Newspaper of The New York Herald, October 6, 1848, Page 1

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated October 6, 1848 Page 1
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I _____ TH NO. 5238. IMrOKTANT IHIL1 IuTaL MINICBSTOES. liarrlnou Ciray Otis, to tl?? People of !>lumuehnaetts. Fallow Cillnenii?The liinw **?, wht>n my r?l?tionnbip to you, in the public with whioh I hare been honored by your f?vor. would have di.*penneil ui? 11UU1 wo Iirou "I . .. i-i-muK J"" U|JUU iny topic of public interest; hut two generations hare .passed away since I Lave ts.m an active agency ia great natlomil questions. ami you have enjoyed the advantage of wiser counsellors. in tbefull possession of mental and physical vij/or in b th of which I tlad myself Badly deficient. Anions these. I would not now think cf intruding, but for the su^geaiou nfsomnof their number, that on the question of the approaching Presidential election, my opinion might yet fio<l favor "with some indiridunls by whom I nm not entirely forgotten ; and, believing this question to involve the struggle of the cons ituMnu for lile or death, it seems to me a duty to yield to their wishes, however limited m&lnfluenee may be, writing under the pressure of years and infirmity To justify the strength of my expression, respecting the danger impending over the constitution, I will not recur to the administration of General Jackson, although I regard that as the fountain of all the subsequent abuBes ; but refer every whig to his own knowledge and reooilection of the inroads made upon it by that iron-willed oppressor. Nor shall I do more than attempt, by a very brief review of the career of the present Incumbent, to recall to the minds of the whlj 1 party a few leading features of his administration, irhieh have been familiar to tbeir reprobitjon, and | -whioh prove that mischief commenced by a giant, may be aggravated and completed by a pigmy. And, first, I regard but eleotlon ait a fraud upon the rery constituency which gate him their votes. Certainly, it is evident that the maker* of the con- i etitution expected that the object of nffnnting the eleo- I ticn of a President could be recured without th<> ma- ! chinery of a caucus. Provision was intended to be | made to prevent intrigue and combination among the electors themselves, by the mode and time of choosing I them. Experience, however, demonstrated the expe- 1 diency, perhaps, the necessity, of some auxiliary means { to concentrate and communicate to the electors the 1 predilections of the people To tbls end, a caucus, 1 fairly chosen, and honestly disposed, may be the best I that oan be devised; and wben they confine them- | selves to a selection from those who have been noml- I sees and avowed candidates of considerable sections or masses of the people, they do all that oan be done to ratify the public will, aud induoe among the people a salutary and necessary compromise of their different" preferences. This, however, at best, is but a mitigation of the evils attending tt departure from comtltutional prescriptions. But wben a oaucus, chosen for the purpose of seleotlng a candidate from those on -whom the public attention is fixed, rejects them all, and nominates one whom nobody has thought of, they altogether evade the provisions of the constitution, and become themselves electors For their Constituents must take him ur nobody?and he, therefare, is not the legitimate choice of any part of the nation. bnt affiliut nulliut. Such was the position of Mr. Polk, a gentleman bui little known beyond his obscure beat, exoept as Oen. Jackson's Speaker. He, however, vaulted into his seat ?IH> >11 Hio ulnnrUv and snnfidence of one unborn* hf the shoulders of tb? great majority. His inaugural speech gave a foretaste of what was to be expected, * breathing defiance to Great Britain, and alarming the nation by tbe apprehend on of a most unnecessary and ruinous war, which would have crippled it for a century, and from which it was almost miraculously saved by the Senate. It annonnoed, also, the disposition to extend territory by an interminable chain, of wbioh Texas is the first link. This led to war, made by him, upon Mexice, which Involved Congress in the dilemma of granting him tbe power of the purse and the sword; ana after a ruinous expense of the blood and treasure of the people, and the contraction of a burdensome debt, tbe peaoe which followed has