Newspaper of The New York Herald, July 1, 1848, Page 1

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated July 1, 1848 Page 1
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IT II WMI* Km, M*0. ADDRESS OF THE EMOCRATIC STATE OOXVEflTIOX, H?LD AT UTICA, ?. V; JOT* 22 AND j>3, 1848, TO THK ?' * 1 I I M ' Peopi* of the State of New York and of the United States. Filiow Citixsvj:?The unprecedented oirounuUBon under which the convention that now uki permit eio i to midmm yon was brought ti gather, the serious question* it has discussed, aud tho important meaHurrt it boa faken, impose upon its meuiberif, with more than ordinary force, the duty of laying before you a full and fran c exposition of their sentiments, motives and defigtu. This, we shall proceed to do in the language of sincerity and respect, of oandor and of confidence, in which free Americans should be addressed?in whlob free Americana should tpoak. democratic party of the union and of new york?present attitude of the latter. For mo u than titty years the friends of democratic liberty in tho United States, iu the South and in ibi North, hare, moroor less closely, been banded togethei in party associations. In the methods, and under th< influences, resulting from those relations, they have from time to tiuie, united in tho support of principle and of objects, of measures and of men, oesentia! as they supposed, to the useful working of ouj federative system, and to the just support of tip State authorities. Through the combined agency of the Federal and State governments, aud by the ooatrol they have exercise4 over both, tne deuio cratio party of tho Union have been enabled largely to promote the welfare of the people, and the advancement of anuietv. and with them, tho strength and the re now q of the American republic. All the promiueu measures of this oentury by which our lodependenc and character an a nation have been so strengthened and Illustrated?our territorial limits extended from the Atlantic to the Paeiflo?the integrity of the Stater and the liberties of the people, so effectually secured auJ by which so much has been done to mike the government of the Union "the sheet anchor of ou netoe at home and our safety abroad," and to base iw !eglalatiun ou principles of equal and exact justioe?o humanity ami benevolence?all, without exception have been accomplished for ourselves and for the world ' nnder the favor of Providence, through the ascendency or by the Inlluenoe, of this great and patriotic party. To this service of duty and of honor the republican* of Now York (without vanity in themselves, or injustice towards o'.tiers, wo think it may be affirmed) have contributed their full share. Thomas Jefferson, the first in the long line of demooratlo Presidents t could not have been elected without their vote. J&ineK. Polk, as yet the last In the series, owos his elevation peculiarly to them. Without their sealous and effl clent co-operation, the saving and tlme-honorod prin ciples proclaimed by the former, in his inaugural ad | dress, might never have been established. Withem the like instrumentality, the great national measure which have been consummated during the admlnistra Uon of the latter, osuld not bave been achieved. This association, so noble in its origin and objects so Illustrious by Its trinmphs, and so beneficent In it results, has, within the last few weeks, been rudely in terrupteil; and so interrupted, us to plaoo the demu craey of New York, represented by this convention, li the attitude of unavoidable antagonism and reslctaneto what Is claimed to be, and what nominally Is, tlrvoioe and the will of the democratic party of the Union In truth and In foot, our antagonises and reslstaac aie not to our brethren or the other States, generally nor to the w'ibes aud judgment oftbo party a* a whole, but only to a email minority of the party belonging ti the slave-holding Slate*, who hare assumed the contra, of It* national organization, and to the ln?ult* am, wrong*, whioit, by meana of thia control, they havi Intituled upon u*. With tbi* national poeture, there la alio a breach in the rauki of the democracy of oar own State Wba many of us have loug apprehended, ae the result of th< difficulties and dissensions of the laat few yeare, ha* nt length, noma to pas* They who,a* citlcena of New York, for <o long a period, In harmonious and sucoesaful concert, strove together in the polltloal arena, are now separated?totally and Anally separated?from oaon other. The cau.se* which hare led to a itate of thing* *o undesirable in lt*elf, and ee inauspicious in It* auguries and tho immediate mean* by which It ha* bee a brought about, are *o well known to the people of New Vork that our present appeal, if designed exclusively for them, ni'ght well omit any exposition of those topic*. As it I*, we shall oonteut ourselves sfith a brief reference to tho uiorc notorious and material fact*. WrhWoBfUMtOKJUL*. KOR IT. Hrrcrsing tho order in whleh the topic* ailuded to were named, wo remark, that the Anal breach in thiStats t* to be traoed to a radical difference of opinion existing. *o long baok as 1837. between certain leading ind'vidual* and tba masses of the people, In respect to the Ananeial measure* then proposed by the national administration. This difference, however honest on tin part of the dissentients, introduced into the bosom ?f th* party'the seeds of disunion For a season, smothered and kept down, they wnro. afterwards, by the luAnence of the like dissent, on the part of the same Individuals and of other* who united with them, to the deb'-paying and debt-avoiding poliey of the State ad ministration, made to sprang up and to grow with the mo it fearful rapidity and ran knees. The veto power, giren by t!>e enu?titntion and exercised by Silas Wright, rescued from the peril* to which they were exposed the resources and the credit cl New York. To this act of lloman firmness, and to the general oonrse of hi* administration, th faction of which we speak, though not always open ly opposed, was always really hoitite. Receiving, from Itlif unmcrllua Iiivor Willi which. inost unf ircuuately for Nf# York it was regarded at Washington. a largr amount of aid and comfort from the national administration, it gradually dwelled to a Rise. and acquired u i capac ty of mischief. which unfodlered by such ali K tnent It eould never hare attained it dually etfseted B th* defeat of that great man. aud again placed P the power of the State in the hand* of the raeu B hy whose reckless expenditures and engagements, J ita flniucet had benn do alarmingly disordered and by whom, but tor the salutary re-' ^ i n ?' k^miur now convolution. they mlgli*.nm' be put a< K^Hmrard. The uutiumdy wMar of tbe illustrious ^ llot './ Wooow energy and skill tbe dtorm had ^^Kenifwenthered. doon followed his expulsion from tbe ^^ftark of state; and In his grave?to use the expressive ^^Bangnsgv of the first of our literary societies?"In hf^^ cravc He buried the hopes of million* of his country ^ nen." The sorrow whh h rent the heart of the demo ^^kracv of New York, the universal sympathy of ali |H)ws< of cor oitisens. the sighs and lamentations ? ! ^^Bhi- whole American people, were. how. ver. incapable ^ f reaching the deadened sensibilities of tho faction by ^^Brhie.n be li nl been immolated Within two tunnthi^ .f' er all that was mortal ?i v las Wright bed oe >n con ^^Bipotd to its native ?* viariah ' f -gg. the most ^^ ruslud "the m-en. trie r-oev . r his cum pa ^^Btlonn In offleial dut . w arlveu, .'rity, fraud ^Htlently seated la < - by. sense Convention, from * hi scrvieo of tho - tat< " '-Is act was ? <>mpanied by ^ another violation of be popular wit. more flagrant in It * oba .1 r i t I nvolv d a gross dereliction ot ^Hthe prlnrlole-of ^ouoas. We refer to the rejection of Hs rrfi'lute - sfsinst t'.e extension of slavery, by ant ^V.'etion of the federal government, to any territories Hl'i' " fr< e. thereafter to be acquired by tha United HststlK H In the honest oxrltem-nt produced by these out|lMM.lM free democracy of New York were imnelleu Iieaeure* not altogether coof iruii rule* of our ancient discipline il ami bonoied the feeling* from maujr of the undersigned. and iclr constituent*, did uot, at tne aw measure*. Candor, however, [nowledgmrnt, that In the light of we clearly Hen. that though li regit 0 indiepenenble to rouae and Tinill; were eridently approredby the and were, therefore, In eubatanre. id moat uaeful ever taken for the r the party. orkltner Conrentlon actually held nd the Herkimer Conrentlon ap-| 1 February. 