are a clog, instead of being a stimulus to its onward progress. This the government evidently understands no less than it feels the difficulty and perplexity of the fact. A particular and important patt 0/ the national policy of the government, earnestjy pursued, though not yet consummated, will, if it is ever accomplished, remedy this evil in time, though this is not the result iin- ; mediately aimed at?1 allude to foreign emigra- i tion for agricultural purposes. But of this I shall j speak more particularly hereafter, in connexion wins mi. n.imn i III!' 1^1 lUiiimui I WUUHM'M <IIIU , f natural capabilities of the country. Ciklebs. I MaT?menta of Distinguished Individual*. General Can* arrived at Detroit on the Kith instant, and was handsomely received l?y Ins ' friends, among whom were the Governor anil l?i0utenant-(?overnor of the State, the head* of departments, Jrc. j Wmo Ratification at Newark.?A Taylor and Fillmore ratification meeting wns held at Newark, N. J., on the evening of the 2()th inatant. The Hon. J. C. Hornblower presided, and the greatest enthusiasm prevailed. Mr. Clay, as well as the nominee#, wai cheered at every mention of his name. # RK I MORNING, JUNE 22, 18 Hlghljr InUrMtlng f rom Uermuiy,

Pn . ,u '??; lttlW Meeting of the German Concrete. The grand epoch of the age for Germany has arrived, and the city that has been witness to ull the pompous ceremonies of the old German empire for ages, is now the battle-field of the people. The elections in accordance with the spirit of the recent revolutions that have shaken the Germanic confederation to its very foundation, are now terminated, and about five hundred of the deputies to the constituting assembly have already handed in their credentials. The new parliament, as it is termed, will number about seven hundred, but a quorum being present on the 18th inst., the assembly was solemnly constituted and proceeded to business. The principal chttrch of Frankfort has been handsomely arranged for the reception of the representatives of the people, and accommodates about fifteen hundred spectators besides. The first sitting was opened with no other ceremony. than the ringing of all die bells of the city churches, und a plain and solemn procession of the deputies to the seat of their labors, where they were received with three times three by the assembled multitude, and cries of " Long live the fatherland?long live the Gennan people." The moment was a solemn one : as all are eonvineed that instead of being the termination of the convulsions that are now rooting up the very foundations of society, in a political and social sense, it is merely the commencement of a series of battles that threaten to be long and bloody, and whose probable terminaiion no human foresight can fathom. Having proceeded to business with the oldest member as president, and the youngest as secretary, provisional officers were elected tor one month, and the gentlemen chosen inspire the highest confidence. VonGagern, of Hesse Darmstadt, received an overwhelming majority for President, and Von Soixon, of Manneim, received quite as unanimous a vote for the Vice Presidency. Both of these noble men have for years fought the battles of the people, in opposition to the tyranny of royalty, and have been hated and persecuted as bitter radicals; they now stand at lie In .id of the noble army, which their untiring efforts h.,ve at last assembled on the battle field und God speed them vietory. The assembly contains manv of the most brilliant men of this noble country; but I ant sorry to say that many of the members are also to be considered stars of a very inferior magnitude, while others, whom all hoped to find here, are lelt at home, the victims of political intrigue, of reactionary efforts, or to use the mildest term, political ignorance of their constituents, who are so perfectly taken aback by the unexpected waves of liberty tnat are flowing over them, as to be blind to their best interests, in the selection of their candidates. All eves are turned to the United States, and I am proud to say, that our noble constitution is every where looked upon as the grand model for the regeneration of Germany. On every corner may be seen large placards announcing the declaration of independence and the constitution of the North American republic, translated into German, and for sale at a price calculated for the masses. In connection with this, a number of gentlemen who are intimately acquainted with our affairs, from long residence or travel in our country, have been elected members of the assembly; and. I may say, with especial reference to these qualifications. Among these are Baron Von Rilnne, well known as a Prussian diplomatist in Washington, who has recently made himself very popular in Berlin, by a celebrated speech on American affairs ; Professor Frederick Von Raumer, whose late visit to the United States, and work on our institutions huve made him well known to the American people; and Professor Tellknmpf, formerly