rlvetted tbe destiny of the old United States to distant immeasurable wilds, and to that of a motley j population, between which and our citizens there is not, and never can be, any common feeling, sentiment, r sympathy on any subject, political, moral or sooiai. Yet this population is intended to be fused into our twn, by which Congress will in time be converted into a Babel, and tbe entire character of its legislation changed, while its sessions will be approximated nearer and nearer to the Rooky Mountains. When t^ these considerations are aided the bold nod stupendous innovations in the oommcrcial and monetary policy established by Washington and the father* of the constitution, and tbe uae of the veto, <i familiar as his garter*,'' effectually checking all ' fegislation which,the Executive does not Imitate; it would certainly seem as ir no free nation had ever witnessed ft more perfect despotism in disguiae. For jili these .measures, except the last, some are ready to cay that Congress is responsible It is notorious that they were all repugnant to the good seni>e and wishes of a majority of Congress and of the people, when first broached. Bat exeoutive patronage is tha talisman |>r whioh principles are chaDged in a twinkling, and the explanation is lound in tbe maxim of Madame de Stael: " If the plague bad offices to give, the plague would find worshippers." If this system is to be continued, and a man shall be placed at the head of affairs whose heait is bound up In it* prosecution, another four years will safllce to accustom the majority to the harness?usurpation will Stw familiar to the masses?the real patriot will be heartened, and the power of purse and aword, of peace and war. of extending territory, of increasing debt, and Imposing taxes, and monopolising spoils will be concentrated In the hands of one man, and he too often a very ordinary man Supposing this outline to be correct, and that erery trne whig must feel it to be so, and be able to fill it up with his own recollections, such a person has only to ask his own conscience a single question, the answer to which must eompel him, one would think, to an inevitable decision. Is one man. and one man only, by the ferce of circumstances, placed in a position which renders him able and willing to save the nation from its impending calamities? It is inconceivable that any one answering this question affirmatively, can be neutral or passive in tliu comiog contest? To throw away bill vote on one wno cannot dm cnosen, or 10 reiuse 10 are himself and hie party. through predilection for one l?ho cannot be chosen, would resemble the folly ami bigotry of the sailor, in Smoliet, who. having fallen overboard in the night at Ma. aod floating on n hencoop, the next day refuted to be pioked up by a friendly sail, because it was not his own ship. After all the information which I can collect, and every consideration of which I am capable, I believe General Taylor to be the man occuoylngthe described position; and were my confidence In him disturbed by doubts of bis concurrence with my party In every article ofthelr creed?which it is not?I should notwith- j standing be Irresistibly impelled to give htm my vote, j But I am most happy to say, I shall do this with entire j cordiality, and without a doubt or misgiving of any ! kind. To this conclusion I have arrived by a careful retrospect of the principal objections which hare been put fcrth against him. The first, if not abandoned, is that he is not a whig ?to this I reply, every man of tTuth and honor has a Tight to define his own creed, whether political or rail* jtioun, and to have credit f?r his sincerity.until contradicted by conduct at vnrlance with his profession.? General Taylor, ft man of honor and veracity, anBounces himself to be a whig. This is sufficient. His friends, persons of the highest consideration, confirm this declaration He baa ilone nothing to contradict It, by word or action. He is not an ultra whij, which fairly interpreted, means, that he Is not a proscriptive, I malignant and intolrraut whig. So muoti the better, I Again, he has given no pledges. But tho answer is ! the same; his character is bis pledge for his adherence to the general principles of the p?rty. If. beyond this, any individual is authorized to file special interrogators in behalf of his party, every one must have the same right. The absurdity of such claims, ?nd the extreme