1S48. were quite a* reg- [ iy of the proceed!nga of the Syr.tnl a* the conrentlon appointed by er Ita aanctlon. to be held In AlhaI. In motlre and dealgn they were or. The object of the former wae effectuate the will of the majority; r? prenHiit. to atlfle. and to orere dumocratln member* of the Lea-r la?t. In accordance with regular >. designated Utlca a* the place, and f, Ists. a* the day for the aa*emrenllon. to appoint delegate* to the n. or to determine how they ehould D of ua who deaired to preeerre atlc party of New York, hnlled delight. We e*w, aa wo *up Vdle ground between the HerConrentlona, the mean* of t lli'0 branchea of the party on i.e deer.f* took 11 #"T *raT,W- ??>at d ire* the* of th*,r "gularly eonItlrc*. that . th woal., (ebamliVn M/,0e'tnH that each would | enMon at I'tlc a* e., on|. regular n fair and allowablJ ondearor to ohtatn tV 1^.-7 incila. One of the ante"". the wladom and tha patriotic tnr*?. The eonrentlon nropoaed ;lmer, wa* abandoned. The other atUfaotory, no doubt, to Ita loader*, and determined to pertlet la Ita on. la it too much to nay, that In a ooncln*lre admission of their people f Had they hrUered that dly with them?that hylMng Into on, they could outnumber their on* ... ??- ? . na? , mmrnmsy,.. E N E NJ tagonista?would thay, think you, have missed tha opportunity T The Albany Convention, In pursuance of this datermination. waa brought togathar; and though utterly unauthorised to express, and moat impotent to oontrol the popular will, its supplies of canning and its powers of evil were abundant. Moat unfortunately. too, It had a strong and decided bent for their exercise Its leaders assumed to direct and oontrol the cho oe of delegates to the National Convention to be held at Baltimore. They directed thera to be choeen by districts, instead of being appointed by a State Convention. In this, they want dlr.-ctly counter to the settled deel-lons and policy of t e party To this novelty they added another. never before dreamt of In this State?the nomination of a complete ticket of Presidential electors. 1 feur months in advanoe of the National Convention?a ticket which would never have been patched up in so disjointed a way, had not Its autbo>s abandoned all hope of obttining the ascendency I i- ik. Outwrnatiirlkl Convention, to bit held In September next, to which, by the usage of the last twenty years, the nomination of the electoral ticket exclusively belongs?a ticket which, in spite of these unanswerable objections.and of the deolenslon >f several of it* members, is now obtruded by the news* papers of the faction upon the democracy of New Vork, ts their regular el-ctnral ticket, for tho support of their regular Presidential candidates. Truly. In point of regularity. thetwo tickers as addressed to the democracy of New Vork. are equal to, and worthy of, each other. None bet themsslvet can bs dttir parallel." To return?it was by these measures most deliberate I y planned?by these palpable usurpation* of authority, bat the contrivers and member- of the Albany Contention effected the dual division of the deuiocraoy f New Vork. By these, their suieidal, but voluntary vets, they ont themselves from the parent stock ? They, therefore, and they alone, are responsible for the actual separation, and for all the evils, state and na clonal, which may follow la its train. UREACH BETWEEN THE DEMOCRACY OP NEW YORK AND THE SLAVE POWER OP THE SOUTH?BALTIMORE CONVENTION OP 1848?ITS DOINOS AND ITS DOCTRINES. For the purpose of nominating candidates, tc be upported by the democracy of the Union, for the of. Ices of President and Vice President, a National Convention was convened at Baltimore, during the last month. In this body, the democracy of this State sere entitled to be represented by thirty-six delegates, and to give thirty-six vetes?a number equal, within a fraction, to one-eighth of all the votes to be given, and fully equal to ail the votes of nine of the smaller itatea " To enjoy this representation, and to give this vote, on all questions that might oomo befere the convention, thirty-six delegates were duly appointed, on behalf of the democracy of our State, in a State Convention. duly called by the democratic member* of the legislature .and regularly held, in the oityof Utlea, in Fehruiry taut, to attend that convention. They repaired Dureuant to their appointaent,to the city of Baltimore; bat they were not permitted, on equal and honorable term*, to take their aeats in the National Convention. Their claim* to those seats were contested by spurious delegate*, chosen in the irregular way, and under preonc? of authority, from the irregular and unauthorised convention held at Albany in January last, of >hicb we have already spoken. We deem ft wholly needless to enter into any detailed account of the wrong* or indignities received by our delegates at the band* of the convention and its organs. In their able md lucid report, heretofore extensively published in the newspaper*, and forming a part of our present proceedings. such an account has boen given by tho dolefate* themselves, in language alike oalm, dignified and truthful; and to this we refer you for all needful par'eulars Traduced by several leading members of tho convention on the floor of the assembly: insulted by the committee, to whleh the conflicting claims of the two delegations were referred; reported against by that oomrnl'ten. because they would not submit to such insult; objected, afterwards, to a scrutiny iu> to the character f their opinions on a question of national policy whiob, Viwovar Important in itself, and momentous in Us bear ln*s. had no connection whatsoever with the validity jf their title to seats in the convention; stigmatised as o democrats, because, in respect to this question, they "althfully represented the dictatea of their own con >cteuee*. ana ine opinions or tneir constituents. moir claims were, at length, disposed of by a resolution, vhioh. while it left undeoided the merits of the oontro mrsy. abundantly exemplified the impatience, partiali y, and injustice of tho convention. The antagonistic Iciogatlons?each of whieh denounced the other as nere pretenders?were gravely invited to ait together in the assembly; to unite, if they eould. in the voteto be given, and to see their State disfranchised, if they could not so unite. Our representatives were thus compelled to one of two courses : either with their claims undecided, theit title unexamined, and thetr credentials unopened, to enter the convention, with an equal number of persons. claim ng title to their seats, capable of nullify, 'tig their every act and volition?and predetermined so to do?in other words, to permit their vote to be >nad? a blank. and toelr voice to he drowned amid th> s'rife of tongues; or else, sha'ting the dust olf their fe*t^to quit a pla ie from whiohjj'Wsrtw-nrty mstidnei' ively adopted; thus nobly maintaining the honor ol their party?tho honor of their State. The opposing delegation, equally with ours, protested against the resolution of the oonvention. evading the issue it wa< bound to meet and to determine, as erronsonsand absurd; and they, too, refused to sit as mem bers of the body, on the terms proposed. Between th-m and their constituents and ourselves, there is therefore, on this point, no room for debate. To prov< the course of the oonvention wrong, we have only to refer to the recorded argumentof our adversarlas. But, though the oonduet of the oonvention can find no support in reason or analogy?and. though it is for this cause, condemned by the two contesting parties? attempts have yet been made, in aertaln quarters, ti excuse, and even to justify It. by an appeal to prece dent?the ever ready resort in all times and countries of tyrants and their apologists. We are told that in the National Convention ol 1835 two set* of opposing delegates from PennsylvaniH claimed admission as representatives of the State; thai the oonvention refused to decide the question present ed to It. and admitted bo'h sets to ait and vote for th> Mat*. But on that occasion both set* of delegates ac juicsced in the decision. each lielng^ content toslt, an. actually electing to alt "in the body 1 on the term* pre scribed It w?