of the Union and Columbia colleges of the State of New York. To the latter gentlwien I am indebted lor an excellent seat on the floor of the House, and all the oarliarflentarv documents which an- distributed in the members. Nearly all the sessions, so far, have been consumed in organization, and all the members are divided into filteen divisions, for the selection of standing committees?each division selecting n member from its body. This division is considered necessary here, in order to let the members have an opportunity of becoming acquainted with a certain member, as the vast majority are perfectly strange to each other, and totally unacquuinted with their respective qualifications. The committee on the order of business, is exexpected to report to-day, when things will proceed with more system. The principal member of this committee is Professor Tellkampf, and his text-book is Jefferson's Manual; we may, therefore, expect as near an approximation to our order of business, as existing circumstances will allow. Notwithstanding the absence of any cleur party question as yet, to draw the lines between different grades of political feeling, there is, nevertheless, already quite a dear distinction into radicals, liberals ana conservatives; the latter, nfhong whom are several Catholic priests in their clerical robes, have, as usual, taken the extreme ridit; and a small but determined band of bitter radicals have Bented themselves 011 the extreme left; these are distinguished by tremendous beards, necks A la Byron, a student like dress 011 the whole, wild and iiii-iHi?ivii i (jcoiuico, emu iuc cviucituy rciiuy iu fight a mortal battle ; waging a war to the knife against all crowned heads, and rdhdv to proclaim the republic at any moment when they have the remotest hops of success, perfectly indifferent as to consequences. Their number will evidently increase or decrease, according m the tucticsof their opponents; and if the juli' i 'i n- to remain conservative, the liberals of the ceutie will go over to them, and the fighting will then become severe and earnest. From tne genera I appearance of the assembly at present, my fears are thnt the extreme moderute party?in favor of uegociating with the present existing governments instead of taking things in their own hands^-will so predominate, that the people will take the affair in their own hands, and headed by their determined radical leaders, will drive the new German Parliament to the four winds. I say this is not at all impossible, and the probability of it is ojienly discusied by many of the members. They have resolved nql to dissolve themselves if they should be obliged to fly; but to take refuge in some other city, and continue their proceedings under the protection of the National Guard or standing armies. I am convinced that did not every man of experience fear an awful social revolution, and a reign of terror, on the proclamation of the republic, that we would have that form of government to-morrow. Many of the liberal constitutionalists tell me that they would consider a republic, such as we have, a perfect paradise in comparison with their present condition; but the grand question i?, how make so ?iunt a spring witn so little preparation, and with no transition!?they fear a convulsion in the body irolific, which would lead to anarchy end horror. Die radical party in the constituting i - irMvlook >n their body as one whose powei uid duty it is :o destroy all that exists, and con iitui entirely tnew, independent of existing forms or interests; he liberals desire to regenerate the country on the iroadest democratic basis, consistent with the existence of a constitutional monarchy, and to do his in confereure with existing powers and interests, so as to clash as little as possible, and in his way avoid bloodshed, pave the way. to a gradual and lasting developement of republican nstitutions, and restore confidence to nianufacures and commerce ; the loss of which alone li ro ulana t n 11 ti cto t)u> onunf rif in Kunlr . uptcy, and reduce the ooerative classes to a state >f hunger. It is needless to say that the conservatives are enemies to every interest of the people, ind would gladly hold them in bondage still longer, or tire them by opposing every progressive movement, and by introducing discord, lengthen he strife, in the hopes of exhausting thern; their efforts, however, will be futile, and every step they ake towards the old regime, will be one step towards the republic. The following will give some dea of the character of the assembly :?A committee of thirty has been appointed to draft a new constitution for all the German States, to hold the Mje position towards the constitutions of (he inlividual States, as the constitution of our lTnion Iocs to the separate States. The pl^n of a eonstiution already offered by a committee of seventeen, ippointed spontaneously by the people to draft it, will not be accepted; it has two features that the Germans are not prepared to swallow at the pre <ent nay. in me iirsi ptacr, u recoinmonas an miperor for the whole confederation; and, secondy, a Senate, or upper house, composed one-third ?1 princes, one-third of representatives appointed ay them, and one-third of members with excessive firoperty qualification; and this house must concur with the hills o( the lowerhoiise. This plan, dthough ottered by one of the first men of Germany, and long known as a friend of the |?