inconvenience and embarrassment of responding to them, are self evident Another objection to (ieneral Taylor Is, that he is a BOiaier. ana not li siaipsman. m? riranr?na uupre- i tending modesty with which he h;i? admitted the truth of this objection, go very far to obviate its force. They imply a sense of the propriety of surrounding himself 1 with men ofexperience and proved fitness. for advisers. ; They wonldbe. in a person of qualities i nfeiior to those Of General Taylor, a guarantee against rash counsels, and precipitate, violent, and Irretrievable errors. But 1 In one who has been found equal to the most trying omergencitf; whose moderation, firmness, decision of character prrttratlon reach of forerlght, and resour- : ees In unexpected difficulties, are familiarly known 1 throughout the country?this character Is an absolute 1 wife-guard against every species of maladministration. The general objections to placing a military chieftain at the head of the nation are twofold. First, the apprehension that the habits of absolute authority may be carried from the field to the cabinet; that he may be thus inclined to say, "I am the State,'' and if lie cannot bend the constitution to his will, to pierce It with his sword But a soldier of this speclcs, before lie is entrusted with civil offices, displays his character ufflciently to give warning. Like the rattlesnake, he may be known by his note of preparation, and if the people will incur a danger equal to plague, pestilence, and famine, It is their own fault. Second, the want of political experience and other qualifications for a new ephere of action. But for these tho constituency must generally take Its chance. In our country few persons "make Commonwealth's affairs their only study " Politics are not a regular profession for which men are educated, though too many make it a trade. This last objection, therffore. applies to all other professions. Kmlnence In either of the~i, espeeially at the bar, is regarded as tin earnest of ability adequate to the most elevated station. Yet a great lawyer, in full practice, can do little more, (If so much,) to qualify himself for a new vocation,than a great general. They will each have acquired a knowledge of the current of affairs from the public Journals and from intercourse with others, and neither will have been able to do more. The soldier, , perhaps, has most leisure for such pursuits, except In time of actual war. The studies and occupation of the lawyer seem to he most congenial to those of a civil chieftain; yet great names may he found to contend that these very studies and pursuit* contract the mind of the practical jurist, and impair his qualifications for enlsrged views of civil administration and adroit diplomacy. 1 he truth, however, is, that a truly great man will always show himself great. The talents called forth' by the Ftrategy of a succession of military campaigns, in a country new and unexplored, and inaccessible by ordinary means; where resources must b<created, and embarrassments, not to be forei-een, are constantly met and surmounted, would ?-a?lly accommodate them lvrr to the varying though less dlffloult extgoncioi of , E NE M( civil Hltnirh Kor uiviwll. I r??( thut (imuru Tajl>r would h* fourxl fully oompct.-nt to ?.h? offlnt* > I'ri-Mdmt, for tb* puire r?-??on* that I think Webfter wnold if m)( * a ?rrea<; (ieneral Each wouli require aome little training and rxneMenoMin a n?? barnif*. and perhapc a ito^ d deal of consultation win olberp. H'atory in replete with Instances of hero* transformed into statesmen V'hn is unacquiilnti-c with the agency and influence of the gre?t Marl bo louph. in ibe oounoil-". as wall as in tha war* of Queer ^niid? Where did the grea'er I)uke of Wellinntoi qualify himself to settle tha peace of Europe, which hi had won by hi* "word, associated in Congress wiO Emperor* and King', and the most accomplished di plomatists from the principal cabinet* of tb? old world And whence did he derive the faculty, which, sinc< that period has been dNplaved io the iatuitlve sairv city with which ha has controlled tha measure* of th< British Cabinet and I'eeraire. and enahlnd his country to persevere in her career of power and glory denpitt the moat novel and serious ebsf&cles and embarravj ments? In what, reboot did the (treat Napoleon acquire the knowledge of afTxirs. whioli enabled hitn t( bold the strings of his administration in his own