*. moreover expected by the conven tton that they would take thia course, beoanee It wewell known that the dlvlaton in the State waepn ?"V| loeal; that It did not extend to national poUtIV*: aw that both acta would vote, aa they ,>?Mfatly did vot? for the same candidate* fnreaeh of the offlcea t>>< ?made. The result " i.llrt efore! ITw aSseefTwould be the aame, aa far a* re irarded the nominatlona. whether the one act or th< other, or whether both conjointly, were admitted int. the body Beaidea. to provide for any unexpected dlf fere nee in their votea. the reaolution waa to explained ato call for farther action on the part of the convention, in caae of any aneh contingency. Here, on the con trary. the resolution waa final; it tendered to the 72 claimant* the right of giving, by heir concurrent voice. 3d votea. though it waa notoriooa that the difference between them extended to national polltica; that thl* difference could neither bo reconciled nor oompromined: and that, in the nature of thinga, It would neceaanrily produce an utter repugnancy of aentimeni and of action in the nomination of enndidatee and the aettlement of prineiplee The convention, therefore. p>-rf?etly well knew that the admission of the two ntn, if bath entered the convention on the term* proposed. would neutralise and destroy the vote of the State. If. on the other hand, the propoeed scat* were rejected by both, the State would be totally disfranchised If one set entered. Mid the other refused to enter, the vote of the State would be given by person* who, by the concession of the convention, were not tally entitled to execute the trust. If, then, It were ever allowable. In aesonlatlons of this nature, dependI ig for their sanction on the voluntary principle, to offer up at the shrine of precedent the indisputable n*ncln?iont of reason and justice, this la not the caae for such a sacrifice. The precedent referred to is not Identical in its facts with the caae In band. It differ* from it materially?vitally; and the disposition which was mads of it was entirelv different In nrinnuu Tb? o.iuree of tba late convention can therefore, derive no support or eountenanee from thnt panned by the convention of 1835 In tbe case of Pennsylvania. 'I he wrong* and Indignities beeped by tbe convention upon the delegates of onr democracy. great they were, rink Into comparative in-lgniflcance when viewed In connexion with the motive wbleh led to their perpetration, and with the object Intended to be effected by them Three have been so transparently disclosed In the action of State conventions and > ther bodies in the Southern States; in the newspaper publications In the earns quarter, which preceded the meeting of the convention and foreshadowed Its proceedings; in speeches delivered on the floor of Con. .>re>e. in advance of the same event; In the public declarations of leading members of the convention, during ha session; and In lta recorded votes and doings; that i we feel ourselves authorised to allrm, that onr delegates < were rejected, not for any believed or suspected inva- < 1 lid ty of title ; not fbr any Imagined departure from regularity ana order, In tho source or the method of < their appointment ; but beoanse of the dissatisfaction, i the dhplcasnre. the contempt, with which the opinion' i of the free democracy of New York, and of their, true ; and faithful repreeon tatives. were regardod by the ma- ' ioritjr <>f the l? >dy. In this affirmation, we do but anticipate the voice of Impartial history?tnc judgment of i a dispassionate and honest future. < And what, fellow citiiens. arc the opinions which i have tints drawn down npnn the democracy of New < York the wrathful indignation of their ancient asao- I e'*te??their brethren In the faith ? Have we given up I the Declaration of Independence ; or abandoned the 1 resolutions of 'Wfl ; or repudiated tbe inaugural address i of Thomas Jefferson? Have wo rejected the Inde- i pendent treasury, or received to our embraces I a Rank of tbe United Statee? Have wa, In any form. I bo*?d down before any of the golden calves, which 1 pride ava Ice, and the spirit of monopoly are ever ready i to set up for the worship of the selfish and the venal? I Have we pro?*! faithless to the popular will? mlsrepreCMjted onr c- nstltuents? denied oroavllled at tbe right i ?* hraotlon? i >>ken our pledges or resorted to eqnl- i vnoatlo,, H?d eohtrWanoM to evade and defeat them? i Have we failed to sustaw the national war' denied to ? it men ormouey, for the performance of IU duties, or ( been backward in any thing ihat concerned the wel- , rare of tbe people, or tbe honor of tb? republic? Iiava t we beqgaic indifferent to the oattse of Irvedom la other | W YO SW YORK, SATURDAY J * .] lands, or careless ef the effects of our conduct and exam i pies upon Its progreas? No, fellow cltiieus, none of i these thing* have boon Imputed to ua. The hand end < front of our offending consist# merely in this. We bed I imuly declared that while we would faithfully adhere t to all the compromise* of the constitution, and would < maintain Inviolate all the reserved rights of the States. | we were uncompromisingly opposed to the extension of "I slavery, by any action ?r the federal government, into \ any territory of the U nited State* already or hereafter i to be acquired, in whioh it does not now exist; and that, to this end. we desired, and so far as our efforts constitutionally dlreoted could accomplish it, we designed, that the prohibition of slavery contained In the neiiinanee i\f 17117 Anet np.tttnnnil in 17M hf ThoiniU 1 Jefferson. should bo applied to these territories, so long m they should remain uuder the government Of Congress. Before the assembling of the Baltimore Convention, the slave power, In man/ of its eonelaves, sat In judgment on these opinions , condemned them as heretical ; denounoed all who held them as apostates from the democratic faith; aad resolved to support neons tor the Presidency or Vise Presidency, who should adopt or favor them. It was to carry out these predeterminations, to give effect to this foregone conclusion, that our delegates were placed under the ban. It was to punish them for their opinions?to prevent the nomination of caudldates who entertained, and to secure that of candidates who abjured snch opinions? that they were only to be received, if received at all, as culprits, each with a beadle at his tide, by whom, If he exercised a volition of his own. or moved a tongue Per bis constituents, he was to be held and silenced?it was for thi?, thst the democracy of New York, in the persons of their true and inflexible representatives, were traduced, insulted, and spurned, by men calling themselves democrats, in the face of the nation, and in the assembly of their peers. From these strictures. It Is not less agreeable to our feelings than due to justloe, to exempt many honorable members, who as we learn from our delegates, and from the published debates of the convention, labored in v ain to procure a decision npon their olsims, and wholly disapproved the conduct of the majority. Of this majority, the doings and the doctrines are alike reprehensible, whether we regard them In their princi;4e or their form In each, the same odious design is sought to be compassed, by indirection. The true delegates of New York are nominally received, bnt really rejected?a resolution explicitly proclaiming the dogmas of the slave power, as txpounded In 1848. Is rejected; but its followers are to find them In a new interpretation of the creed of 1840 and 1844. to which its candidate for the Presidency gives his ready assent as the price of his nomination. These dogm*#. a* not rortn in tne resolutions or uu Democratic Convention of Alabama, and of several other States, and as maintained on the floor of Congress, and in the publie prints in lb* Interest of the lave power. ar?? Tbat neitbot tbe Congress of the United States, nor the people of tbe territories in question, have the power to prohibit the introduction of slaves into saoh territories. That it is only by a State constitution, framed by the people of the territory, preparatory to its admission into the Uolon as a State, that such prohibition oan be established. That in the meantimo, the slaveholdlng citizens of the United States, who ohoose to do so. may rightfully emigrate with their slaves to the territories in question. carrying with tbem the laws of the State from which they go, so far as such laws authorise and protect properly In slaves. That slavery thus planted In these territories, becomes thenceforward, unless the people by a State convention shall ordain to tbe coutrary,part and parcel of their institutions; and entitled, while the country remains under the government of Congress, to all the immunities and safeguards whioh. under the constitution of the United State', belong te it in the States. These, it is claimed by the slave power and its supporters, are the