-ople? tie celebrated l>ahlmiin?will not take; the great statesman is behind the age this time. The cry is, no emperor, no house with any other power than that from the lap of the people. A committee of thirty has been appointed to thoroughly investigate the grand social question of labor, and all its concomitants. This is the great IERA 48. question of the day in F.urope, and the alternative is a satisfactory solution, or, a reign of terror. A motion hue been made to invito the crowned heads to take seats with the people in the assembly, and fraternize with them In the great work. If they refuse, it is proposed to declare them traitors to their country. Another motion hasbeeu ottered, declaring that the present constituting ^qpembly is the provisional government for the nttip being, recommending, at the same, time, that it act as such, and appoint aji executive committee to carry out its resolutions. A motion is being discussed to-day, and will probably pass, that no State be allowed to have a constituting assembly, or a State organization, so long as the assembly for the confederation" is In ssssion ; for fear that the constitution of said St ite will clash with that of the lrnion. This is directed j mainly against Prussia, whose constituting assentbly has just convened in Berlin. If this motion pass, it will settle the question of the sovereignty of (lie Frankfort assembly, and lead to a conflict with Prussia, as the latter will undoubtedly resist; indeed, there is a i? eat deal of bitterness against Prussia and Prussian soldiers, and a good share against Austria. In phort, I see no hope of a federal union, and must warn you to look out for serious news, as the question is, union or civil war. u. r. t^. 'I'raili and Navigation of North Oermany. The following brief, and in some respects necessarily incomplete, review of the trade and shipping of the various States and territories of North (iermauy more immediately exposed to the injurious consequences of a state of warfare, wijl perhaps be of more than usual interest under existing circumstances. It will place the Manchester Commercial Associations, which have taken the lead in impressing upon the government, by memorial and deputation, the urgency and importance of bringing its accepted friendly mediation betwixt the contending parties toa prompt and peaceful issue, in possession of the more precise facts and figures which an intelligent body of merchants will best know how and most opportunely to turn to account in furtherance of their objects. We begin with Hamburg, premising that the returns, which are the latest we have received, and assuredly the latest yet made public here, are not in all respects brought down to the same date. This default of completeness docs not, however, materially affect the general view which it is desirable to present, or the considerations which it is calculated to suggest. The number of vessels which entered the port of Hamburg from the sea during the (fuinquennial period from 1840 to 1844, gives an annual average of 3,252, of 481,000 tonnage. These figures show an increase in the navigation of more than 125 per cent in the space of thirty years. In the year 1845, a total of 3,990 vessels entered from the sea, viz.?435 coming from trans-atlantic ports; 1,566 coming from British ports; 1,989 coming from other ports of Europe. Of the values of the commodities imported in the same year by this mass of shipping, we have no specific returns; but, taking the maritime commerce, imports and exports together, at the same rate of proportion to the general commercial movement as in 1843, which comprised the traffic with the interior of Germany, inclusive of a portion of that through Altonn, we should have about 22fc millions sterling of sea borne trade upon a total aggregate movement of nearly 35 millions. As, however, 452 vessels more entered the port of Hamburg in 1845 than in 18-13, whilst proportionally the sailings might be in the same ratio, the collective value of imports and exports by sea would probably be in excess also in the former year. For the years anterior to 1845, we have more precise and abundant materials to work upon, without, however, being enabled to detach altogether the special movement of trade and navigation from the general movement, which comprehends that carried on by the Elbe and by land carriage. The sea and liver navigation together shows the following results for the years stated:? 1842. 1843. 