hands to reform the interior management of the whole em pire. and to preside in a nounnil of the most distinguished jurists and civilians, in tha formation of thi civil code, himself initiating some of tha most e?iential improvements? Finally, our own great Washington wan a Samson In combat, before ha became a Solo mon in council. On very mat urn reflection, I am satisfied that (Jeneral Taylor, in a short time after h? shall have taken the chair, will acquit himself of hie high duties. to the entire public satisfaction. It is further seriously objected that Uenonl Taylor is a slaveholder This objection oomes above sixty sixty years too late. It was disposed of, in substance, by the original article of the confederation, and annulled in form by the constitution of the United States. The Northern 8tkt.es were glad enough to avail themselves of the co-operation of the S?uth in their strugule for independence, and "no questions nfked." Not lefs thsckful were they to cement the incipient alliance by a most solemn compact, expreFgly recognising their right to property in their slaves, and engaging to protect it?treating with them as proprietors of slaves, as our equals in all respects, and eligible of consequence to a<l offices under tho constitution What would have been the fute of a motion in tbnt glorious assetnb'y which formed the constitution. or of thoFe who might have made It?Qeorge Washington present?to declare a slaveholder ineligible to any office under it ? I well remember the adoption of the constitution by my fellow citizens of this State, when Hancock, muflied in red baize, was brought into the convention to sign the ratification. The evening preceding, a demonstration In favor of the measure was made in the streets of Boston, by an assemblage favorable to it, whose numbers. Paul Raver* assured Samuel Adams, were like the sands of the sua shore, or like tbe ptars in heaven. The unbounded joy of tbe people on thit occasion was alloyed only by the fear that tbe Southern States m'ght not come into the league. Never can I forget when in the balcony of the old City Ilall in New Vork. Washington tho Flavebdder, as If an angel dropped from the clouds, came forth and took the oath to support tho constitution. No one can describe the silent, tearful ecstauy whloh pervaded tbe myriads who witnessed that scene ; succeeded only by shouts which seemed to shake the canopy above them The man who. on that occasion, bad dared to object to a slaveholdirg President, would not have been an object of envy. It would probably not be too much to affirm that such a sick man's dream had never entered any mind Vfliri anil vsarfl rAllod nn? Pr?Hi<lnnf Prafliilant was elected from the South, despite all manner of opposition, and the exhaustion of all popular topics. The unequal bearing of Southern influence, through the appointment of representatives, was felt and complained of; and a desire to amend the constitution in that particular, was sometimes expressed ; more with a view of turning the public attention to the effect produced by the co-operation of our own doughfaces, without which that influence would have been comparatively insignificant, than with an expectation of success. Thus much appears in the records of the Hartford Convention. But no sympton oi the abolition mania, or a desire to interfere with the domestic coccerns of the South, was manifested in any quarter until within a few years. The rise and progress of this fever is curious. The first information received by me of a disposition to agitate this subject in our State, was from the Governors of Virginia and Georgia, severally remonstrating against an incendiary ifewspaper, published in Boctoa and as they alleged, thrown broad-cast among their plantations, inoiting to insurrection anil its horrid results. It appeared on inquiry that nc member of the city government,* nor any person o: my acquaintance had ever heard of the publication. Some time afterward, it was reported to me, by thi city officers that they had ferreted out the paper anc its editor; tbat his office was ffn obscure hole, hii only visible auxiliary a negro boy. and his supporter; a few very insignificant persons of all colors. Thii information, with the consent of the aldermen, I communicated to the above named governors, witb an assurance of my belief that the new fauataclsu had not trade, nor was likely to make proselytei among the respectable