true, the constitutional. * ..lav-holding htee and vherr Inhabitants, in respect to the territory of Oregon, from which slavery was excluded, ae to its eastern section, by the Missouri compromise act of 1820 and as to its Western (in wbloh. indeed, it never existed) by the voluntary action of its inhabitants; and in respeot also to New Mexico and California, in which slavery was. yoars ago, abolished by the deoree of the Mexiuan Congress. By many of tbe politicians and writers of the South, the successful assertion of these pretensions has been declared to be a matter of such mmnent to the slave Interest, that a dissolution of the Uflmn should bo prefuvwn.l ft* an v mrwi i ft nation nr nnmnriimiM whAt anavar? though, in gome case*, p. di-positlon ha* been manifested to accept the line of the Mlaeouri compromise. These demands of the slave power, If folly conceded, would make the government of the United States the instrument of abolishing freedom, and establishing lavery. In the extensive regions embraced within the hran territories In question. equal to the thirty States already in the Union I only eoneeded to 3d degrees h) minutes North latitude, (the line of the Missouri compromise.) freedom would be aboilshod and slavery established in a tract of less extent, but still equal to tx States of the sise of Indiana. Whether established to this latter extent, or otit the whole of the territories, it will equally, in either oass, expose our peocerritory. by annexation, by purchase, of by eblriqu rft' for the benefit ot the slave power. 8Uvery, planted in these regions, or In any part of t' a n. by the action of the federal government, will, of course, carry with it all the evils, moral and sorial, inseparable from the institution. Where It onco obtains, luring the territorial tule, any considerable foothold, it will, as all experience has shown, bs perpetuated by the constitution to be formed when the territory Is converted into a State; and when thus perpetuated in a state, the arrangement of the federal constitution, by which three-fifths of the slave population are counted n the apportionment of Representatives in Congress, is also made perpetual. The advantage* already derived from tbi* arrangement, by the slavebolding States, sufficiently explain their determination to extend it, by any means by whioh it may be done, to the uew territories. I n this fact, we have also the key to all the attempts made by the slave power, within the laiit eighteen month*, to obtain?sometimes by flattery tnd seduction, at other times by insolence and intlmiiation the assent of the free States to its doctrine* md demand* Hence, the dictatorial and offensive (deration put forth by the democratic convoutions ?rf llabauia and other sit* e* that under no political nedessity whatsoever. would they eupp>? fortfta offifla-trf'reeident or Vine President. aujL#Af*Mir who should not ipunly awd ?r?ow?diy fc oppoi??'d to tbo exclusion of r Harerj fr<?in the territories of the United State* either >y the action of Congress, or of the people ot such ter rtorie*. Hence, also the instruction* given by these iodic* to their delegate* to the Baltimore convention, to rote for no man who ahould not unequivocally avow the like opposition. And hrnee. Anally, the treatment extended by the majority of that convention, acting under the direction of the elave power, to the men who <o truly, and not more ttuiy than regularly, represented at ite bar the democracy of our dt'ite. The blow aimed at them wae a blow at freedom. It reaches every free State in the U nion?every freeman in the republic. THE DEMOCRACY OF NEW YORK NOT BOUND TO ST'Pt'OKT THE BAl/riMohjc NOMINEES. The nomination*, by the Baltimore Convention, of Lewie Caee. of Michigan, for the office of President, and of William O. Butler, of Kentucky, for the office of Vioe President, having been made without the concurrence, the aid. or the participation of New York, what is our duty in respect to them? Are we bound, by auy party tie. by any political nocessity. by any other consideration, which should control reAecting and honorable men, to yield our support? In answering these questions, we lay out of view the indignities to which our delegates were subjected, and the motive by whiob the convenlon was instigated. Wo *ay nothing of he reservations, not merely mental, but openly expressed, of many of the Southern members?we pass over the fantastic performance* of the single delegate from a neighborhood In South Carolina, by whose voice potential the credentials of the delegates of New Ydrk were hermetically sealed -we routine ourselves to ths single but all-Important fact, that the nominations thus proposed to the democracy of the Union, and of New York, have been mode without her voice ; and that by those who made th m she was purposely excluded, except on terms useless in street and humiliating in their character. (Torn any share in tbo t an sactlon ; and so. virtually, exeludsd altogether. Sunh being the fact, upon no conceivable ground can we be held to the support of th# nominations. In case< of this sort, representation and obligation go together. | When the former is denied, either totally, or by imposing unequal or degrading conditions, there is no room Cor the latter H oannnt exist. That a fair and equal representation In the body which claims authority to hind, is absolutely essential to the existence of such authority, is, to all Americans. ! a self-evident preposition, our Arst lesson in political science, the very corner stone of our political fabric. ' In our voluntary arrangements, we act by analogy to ! these settled principles of the representative "sys- . U-m In nrdnr IhstrafnM ; ' convention ? true exponent of the general will ? whloh li Ita sole design? and to make It* decisions ' obligatory on the conntitoent body, every part ofaueh , body shonld be represented ; and the repreeentation : of the several parte ehould be equal. If It be not eo constituted. the convention, more or less, fail* to '< answer the purpose for will eh It was Unsigned ; and precisely in proportion to It* deflolenoy in this respect. ' will be the degree of Its future failure. In the present ease, a State entitled to 3< votes out of 300, was virtually excluded from any place In the J convention. and from all efleteut share In Its eonniltatlon* and debates, its doings and decisions. Two 1 consequence* result. The National Convention, eon* [ lemplated by the democracy of New York, ha* not been * held, for of that convention she was to ha a member ; hut rrom the one which has been held, she was arbitra- r. rily exelnded. Most clearly, therefore, New York is . sot bound to the support *r its nomination* : but this is not all. The National Convention contemplated by " he democracy of other State*, as well as of New York, j ha* not. in tact, been held ; for they contemplated a " lonventlnn in which New York should he repreeented; 7 n which New York should he heard ; in which New York should vote ; and in whiek South Carolina, If *! epresented at all, should be fully and honeatiy represented. Had this occurred in the late eonrention, no on* can know. and. therefore, no ! ma can affirm, that the nomination* in ques;ion would aver have been mad*. No oa* eaa j T >ay that the arguments and the votes of the epreventative* of a State like New York, possessing so (rent ? Interest in tb* questions to ho considered, y '-W.- -il' 1 1 - g; RK ? MORNING, JULY 1. 1848 knl entitled to eo large a rote upon thoee questions, < might not have led to a different resnlt. The democrat to 1 lectors of the State* actually represented In oonyen- | tlon are also, therefore, at liberty to reject or to receive 1 the nominations of the convention as they may think < xpedirnt. Certainly they are nnder no binding obli- ]