1844. Entries and sailings of vessels together 18.277 15.034 14 393 Tonnage 1,378.843 1.382,973 1,273,608 The years 1841, 1842, and 1813 show a much greater shipping and trading activity than 1844. In 1841 the excess of shipping employed was equal to 148,477 tonnage, in 1842 to 100,175, in 1K13 to 109,305 tons, more than in 1814. The entries and sailings for 1814 were thus distributed :?Entries, 7,619, of 680,488 tonnage; sailings, 6,744, of 593,180 tonnage. In this movement of navigation the trade with threat Britain in 1842 employed 2,320 vessels, entries and sailings together, of 394,129 tonnage ; but in 1844 only 2,187 vessels; of 383,775 tennage. The country next in order for the importance of its connexion by sea traffic with Mamburg, is Holland, which in 1842 had inwards and outwards together, 802 vessels, of 57,225 tonnage, in th? trade in 1844reduced to696 vessels, of 41,708 tonnage. The trade with Prussia, almost all by the Higher Elbe, occupied 582,000 tons, inwards and outwards, in 1842 ; in 1814,496,052tons. With Hanover, chiefly fluvial navigation also, the tonnage employed, inwards and outwards together, was54,708 tons in 1842, and 46,515 in 1814. We have no returns separately of the maritime and fluvial navigation, but it may be stated, as a general approximation, that the latter enters for more than onehalf into the whole number of vessels, with at least two-fifths of the total tonnage. The traffic by the Elbe whs materially affected by the onerous tariff of duties imposed upon its navigation in late years. The commerce of Hamburg ubs>rl 1 upwards of 90 per cent of the total navigation oi the Elbe. The commerce of Hamburg represented about the following aggregate values in imports and exports of merchandise, by sea, river, and land carriage :? 1842. 1843 1844. ?35.600.000 ?34.765.000 ?34.010,000 For the last year cited, tfie returns for the others being omitted as superfluous and unnecessary, the total movement thus presented was made up of imports to the value of about ?17,557,000, and of exports lor ?16,153,000. The following are the proportions in whicn the three countries which figurr at the head of the list entered for imports -and exports in the aggregate mass for 1844:? Imports. Exports. Prussia. for ?4 621 050 ? 4 669.500 Great Britain 4.852.500 3.367.250 Hanover. 2 280 250 2.8*0.000 The.principal imports from Grant Britain consisted of raw cotton, cotton yarns and fabrics, woolen fabrics, cutlery, iron ana steel, and indigo. The chief exports from Hamburg to Great Britain were raw wool, corn and flour, and cotton manufactures. The iinnortanee of the trade with Hamhnrfir to British interest^ may readily be estimated by these figurps. It may be added, moreover, that as the total effective shipping of Hamburg consisted, on the 1st of January, 1M-15, of only 205 shijm, of the aggregate burden of 50,937 tons, inclusive ofeight steam-vessels, of which five served on the Elbe, this most important traffic was carried on chiefly by, and all to the advantage of, British shipping. The Prt ssian Parliament.?The deputies rej ceive an allowance if three thalers (nine shillings) p*r day, and their travelling expenses. To sonie of the peasant representatives the allowance is indispensable for tfie journey. One of the depute s ii a day laborer, a protctarier, but the great majority of the Chamber consists of m<m in easy, if not wealthy circumstances. Even those classed as " peasants" are mostly occupiers of land, what we should call small farmers. 129 deputies are persons holding offices, either of the State or the municipalities ; most of these are jurists or lawyers ; tnere 'are forty-one clergymen ; merchants and manufacturers, thirty-one; teachers and UcUhrtt Savant, or it may be assumed, professors, twenty-seven ; landed proprietors, twenty-six?of these only three are holders of privileged estates (Kittergut), which, having formerly belonged to j the domains of one of the class of nobles, are still almost exempted from taxation ; mechanics, seventeen ; magistrates, seventeen ; physicians, ten; military officers, four; a prince of the reigning house and four of the ministers ; peasants, forty- ' five ; agriculturists, or renters of large parcels of land, five ; two shopkeepers, one agent, one land- , surveyor, one day-laborer, and a town councillor. ut nurty-nine deputies mere is no special description. ( rom the class of nobles there are twentyfour deputies returned. The majority of the peasant remesentatives (twenty-nine) have been elected in Silesia. Pmi.irre antwus Family at Ci-ahemont. ?We liave just visited the neighborhood, where we have learned on unquestionable authority that the single hired carriage with which Louis Philippe indulged the ex-Queen and himself dining the first month, has been discontinued, and the only expense of that kind ventured upon is the hire of three cnbs on a yunduv morning to convey the family to the Human Catholic chapel at Wevbridge. The whole ot the household, chi ;fs and dependants, dine together. Everything, including whatever wine and dessert arc allowed, is placed on the table at once without a single remove. There is only one servant in attendance in the room. The descendants of Charlemagne wait upon themselves and each other.?Cambpagt Advtrtittr. 