classes of our people. In this howeTcr, 1 was mistaken. It shortly afterward ap nearrrt that the infection bad pwe<t(i hevnnrl the nh genre locality in which it seemed to have originated An abolition party wu organized, a public meeting o: the citizens tf Boston was called b/ theagita orn, al which, however, no countenance was given to theii views, which were then denounced as political in theii tendency and object, though this was denied Krone that time the party has gathered strength and number*. Thus, from a souroe so inconsiderable and ob scure, has arisen an agitation of the public mind, oi which the tendency is to desecrate the memory of departed heroes and *tatesmen, who strutted side bj side with our ancestors for their common liberties, am to bring upon the planters of the South the hatret and contempt of their northern brethren, and indeed as thesr infatuated leaders openly avow, to dissolve th< L'n'.cn ! It is impossible to And any cause for this dispositioi to embark in a crusade upon the Southern institu tions, which did not exist at the time when thi North em States 'tlpulated, in fact, to leave them uninter rupted. Since that period the slave-trade, as respect this nation, has ceased. Slavery, to a great extent ban been abolished In many parts of the world, ant the condition of the slave in this country is unques tionably meliorated. More just conceptions of it pre vail among the owners. These facts are, it shouU seem of a nature to soothe, and not to exasperate thi anti-flavtry zeal, and to reconcile it to acquiesce ii the prefent state of things in our country, uutll a pro per remedy can be developed by thnt unforeseen Provi d? nee "wbofe wlnlom Is unsesreliable, and whore way are past finding out.'' The spirit of the age. and ttv seme of mankind, are more oppored to it and th force of circumstances, If left t ) themreives. will d more toward emancipation supposing this p<ia?iblr than the force of threats in or out of t'ongress ?al other force being out of the question. Indted a singl consideration should suffice to induce the citizens o the free States to go b?ek to the old gronnd. ae.d loav the Southern States to manage their own concerns. I ip undeniable, that were the Southern Scales in d ether relation to us than Independent foreign conn tries, without treaties or convention*, we ooul t h?v n< mere rl<ht to concern ourselves with their domestl policy, than we now hare with that of Bruzll or Cuba How strangely unwarranted, therefore In the infei ence which would justify our interference in virtu of a political connection. based on an initrument, th expresf condition cf wrdch is that we shall not inter ft re at all Anetl er objection ip, that Oen Taylor lg opposed t tbe frre coil movement, and would veto the nic!< named Wilmot proviso This is a very different ot jectiou from tbu foregoing, but it rests on no authorit whatever. It is quite fair to presume that if the prevailing son* of n decided majority of the people should appear to t deliberately an 1 unalterably favorable to this provisi (Jen. Taylor would not use the veto power to chec the past-ing of an act of Congress sanctioning tl m< nsure. tvt-n wi re his private sentiments adverse t it, whinh no one is warranted in affirming to b? tl fact. This presumption arises from his known disa| probatii a of the wanton use of that formidable wei pon. and from his exposition of his own views of tfc rights, duties and power of the executive departmen In vaiious communications. But suppose that (Jet Taylor contrsry to all reasonable expectation, eithi from a belief that time would promote a more unive sal d< mowtration of public opinUn in its favor, an that our Southern brethren rould relent in the vli lenre of their opposition, under a conviction of 1 unreasonableness; or wen from his own disapprobi tlon of the measure. shcull veto such a bill; th would only suspend tho measure during biff ml mini tratlon. If public sentiment continued In favor It, It would Anally obtain?meanwhile, slavery cou not be extended into the territory. And. although In dfflrable to nfford. a* coon as possible, to our bretl ren. tlie rsllfornlans and Camanches. a governmei under which they may quality some of their patrlo for an <ffl<*e, for which Gen Taylor l? by noma thoug to be Int llgible; yet the procrastination of that adva tage doe* not appear to be an evil quits equal to a dl rnptlon of the I'nlon?In the view of