Ration to sustain them, especially as the nominee i >r the Presidency never received a vote equal to two- i thirds or toe electoral votes or the states admitted, or claiming to be admitted, into the body, which was the number declared by the convention itself, indispensable to his regular nomination. In saying this, we disclaim any Intention or desire to obtrude onr opinions on the electors of other States. We merely state the prieciple, leaving others to apply It or not, at they may deem fit and right But for ourselves, we Unhesitatingly declare that we recognise no authority in the Baltimore Convention to apeak for us or for the democrats of the Union on any question, much less to bind us or them by any of Us proceedings. We* repudiate them all. This just and most obvious conclusion might be further illustrated and enforced, both by general reasoning and by reference to nutr erous particulars connected with this case. But we forbear td enlarge a train of remark already, perhaps, too extended, since the letter of our distinguished candidate for the Presidency, which forms a part of our proceedings, and to which we take pleasure in referring, has placsd the peint in the sunlight of the clearest demonstration. NEW YORK COMPELLED TO NOMINATE?HER CANDIDATES AND THEIR PRINCIPLE*. In default of auy uom'nation in which the demoomey of this State had a voice, or which, with any sense of honor or fidelity to prinoiple. they could eltow themselves to support, they have been compelled eltbewto be excluded from any share In the most important of our popular eleetlous, or to provide for thei> own Interests, and the interests of their fellow-oitisens in other States who coneur in their opinions, by the nomination of candidates for the offices of President and Vies President of the United States. After a full istaparison of views, and with special refsreneo to what they knew to be the wishes and the will of their eoustituenta, the menhiers >f this Convention have, unanimously, nominated Martin Van Buren, of New York, asm candidate for ths office of President, and Henry Dodge, of Wisconsin, as a candidate for the olficeoi Vice President. It cannot be neeesaary to spend the time of onr readers or of ourselves, in any lengthened exposition of the fitness of either of these odndidates tor the places for which they ha vw been named. We have nominated them without their hnowledge ar assent?the first nBuisu, iuuccu, agmuiib uin tuuwn irinucs iiuu ui? puai* tive refusal to be a eandidate? upon tbe principle that In thla solemn and momentous crisis, the people have a right to demand, as their standard beaiwrs. the most eminent and worthy of the public men who are true to the Interests of freedom and the honor of the republic. How sincerely, our candidate for the Presidency sympathises with the popular sontiment on the great question of the day, has been made known, in his own clear and convincing language, hy the noble letter to the delegates from the city of New York, which forms a part of our proceedings. The letter of Gen Doitge to a member of the Legislature of his State, on his rv eent election as Senator in Congress, expresses, also,' with equal energy, hie own uncompromising adhesion 1 to tk e same cause. It la In refereneo to this great and all absorbing issue. that our oandldates hare been named. We, therefore. omit all special referenee to other toplos, and will barely remark, that while each of the candidates will, unquestionably, adhere to tho great principles and rules of the democratic faith, as expounded in the Inaugural address of Thomas Jefferson, and long and honorably illustrated by themselves, in their re pee tire spheres of duty, we are persuaded that both will be ready tolond their co-operation, should they be elected to the places for wtiloh they have been nominated, in all wi?? end constitutional efforts to prooure the reform* and to aooompltsh the measures enumerated in tbe resolutions accompanying this address. Especially, as we fully believe may each be relied on. to yield this co-operation In aid of that great Interest .already so Important to the mighty and growing West, and which needs but to be fostered, in the way nnd to the extent clearly permitted by the Federal Constitution. to make our Inland seas, and the States which lta upon them, the channels and the participators of an interior commerce hitherto unrivalled In extent and bonefloence, in the history of mankind. Equally, too. will eaoh unite with a patriotic Consrees, in all practicable efforts to reduce the overshadowing patronage and to correct the abuses of tho general government. ?ki.k k- ? . k.i.kt -- *? iiiniu u..r b* ~ "" and corrupt the action of both the great political partie* of the country. and to trample on the wlehei, institutions, and commands of the people. CANDIDATES OF THE BALTIMORE AND FllII-ADKLPIItA CONVENTION. We shall discuss, with like brevity, the claims of the candidates nominated by the conventions held at Baltimore and Philadelphia?the former claiming to represent the democratic party, and the latter the whig party. of the Union. In regard to the candidates of the Baltimore Convention we have already alluded to the position in which they have bean placed by the action of the convention; it is now necessary, more speclflcal(f?Af ft* mi'toW8&lfcMla/?umeJ Vytfr own acts and declarations In a letter addressed at the oioee of the last year, by Oen. Cass to Mr. Nicholson, of Tennessee, he gives, at length, his views on the free territory question. Id this letter, after doelarlng that he is strongly impressed with the conviction, '-that a great change haa been going on in he public mind upon this subject, in his own. as well as in others" ?the November electicn will show how far. and in what direction, any ehang<bae ooenrred in New York?he proeendsto discuse the power of Congress to pie< lews for the regulation ot the internal policy and concern* of the territories; end while he admit* their power te create territorial governmenta?a power which, whatever maybe his faeilities for change or doubt on other points he oould scarcely be expected to question, siuoe he he.d, for uany years, the office of territorial governor of Michigan?he comae at length to the conclusion that it is, to say the least, exceedingly doubtful, whether Congress. or the people of the territories, possess any power to exclude slavery therefrom; and he, therefore, holds it most consistent with the principles of the constitution, as well as ooin vonvtaa* fcWT the people, toy power over the subJec'tT Tliu oontrast between thin letter, and the speech rnado by it* author on the floor of tbe Senate, in March. 1847. inwhieh he placed hie objection to tbe Wilmot proviso. chiefly, if not exolusively, on the ground that it was premature and inexpedient then to adopt it; and. still more, with hie declarations in tbe Senate and elsewhere, in July, 1846. when tbe tbree million bill wax before that body, Is, eertalnly. quite noticeable, and well calculated to satisfy the intnd* of others as well as of the distinguished nominee bimrelf. that "a great change has indeed been going on in his own mind " on thie momentous topie. It is. however, most unfortunate that this ohange hoold, from time to time, be more and more against freedom, and more and more agreeable to the demands and the doctrines of the slave power With every disposition to treat the matter faiily. wo And It most dlfllcnlt to resist the conclusion?aod snch, we apprehend will be the Judgment of the entire North, and of impartial history?that this change of opinion was greatly influenced, if not wholly effected, by thn blinding and perverting influence of a too eager desire to secure tbe support of the slave power In a canvass for the Presidency. At all events. Oen. Cass has placed himself before the American people as the advocate and patron of the slave interest. He stands pledged, bv the letter referred to and by many other acts, should h# be elected to the chief msglstracy of the Union, to voto any bill prohibit ing the extension of slavery to the free territories of this Union. The illustrious Captain who received from the whig Convention its nomination for tbe same high office, in addition to the many independent and spontaneous nominations with which be hsd been previously honored, has not favored the public with his opinions on this particular question, nor, Indeed, except In the moat general torn), npnn any question of publie interest. Nor did the whig Convention declare itself on this, or on anv point of national policy, further than to show, by its proceedings, that it deemed political availability the lie all and the end all. of party tactics. It is, however, also equally notorious, that the slave power by which the Baltimore Convention was controlled, exercised the like malign Influence over that assembled at Philadelphia; and it was tbrongh this Influence, wielded by tbe Southern delegates, acting in solid phslanx. that the veteran ! talesman of the West, eminent alike by his commanding talents aod by tbe proud position, which. < Tor twenty vears he had occupied with his party, was ?o effectnaMy overthrown. We are therefore, obliged I to regard General Taylor, aa well as his competitor. (Je- 1 miral ( ass. a* *<i >?!! ?H. ? ? if ?n internet and power, which though acting In .heae instanced, through different orgaei>ma, la