1111 *rnmmm\\u i mill LD. Price ^ CM.. Views of Uie present condition of the Pre neb Republic, by on feTiiglUhiniin. [ Krom the London Time*. June 3 ] No observation is sufficiently extensive to embrace the infinite variety of tne forma of distress and einharrHUMm^iir t?/lii-.li ? :? - * - ? .TM.UII a>c picssiiij^ ai iuib time witli h daily increasing weight upon the French nation ; no description can be sufficiently graphic or minute to convey to the inhabitants of a peaceful land, and thr subjects of an eatabliahed government, a lull and complete conception of the effects of such a revolution. The revolution is in every house and at every door. The terror it still inspires has twice in this last week roused the citizens of Paris front their beds at the break of day, and kept them under arms till midnight; fot the defence of pro;>erty and life is there the principal. we might say the only, business of man. The multifarious pursuits of life have been suddenly stopped. Official services and even judicial experience have been turned adrift into the streets : the learned professions and the liberal arts have lost, for a time, their objects and their rewards; the trades have ceased to punrey abundant supplies to the wants of a metropolis and to the taste of Europe ; industry itself, in her humblest walks, has been ousted of her rights,by the scandalous example and the base competition of 100,000 workmen converted into paupers by the delusive pledges and the mischievous prodigality of the state ; and the republic, which is responsible for the past and lor the future of the nation whose power it has assumed, totters under this tremendous crisis, without thp iricurw In mtrinltr #li? * 1 ... ?.w -w oui.^ij iiiv icouuitcB it iitrn ai* ready dissipated, without a mtin to give a vigorous imnujse to the executive power, without even a definite object or a political system to govern the loose and turbulent deliberations of the National Assembly What we behold?what we know of this extraordinary state of anarchy and confusion ?is but the superficial and perplexing aspect of a scene where the miud seeks in vain to arrive at any conclusion; and the multiplicity of irregular and disordered objects confounds even the sight. Hut take the daily life of any individual citizen of that huge town of Paris at this moment, and see what it consists of. What privations, what duties, what reluctant submission, what ruin, what terror* The authority of government has ceased to provide for the security of his person and his family, and lie must therefore mount guard, and perhaps expose his life in actual conflict with the revolution. The faith of the government has already oi-eii mo i.ir violated mat ne lias lost a portion ot his deposited sayings; and the rest of his property invested in public securities is enormously depreciated, and threatened with total ruin. The condition of public affairs is so disastrous that it has interrupted all the avocations and amusements of private life ; and all that men care for and live for is engulphed in an unprofitable sacrifice to an idol of imaginary freedom, which can confer none of the blessings of freedom, but only the harshest drudgery and misery in return. The statements recently published in the Moniteur of the trade and revenue of the first four monttfr of the present year in France, as contparedswith the first four months of 1846 and 1847, demonstrate with the utmost clearness what the extent of these national losses has already been. In the import duties on various articles, including especially all raw materials employed m manufactures, the fall has been on an average about 66 per cent; or, in other words, the consumption of the country has been reduced to one-tlftrd of what it was in preceding years. The period of four months, for which the return is made up, includes of course, the month of January, and 22 days of February anterior to the commencement of the revolution, during which time trade was slackened, but not, as it has s nee been, annihilated; so that in reality the burden of the deficiency on the months of March and April, is even greater than the aggregate amount of the four first months, would mute it appear to be. The receipts of imports which were 12,725.150f. in April, 1846, and 10,750,6721'. in April, 1817, fell to 3,761,590f in April, 1848. In the same month, the amount paid on cotton wool imported, fell from l,197,193f. in 1846, to 578,5331". in 1847, and 202,4051". in 1848. Cast* iron from 433,597f. in 1847, to 92,1251". in 1848. Coals from 473,887f. to 194,269f. At thiB rate of reduction, the fulling ofl" in the reveuue from the customs alone, would exceed three mil lions sterling per annum, which is more than half their total amount in the present state of the French tariff. Bui the other branches of the revenue, derived from direct taxation, have not fared at all better. The falling off in them for the month of April alone is twenty-three millions of francs, or ?920,000; and the sums collected, either by the prepayment of taxes, or by the extraordinary impost of 45 centimes additional on eveiy franc heretofore levied, (that is, an augmentation of 45 per cent,) have by no means supplied the actual deficiency in the most direct and certain portion of the public revenue. The resources of the state have, therefore, enormously diminished, and its exnenscs have actually increased. The actual cost of the attlicri ruitionaux has risen to ? 