many, no ei at all. The history of this Wllmot proviso may be regardi as a curiosity of politics. It has been ushered in notice as n nt w discovery of some fundamental prin< pie of the constitution whereas It la nothing more fern than the old Mlssonrl question revived. On th occasion the free soil party was born, and It has ev since existed. It Is true that the atroMous proj?ct extending slavery into unknown regions was not ant clpated. and the consequence* of such extension, i since portrayed by Mr Webster and others, could n< be foretold. But otherwise, it Is believed, that no ne nrguuieni. inr or sucn extension, na* Oeen ai vanced which was not used, in substance or part. c 1 the Missouri question. On the occasion of that debate in the Senate, formed an opinion. In common with my party, thi the constitution of the United State* was a contra Intended to embrace the territory belonging to all ( el her of the States, and their population only, wltl out reference to a future jurisdiction, orer any foreig lands ; and consequently, If that opinion were correc all further ncqulMtion. by cession or conquest, which none were anticipated except Florida, must necessity be subject to the absolute legislation of tl sovereign power of the United 8tates, with such 11n Itatlons and conditions as they might Impose. Th was then the conviction prevalent with a great mi jorlty, In both Houses of ( otgress, as appears froi their rotes It was then that the free toll party earn* Into ex is * Mr Otia *h at this time Mayor of the city. ; W YC )KNING EDITION?FRI 1 r?c? noi withstanding the M(xnourl 0'>m>rr>.<.'-f Am) Ducr k'eiitin.ent* have been constantly and uni1 ?er>ally ni:?,rt?iDrU by the wht|<< of the North froin 1 that ttme : wb'> since their Attention ban been te r nrvid to the Hibjeet by the threatened *ten?inn of i elavery. have viKorsui-ly protcfted agaln*t, sad pr?? < I'fired to rei-int it TliOt?? wh'jn tb?r?f?r6. if etrnta I tl ere he. who livve separated themselves from their party, on tb? ground merely of free soil, ant under a i Uihrrnhle illusion by quitting an oH. uniform and Strong fife party, io join a wt-ak otic, and disgracing tbt-mi-rlves by turning renepptde*, without pietest or equivalent. But tb? i?< am only a few of that. description Most of th?in know better 0?e often bears of a party in quest of h bader, but here in a case of landers In to-arch ot a party Mr John Van lluren, Mite S-r geant Rite, patrols the rouniry. beating up recruits to bin father's standard fiorn malcontents of every deception Thus is formed the ninst unblushing i i unprincipled coalition, of which any extmple c?n be produced in history; one which leaves tiie Infsmous coalition of Lord North and Fox in the ( bade, and compels us to believe that the boast of political conscience is a cloak for kuaves and a net for dupes. " Shall parts go various Him at notliinir now? Ile'll shine aTully and a Wilmot too." But for the really honest whins, who are deluded by names, it not too late to adopt a quotation who-h Edmund Burke did not disdain to adopt, on a somewhat analogous oocation.? " What though that flattering tapster, Thomas, Hang* a now impel two doors from ns. As I'Hit hi as paint mid nnlii can n>*ke it. Thinking Mmin siranjrtr may mistake it ? I think it lintli a shaine and"sin, 1 ? To quit ths good old Angel inu." Respecting the " two Richmond*" in opposition. I can bare nothing to say which has net been repeated by the whig press, times without number. Mr ('ass la a man devourtd by ambition, chasing the butterfly popularity through brake and through briar, and constant in nothing but in watching the chanxiag of the breeze. For me, it Is enough that he has been the coadjutor and faithful Achates of Mr. Polk. In the atro VIUHr ?n...cn vi uir Buuiiuinil nuuu. r ur II1H, II WOUtll be enough that he has afforded a standard of hh principles Id his conduct towards the unfortunate I.out* Tbilippe. one day chauntingpn-ans to him when backing in tbe full radiance of regal splendor. and the next doing homage to the men who had dethroned him. " Friendship with nucli I never held, W ho 're now bo hot, and then bo cold." With regard to Mr. Van Buren, I hare poarcely recovered from the astonishment and perplexity excited by bis course. He is an old personal friend, though always a political antagonist. Having wintered him and summerrd him under the same roof, before he was In office, and seen him In