yet. I 'or all practical purpoaee. in reference to the rights of i '.be North, ami the principled of freedom, now at atakn. I >ne and Indivisible. I In thin view of the caae. we deem it of comparatively Ittle moment, ta apeak of other objeetlona to either of < heao candidatee I or to advert, at all. to the claima or < Califlratinna of their reapectiee anaocialea?the candl- < tee for the Vice Presidency. F.acli of theea latter, caper table and worthy, aa wo admit him to he, la In- < liddoiubly united, for the pnrpoeea of the canraaa, with 1 tie leader, and caoh. therefore, with him. innat aland ' >r fall. Of theae leader*, whatever of panegyric may I te indulged In hy their admirera ; whatever of anlmad- > 'eralon. aaide from their connection with the alare a tower, might be offered by ua ; we aball not atop to crl- fl tciae the former, or to enforce the latter. The pre?er- ' ration of the free terrttoriea of thie Union, to the free- ' nen of the Repnbllo. te now the great doty, the ftrat j ? Iuty, of the American pernio. Whether the lettera of r teneral Caae. concern! i-*, France, her Honrt and King, rare anch aa any Aran lean, and eapeclally each aa an P American Mialater atmuld have written, with many t .t her qtieetioua of greater moment concerning him; | I rhe(nr.r 0-aneral Taylor poteeaaee any of the know. , r edge demanded in a President of the United Statea. . t >r la -v'oolly wanting iMbla regard; theae. and all kin- 0 red optca. wa purpose!* waive; beoanae. however It 1 ?ay be lamented, thff niHUlng canvaaa rnnet necea.-arl- fl f tarn, on the qneeWbh of elavery or freedom In the r onltorlee. P If* :IUAV*RY QinWMWI?HOW AMD BY WHOM CON- j NKCtgn WITH Tn* rBESmRNTUt. CANVAS*. f, or the ealnmnlee heaped on the demneracy of New , 'oik, bom la more gratuitous or unfounded than the ? 1L _J ^ ^ * ? w - -V**.'' t feH AT _ ^ / / 2L2? ihargeso often repeated, that the question of slavery h n the territories was introduced by them, and for pur- p joees of misehlef, into the preeidential canvas*. With ? .hose who will attend to faets, and whose mind* are i ?1 >pen to oonviotion, this charge may be easily refuted, u Let us briefly MflVert to them. In June, 1840. Mr. Wll- li not, a distinguished member of the House or Hepre- tl lentattves. from the State of Pennsylvania, offered to ni I. bill then pending lu that House, placing 3,000,000 it toilers at the disposal of the President, to be used in S negotiating a peace with Mexico and in the acquisition w >f territory, a proviso to the effect that there should w le neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, uxeept ror crime, in any territory thereafter to be acquired by h LHm ITnit.adi MUk?a: anrl thi? nmviin vai carrlt'il bv a tl artfe majority, thv representative* of the free State*, o vithout distinction of party, generally voting for it. { t rhe bill having been lost In the Senate for want of o time to aot upon it, was renewed, at the next session of 0 the same Congress, commencing lu December, 1846. a ehen the prov ?o first offered by Mr. WUmot was re- t! lewed by a member from this State, one of the under- a ilgned. and again passed by the House. In the Senate, tl the bill was amended by the striking out of the proviso, a tnd In this amendment the house concurred. In the li sourse of these several proceedings, the general subject o >f the extension of slavery to, or its exclusion from, i a the territories thereafter to be acquired by the United ? states, was more or less discussed: and in the mean- s; time, ten States, of whtoh New York was one, through p their Legislatures, instructed their Senators in Con- t iress, and requested their Representatives, to support, si by their influence and votes, the principle of the pro- tl riso. But in none of these proceedings, so far a* the g democracy of New York took part therein (and the o remark may be extended to the democracy qf the eu- tl ;ire North), was there any reference whatever to the t |U?*tton of the Presidency- until after a disposition a lad been manifested by a leading Senator Of the South t ?the oraele of the slave power and the CoryptuBua af c ti champions?not merely to mingle with that ques- a lion his own extreme opinions, but to place them in p :he creed of ' he national democracy; and this, too, v not among the non-essentials?not among the leas c important articles of faith?bnt in the front rank if cardinal troths ? as the highest standard of duty ? the very touchstone of political orthodoxy. The promulgation of these views in the quarter ( referred to, gave alarm, not merely to the de- f mocraoy of the North, bat to oonslderate men t at the South. The Nestor of the Senate openly de- , nouneed them, as heretloal in principle and destrne- , tive in their tendenoy; charged upon those who pro- | nntindml find mfiintfilnnd thnm. th? (lfllibHriiiH dtitfifTIl of prescribing to candidates for the Presidency a test which no Northern men. not reoreant to the principles and lntereat of the North, could ercr bring himself to adopt; and propheeied. If the scheme were persisted In, the division and ruin of the demooratio party. With their attention thus attracted to the subject, the democracy of the North, among whom the demooraoy of New York, from the eminence of their position, and the power Intrusted to them, are sometimes required to take the lead?could not fail to perceive, in many deelslvo forms, the working of the leaven thns insidiously Introduced. Politicians and presses, who, on the first broaching of the question, had espoused with Ardor the cause of freedom,and had denounced, as alike preposterous and wloked. the thought of making Vie flag of this Union, so gloriously identified with the niumphs of liberty in our own land, and with its progress throughout the world, the bearer of slavery into territories now free, began to waver in their oourse. Plausible objections were raised in Congress to any action no the subject in connection with the war. Supplies of men and money were needed for its prosecution; and It was, therefore, inexpedient and dangerous to enter upon a question which might embarrass or delay the granting of such supplies. Until its termination, It could not certainly be known what territory, or. indeed, whather any territory, would be acquired; and the whole .discussion was, therefore, premature. By these and other like objections, Senators from the free States, and psominently among them, one from New York, who has Since stood at the head of the spurious delegation, by which their State was so grosiy misrepresented and dishonored at Baltimore; and another from Miohigan, tjben an aspirant, and now a oandidate for the Presidency, while professing to reoeive, and to honor, to love, and to obey the dootrine of instructions, were enabled to stave off, for a more oonvenient season, the reluctant performance or the wilful vielatlon of the duty enjoined bv the Instructions they had received ; though, at the epoch referrod to, they wore as yet, if their declarations could be trusted, Arm friends of freedom and of free territory. In connexion with these movements in ths Senate, other Northern men in high places, whose names were more or lean enunciated with the name objeet of ambition, were, from time te time, proclaiming their doubta aa to the power ef Congress to prohibit the extenaion of slavery to the territories. or their readiuoes to apply to the subject the line or the principle of the Missouri oompromiae. And to give to then? mevementa their laat and moat alarming feature, the accredited organ of the national administration at the aeat of government announced, what aoon in a thousand ways became apparent to the mast heedless, that to support the principle of the Wilmot proviso was no recommendation to its confidence or flavor. la IHla ?*l ?*?