10,000 sterling u-day, in Paris alone. The Assembly itself receives ?900 a-dav, or about the same sum as the whole civil list of (jueen Victoria. The Uardc Mobile have certainly done good service, but they are paid four times as much as the soldiers of the regular amiy. These are public and acknowledged expenses ; but, in addition to these disbursements, an enormous outlay of a more secret kind has been going on. The tun found in thq treasury by the republican government on its accession has never yet been ut counted for, or even named; what is more extraordinary, we believe it hd? never beeen asked for, a'though it certainly exceeded five millions sterling. Yet it is that sum which has chiefly kept the government on its legs for the last three months, and there are now msnifest signs that it is rapidly coming to M end. Many of th>M dilHcullies were from tlie first foreseen; but instead of being provided against, they were aggravated by such absurdities as the guarantee of Tabor to the working classes. The atiliers nationaux have become mere haunts of the dissolute and the idle ;? they have drawn off workmen who might have found employment elsewhere; they have attracted to Paris loose hands of "companions," as they are turned ; they have surrounded the capital witn ail army of deceived, irritated, and starving men; and at last tnc guaranrec 01 labor" is come to this? that the Minister of Public Works calls upon all able-bodied men between 18 and 25 to enlist at once in the regular army, upon pain of immediate dismissal troni the national workshops. Meanwhile Paris is dailv and nightly on the aleft, until some method shall have beeq found of removing this enormous mass of nauperizedfeituens from tne vicinity of the legislature and the faubourgs'of the capital. Very probably, this removal will not be effected without a serious collision. We do not for a moment .deny that the embarrassments .arising out of the state of things into which the revolution of February plunged the French nation were so terrible, that it was not to be supposed; and we never did suppose, that any amount of |>olitical energy and wisdom could avert very great calamities from the nation. But it could hardly have been foreseen that the French |ieople would display, both in their executive government and in their National Assembly, so \ery slender an amount of these essential qualities in such an emergency. The three weeks which have now elapsed since the opening of the Assembly, hnvg been spent without an approximation to the real work of government. One or two good committees have been named, chiefly composed of members of the old Chamber of Deputies, and iheir labors may produce something useful; but the d'-bates of- the Assembly have been to the last degree sterile, indecorous, and incoherent. Not <uily huvc no subjects been seriously discussed, except the superfluous question of lhe bani hment of 'he house of Orleans, but no parties have been formed, no leaders have risen up, no confidence has been established between the government and the representatives of the people. And by some strange caprice of fortune, at a moment when this labor question involves the safety of Paris and the destiny of France, the insoluble task of dealing with it is assigned, not to the man of genius or science, or experience, or war, but to the Citizen Trclut, late an apothecary in the Faubourg si Antoine. and now Minister of Public Works whose good intentions are the only compensation for the confused prolixity of his speeches and the infirmity of his judgment! Such a state of things discloses its own inevitable conclusion. It will drag on for months or years in the same misery and discredit, until some man of a strong will and a cicnr intelligence makes his aopcarnncc ; anil to that man France will transfer nerself without reservation, provided he undertake to rescue her once more from evils ihore intolerable than those of the former Directory. It is stated that a number of abolitionists resid ing at Salem, Iowa, recently stole nine negroes from a Mr. Daggs, of ("lark county, Mo. Thjy were pursued and captured by the owner and som of his friends, who, on their way back were, in turn, mobbed by su|ierior numbers of abolitionists, and their slaves again set free. Subsequently, about one hundred men, all armed, started from Farmington, Missouri, for Salem, Iowa, to recapture thtj negroes, or arrest the abolitionists.