his charming retreat, since tbe ungracious derilectlon of him by his own party. I cannot believe that he expects or evon wishes for succets in his new aspiration. He cannot In hir heart be opposed to Taylor, yet bis course is favorable to Cass, to whom it is quite impossib'e that he should wish success. Perhaps it ii his object to show in what contempt he holds the versatility of the masses, his empliu over their minds, and the various fry, which a? a Hsber of men, he can take in his net. In making his way, however, he shows his usual address. He promises only one boon?tho proviso?and. in exohangc, he obtains a surrender at discretion, from all sorts of men, of all sorts of princlnles. It is an unheard of bargain. and one which, for the credit of popular governments, it is to be hoped can never have the sanction of tbe people With respect to the disappointment occasioned to pome of us through the pretermission of a favorite candidate by the Phlladrlphia Convention, It ought to be considered that disappointment among the whigg, to a great extent, was unavoidable. Messrs. Webster and Clay and others have, respectively, numerous and ardent friends, who would always have been disappointed by the failure of the man of their choice. They should all regard it as some compensation that the whigs if ' true to their principles and duty, could not go amiss. The party enjoys, in its great men qualified for a high office, which can be Ailed only by one. an rmlarrtt ile richtsiti, which is not in Itself a misfortune. It is further worthy of consideration that in all free governments the spirit of party divides the people into ostlle factions, which in process of time grow mars i and more personal and inveterate, until the good humor cf the people, so essential to their comfort and happiness. is extinguished. This spirit of party, which 1 cannot be entirely suppressed is susceptible of onoa; clonal mitigation. Its original causes become exL hausted. and a deposition to mutual forbearance > shows Itself in the Intercourse of mankind. It la fortnf nate when the chief of the nation Is in position to encourage such propensity, and his inclination is favored 5 by events. But should this happen, prominent leaders, 1 who have long partaken of the x*al and sympathy of i their own party .have less power to adopt this conelliatoi ry course than others, who, with equallysound prlneli pies have been kept aloof from the party turmoil They [ come into office not entirely free from the excitement i of the party with whom they have acted. They are i surrounded and pressed and embarrassed by the claims J and pretentions of old adherents, into measures whioh , their better judgment might not approve. Objects of the long and confirmed enmity of their opponents, they can do nothing which seems right in tboireyes, and party animosity Is increased rather than allayed f by the measures of their administrations. t This consideration is far enough from justifying a party for deserting those whose lives have been most r devoted to their service; but it is some consolation to i the faithful, when such desertion does happen, as happen it does too often. Such, fellow citizens, is the general view whioh has f occurred to me nf this vitally important iiuestion, ?hicli has probably been much better developed by t others. In recommending it, I only advise a rule of I srtlon which I have prescribed for myself. No one Is 1 more deeply impressed with asense of the pre'eminent , merit and olalms of Mr. Webster to the highest honor 9 of his country than myself. He is emphatically the greatest public benefaotor. Of consequence I daplore i the concurrence of secondary disturbing causes, which deprive him for the present of his due. But my repaid for Mr Webster, politically speaking, is founded on bis love for the constitution. I would not. theres fore, risk the destruction ef the otyect of our common affection, because his arm cannot be lifted, where it i should be. for Its solvation I avail myself of this occasion to offer my grateful acknowledgements for the honors conferred upon me ] by jour confidence In past years whioh I am not con9 scirus of having misused, and of bidding you an uffecl tionate farewell; commendlnglyou to the protection of that being who presides over the destinies of all governments and who supplies to all na internal monitor, s capable, if they see fit, to consult and obey it, of save ing them from the dishonor of renouncing fixed princls pies, and bowing the knee to strange idols, o H. G. OTIS. ii hctttr from Urn. .'nnm Hamilton. H I'lNE MOUNTAIN, N*AR W?KM SrHlNUK, \ if Meriwether county. Ua , Sept. 2.'