>? / 14 Sill* (a creasing defection to the interests of freedom?the democracy of New York felt it their duty to lnturvenu They opposed themselves to the current, and if they could not wholly arrest, they yet stayed its progress In their primary and other conventions?through the press?and in the various other forms in which,'in this quarter of the Union, the masses are wont to make known their sentiments and wishes, the voice of the freemen of our Stato was lifted up. to warn, to encourage. and to rally the fHends of freedom. the lovers of justice, the supporters of the eonstitution. Stifled at Syracuse, it pealed, in trumpet tones, at Herkimer and Uttca. and has been since re-echoed from every hill top In the State. Yet in its loudest, its most exciting blasts, it has over been the voioe of conciliation, of harmony, of union. " We have not now. nor have we ever had." said the Utiea Convention, - any desire to prescribe a test, in the Presidential canvass, whioh might prevent a union of all who sanction the general pr-nolpie* of the democratic creed." In this spirit have ail their acts and proceedings been conceived ; and while they were resolved that by no act or omission of theirs shnnld any man bo nominated for tbC chief magietsaoy who either denied or doubted the noWWr-ftL-Uougress to prevent the Inroad of slavery into the free t'rritorP* lit Union : who had been on both side# of the Wilmot provisoT*who the application to territories yet untouched by tae*4tkfii^ a of slavery, of the pri (triple of the Missouri (.mpromfse; or who. by any other fonn of infidelity to tpu. onuiar win. una ui-quaunea. or nilgai im ot;iec[ivl to aiw quallfy himceif. from thu rapport of Northern d-tno. oral*. they worn, at all time*. prepared oordtaMy to unite In the rapport of any connd and competent democrat. who won unwedded to any extreme opinion on either elde?unatal nod by polluting bargain*. and onfettered by the manacles linpoeed by tb? clavo power. Such woe the avowed, the notoriouc poeitlon of the democracy of New York In reference to thli moct Interesting matter. From tble vantage ground of honorable independence and fraternal eonceccton. th?y hear with aerenity and composure the nolay scrumtione and tbo empty elamor by which tbey are aaeailed ; eoneeioue that bv no act?no word of their* hoe tble Dint delicato and dangerous quectlon been > nnneeeMorily mixed np with the Prneidentlal einvacc, feeling that, if blameworthy at all. it le. not for acting or cprsklng too much or too noon, but for not acting and epeaking sooner. and to mere purpoee ; and a*cured that intelligent and fair-minded men will do justice to their condant and their motlroa. they eom mlt both, with unfaltering truet. to the ecrutiny and Judgment of the people. In view of the fact* to which we hare referred, how unfounded, how unblushing, the accusation preferred by the advocate* and apologist* of the clave power againut the democracy of tn? north, ae if we had formed a cectional party, in defiance of the Injunction* of Washington. and the plain dictate* of patriotic duty? It I* they, the leader* and manager* of the clave Interact, who have done thic; it I* to them that the indignant relnifcee of the Father of hi* Country are juctly applicable. Nor in it merely now, that they have subjected themcelvec to thic condemnation. The hlctory of partlee in the United State*. I* full of inctancec to chow, that while the North, and ecpeeially the democracy of the North, have been unwilling, except on ground* of the higheat neeeccity. to anray themcelvec nn gnogrspmrKi or wcuoniu grounss. Id lljeir party relatinos. the people of the South. whenever Any matter touching or supposed to touch the slave interest ha* " arisen. have been ever ready to plant themselves in . h on til 1* y. not only to their uatnral opponent*, but to 11 their political associates. in defence of their peculiar Institution* How much, from time to time, has l?een p yielded by the North to thin reeling, let impartial bistory declare How little of gratitude or comity ha* been " manifested by the South, all who am familiar with Ame. 01 klcan politic*have had abundant opportuniea to know. In regard to the soundness of the opinion* enter- r> talned. and from time to time advanced, by the demo- * sracy of New York, a* to the power of Congress over J1* the subject in question, and the duty of exercising such ' [>ower In behalf of freedom, we shall say but little? *| scarcely anything, indeed, as to the first of these qnea. , (ions In the address of the democratic members of the Legislature of New Vorh. Issued In April last, an ** irgument will be found on the <{iirstlnn of eonstilit- *' donal power, in which every topic that belongs to it I* llscuseed w th an ability and raudor befitting the iminrtance and delicacy of the subject. and which to him te vho seek* only for the truth, will furnish all the light q? hat may be needed In bis enquiries To this argu- wi nent. and to the brief, but masterly exposition of the N nhject. In the letter of Mr. Van Duren to tba dele, th ;*te* of the city of New York, in this convention, with a< atlsfactlon and pride we confidently refer, as estab- do Ishlng. beyond doubt or cavil, the authority of Con- foi ress to preserve from contamination the free soli and lo air name of this repnbllo Ni A single word, ij<- take leave to olTer, In regard tea nr roposal. which now that the north has become aroused wl o the subject, and the advoeatea of the slave Interest" erosive her to be In earnest, it Is probable thoy will be sti eady to offer, or, at least. If off-red by the north ready mi o accept We allude to the repetition of the Missouri th ' mprntnlse But, besides, the insuperable objection or bat the establishment of slavery, by the action of the fu ideral government. In a alogle square mile of free ter- to Itory. make# every cltlsen ot the Untied State* a pro- e*| agandiat of slavery; there are many other objec- t-i ions of the gravest character, to any *nch step The pri I?tl notion between the case of New Mexico and Call- fui >rnla. and the case of Louisiana.la palpable and deel- sir Ive. When we acquired Louisiana, slavery existed, tic etnally In all the settled parU, in leffal contemplation ml ""tC-?~~ 1 * ^ 'wo Cent*. i triry other pert. The prohibition of slavery in tb?. art of Lonlslana. lying weat of Missouri. ami north of ^ S (leg 80 mis. wee, therefore, an abolition of ilavery in ere territory: the application of the like arrangelent to New Mexioo and California, would be the abotlon of freedom, and the establishment of slavery. in tiat part of thoee territories lying north of the Hne greed on. W? utterly deny the power of thin governtent to perpetrate any euob enorm<ty. The battle of unker Hill waa not fought to oreate a governinent ith any such faoulties. If eseroieedbyCongress.it ill never be submitted to. It wax said by the greatest of Roman orators, that '-* * V e would rather err with Plato, than think rightly with he herd of Inferior philosophers. We live in the beams > f a clearer aud purer system, whleh instructs us that he truth is ever to be received, na matter from whom, r by what agency. it may come. We oanoot thereore say. that we had rather err with Jefferson and his ssoolates.dncludlng the Vather of his oountry. than hlnk rightly with the abstractionists and pro-slavery dvocates of the present day. But when we campare Jk lie genius, philanthropy and patriotism of the former, 'ith the narrow-minded, one idead sectionalism of the \ itter, we ffnd in the contrast, a strong confirmation \J f the soundness of the opinions wo nave espoused; *1 nd we nat merely hold to them with the tenacity of ae- I ured conviction; we cling to them, with the graep of ^ vmoathv and love. Believing that Congress has the ower to prohibit the establishment of slave* t la the srritories in question; convinced that thin power honlil Im exercised; and feeling, In our inmost hearts, bat If through the sufferance or by the act of Conress. slavery should be engrafted on the Institutions f these territories; there would then be perpetrated he greatest crime, which. In the middle of the nineeenth oentury, a nation can commit; we pledge ourelves to each oilier, to our country, and to the world, hat, however It may be with others, our skirts shall be lear of a guilt so enormous. Not for the fee simple of Jl the lands to which tho nuestlou relates; not for the erpetual reversion of ail tue offices of tho federal goernment?would we bring upon our souls the weight, r upon our posterity the curse, of any voluntary gency in the deed of shame. TUX ISSUE NOW BEFORE US. From the experience of the past year, the events of he la?t month, and the dlsoussion now going on at the ederal capital, it Is eaav to see what Is the issue which he democracy of the Free States are now required to neet. It is neither more nor less than this ; whethsr hey will submit to be placed, by the slave power, and ?y those who act with and fbr it. under the ban, on icoount of opinions honestly entertained, and temperately expressed, as to the power and the duty of Confrere to prohibit the intrusion of slavery into territories now free, and will consent to its establishment in such territories, by the aotion or laactton of the roderal government; or whether they will resolutely persist In the assertion of these opinions, and in just sud constitutional efforts to spread them abroad, and to render them triumphant. Tho main question involved in this issue is, in many of its bearings, the greatest and most solemn which, since the formation of the government, has been prelented to the American people. Though frequently referred to, and moro or leu debated, within the laat two yeare, it hae never yot received a thorough lieeuetion ; but the time hae now come when t uiuet bo met. It ean no longer be trifled with, ivaded, or postponed. It ie already upon uk In die bill for the government of Oregon, above alluded io; It will be upon ua, in the bill* for the government >f New Mexico and California, whioh will aoon demand ;he attention of Congreaa. From ita very nature, and Train the character of the people by whom It la nlti- ? nately to be decided, tbia question muat neeoeaarily beoomo the great question of the day. In whatever point of view wo may regard it. whether in ita political, economical, or social aapecta, It ia pregnant with consequences the moat momentous?cansequences vaat aa Iho^e portiona of the glebe to which it relatea?laatlng is the existence of the globe Itaelf. To exhibit in their just relatione, all the bearings of this great suhject, would require a volume. We have Lime and apace for only a few worda. In saying them, are shall, ao far as possible, avoid every topic which might provoke irritation. We shall content ouraelvea with the bare announcement of a few of the moat material points connected with the sulgeot, when viewed t in the most general of ita aapecta. All experience has shown, and especially has it been demonstrated by the experience of our own country, that free labor and slave labor cannot usefully exist to?ether on the same soil. The latter concentrated ii masses, and wielded by capitalists, leaves little room to the free laborer for successful corapetltio n: and what ia infinitely more injurious. It degraded htm in the eyes of the oommunity. and in his own estimation. To this cause mus: be ascribed, the contempt felt daring the prevalence of the feudal system In Kurnpo. for laborers of all classes; the slight regard in which persons engaged in mechanical pursuits, even those of greatest usefulness, were held, and the exclusive appropriation to those who lived on the labor of others, of all the respect, and most of tho advantages of sooiety. In the cities and large towns of our slave otate*. the influence of commerce, of individuals from the North, and of other causes peculiar to this country counteracts this tendency; but in the agricultural district*, wfc i labor is extensively employed, it exists in such force, that no free laborer will long endure It, who has the intelligence to understand and the ability to escape from it. He will eagerly seise the first opportunity to emigrate to a free State, where he can gain without disgrace, the just rewards of honest Industry. In like manner, anil for tbe like re-eon, line the tide of emigration, which, for more than than half a century, ha* been flowing weetward from New England and Rooi Europe. avoided the Mare itatee. Beside* largely contributing to fill up western New York, and Rome parte of fennRylvanla.lt has created on the right bunk of the Ohio three etaten, one of which, in population, i* already third in the Union, and which, together, now contain near three million* of noula, and three others. (Michigan. Wisconsin, and Iowa) a* yet of lesser note, but destined to rapid increase, in the North In the meantime, western Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee, equally fertile, and in some respects more favorably situated, the settlement of which was begun at an earlier day, and with superior advantages, contained, at the last census, a free white population of lee* than one million and a half. The condition of Europe, present nnd prospective, ia likely twgive to foreign immigration, for many year* to MM, increased activity. It will follow, for many years to tons, the mm* law it has obeyed in the past. It wilt seek the sail of ft mdssa; it will shun that in whieh slavery ir "'s~* 'r it have not ^ feSS MOM flTtu " uartrrs cfthe i HI" Ma. 4. and Area- territories. tA ta compete I With tha free laborer, la Mm Injury of*, fae well as I of him. 1 I [fit be said that the territories of Nevh Texieo and I liliforniii urn Ion rumnla fmm tv... Ati ? M ?- a aT w I ind too unfavorable la point of climate. *> a tract the I imlinnti to th?lr<lliUut Mil inltrjr r*|lbM; ?a4 will, ' I hemfore, rwelw no accession to their population I mint hem; kmoment'* reflection will *bow tho orror , I ind *hnrt*ight*dn?M of tbo assumption. It Is trno tbot I bin Taut cla?? baa generally avoided tho Southern and i I 'hoeen tho Northern and middlo itatoa for it* pUfco of VI >-riaanont oatabtlahmont. But, boaidoa tho laaur- J countable obstacle* which tho exUtonee of abtvory In ' If south haa aet In tho way of the free iaooror, it nixt he remembered that the tidoof iauniitratioa which i*- hitherto rolled In upon a* haa been oxelaaivoly doited from countries lying in latitndea parallel with, or tea higher than thoae of tho Cauadaa. Tho anal ranta from the north of Kurope, true to tho law of lima'e and the Inotinct* of nature, flx thrir abode In he temperate region* or the northern State*. Largo lumber* from Norway, necking in tho eonntrv of their doption th* hardy and vlgornu* climate to w hleh they iate been anouatomed in tbe father land, have aottled n our extreme nnrthernranrt district* in Wiaoonain nd Iowa In the meantime there haa bean litis or no emigration IVotn the eoiith of Knrope. Tho renter Ignorance and degradation of ite populate n ha* hindered them from the dealre of axhanging tha erll* of their preeent atate. for the e?ing* of a free government. But had there been ny euch de*lre. there ha* been aa yat no pot on thn North American continent, to reeuire the migrant fToin Southern Europe. He i* debarred from # rttdng in tbe North by the mine law* of climate and hyainal constitution which keep the Oermaa and tha rialiotan from the South ; and from the Sonth he haa ecu excluded by a barrier no 1*** formidable, planted, ot by the hand of nature, but hy thn vice* of Society. 'he prevent year ha* witneneed th* emanciuatina of l? Kuropean mind. Th* glorious work It is bow aaDiiiplf'tiin* had its origin In part, and derive* ito ower in great measure. from fro* Itnpul*** and mowlent* In Italy, and will be a* complete and benetieei.t i It* results for the aontharn a* for tho northern states f Kurope. There 1* erery reaaon to believe. that thna < 1 [ lightened with a jaat appreciation of the benefit* of ipuhllean Inetitutiona, their overstocked population ill relieve itself by vaat '-migration to thia roQntry. apeoially will thia be the case. If our newly acquired irritorlea In Vlexleo and C alifornia, with their warn id luxuriant olimate. invite ita entrance, nnow>oae?l fthe prose nen of the degrading influenoeaand asaoation* of alavery. aud for the flrat, afford to the cinl anta from the Mediterranean, a home aa pertnaneuk id aa happy aa the free .State* of the North now do to niee from the Baltic and the North Sea. It la not, then, merely for oureelvea, nor for onr poxrlty. that we would preaerva free the territoriee In leatlon We would k?ep them for the Caucasian raoa; a would anticipate the day, whan from Maine to ortliweatern Oregon and Soutbweatern California, e land shall !> fllled with the free daecendnnta of thin I >hla atoek. Sealng what tha ordinance of 1787 haa 1 >ne for the Ave states. which, by it. hare been kept r the free laborer , seeing, alao. the baoefita, wh-< h wa haa derived from tba abolition of slavery In the W nrlhern part of Louisiana. we would extend the be- -S fits of thia poiiey not merely to Oregon, hut to tho A kiIi- of our new acquisition*. Onr wtahea. In thia regard, are ImaMaewrnabty lengthened. whan we contemplate the sett* which ?y reault to onr eotintry and to tho world, he the iMv. er extension of the alave power In America We speak ?t. now. of tha unequal distribution of political power, rther than to say. that In permitting It to be sitsiMbd Louisiana, Florida, and Tanas, the wh da North, arvi | ally the Northern democracy, by ,?id thoea I Titoriee were acquired, have carried the original can, 1 unlsa of the constitution, on this point, infinitely I rthar then any of ita frainers aver exp-atvd <w <*? _| ed We apeak not of the ineeaepattUility <>fd<>n?ofe alavery aa a permanent Institution >-van In tba tigated for* in which It exists la our ftgmrtufi.

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