> 184S. \ rt Mv PtAR Sih In consequence of the misdirection t of your letter of the 28th of August, I did not receive o it until some few days since. 1 understand lis object to resolve itself into a e I friendly irqulry on the part of the committtie of the c democratic party of Charleston, who support the k claims (f Oen Cass to the Presidency, whether th-y Hie justified (in ray opinion) in this preference, by a e just repard to their duties to the South, and to their e former principles. This question I can best answer by expressing, with entire frunknei-s. my estimate of the patriotism, chno racter, and ability of this gentleman I,et me howc cti r. preiuiFP that, engaged in arduous privite duties >- wnicn uiiow m# dui mite time r?>r any other pursuit, I y have retired from all participation in the party politic* of the country. >e I'erhap" this retirement enables me to form a morn >e calm anil unbiassed estimate of the present crisis pad o, of the events iBff pnrably connected with it. I aid k eonfcious, at. least, that between the two prominent j le candidates for the Presidency, I am in that tone of | :o mind which c|i)nltflos me to do entire justice to both. ! is An intimate personal acquaintance with Oeneral \ !> Cass, enables me to speak vf him without any referecce to the opinion of others However much I may j le differ with him on the abstract'question of the power of t, the people of a territory to decree a fundamental prin- | a. ciple of their future government, before their p ilitlcal , t orjanisation should t>ave taken the form of absolute r- sovereignty, this shall not prevent my doing ample id justice to h<s talents, tried worth, and distinguished | ? public service*. ts AVhem I represented the Republic of Texas at the go? vemment ot the King of thu Ire ich. General t'ass was is our plenipotentiary. I owe to his zealous friendship s- and enlightened public spirit, in no small degree, the , of favorable impression I was able to make upou the mind Id ef the then King r.f t he Krench. in liehalf of a cotiutry, | it then IniUpi ndent, but now glorl^n^ly united to our b- own, which in the extent of her territory and grannt deur of her future resources, is destined to oontribute ts fo much to the prosperity and wealth of the whole bt Union and to the domestic security of the South. n" I rertainlv, at the period to whleh I allude, could not '* but have felt much pride, as an American. In witnussing the consideration which General Cass enjoyed at the court of the F rench tioi. br m*nn?rn th? mint hland and unontentatlou*. by th? kind.-Nt regard f<?r the wants and convenience of his countrymen, by a hoFp'taiity the mod cordial and ferv?-rt. and by an or ability which made our country felt In the court of every crowned head in K.nrnpe Although t take no part in th?- eUc'inn. yet I am in^uc"d to helleve. that, should General t'aaa occupy the Presidential chair, the ' * intt rota et tlie Suutli w< mil be exposed 'o no peril, and *? sustain no injury at hi" hands. In one word. 1 ben? lleve Mm ntterl* Ino^nnble of sectional injustice to '* any portion of th? Union In announoiiif; (! - it .-.aratinn. let It not bo underin stood that It is made hi any filing of parti'an oppoil Hon to t he dirtirguUhed vetnr.?n who i^ really the only I m iloua competitor General t n?a has to deal with in the approaching struggle No, air. If I had thrown ray et s> lf into thia contfft with all the vehemence I once telt in pact public raoia'di a. i could not tind it in my J1* luattto uttirone wotd in unkiti'lnese or disparagen roent. of thi? gal'ant olit o'rtier I will *ay more?I oonfr - that when Oen. Tavlnr waa I hh? t , n-ziu ite my eymp.ithieu n' were i ntin lv in bia favor. although I have not the ' honor of hi* personal acquaintance, nor was it pnssi J' ble. frm? tb? 'Milter ' *>?'< i> . erib I to mvself. that I '* tbould take the smallest part In hl? election, beyond ' an honest i",ct itai.* < e - - n of mv own private 111 opinion*. These sympathies In lila behalf were i he re mi i I hi* 'oi. ? v i .i.-.-i radon that he wa* the candidate of no party, but of the nountry, the whole country, and nothing el?e. After the diagatUng IRK I

DAY, OCTOBER 6, 18 fi?i-ttODH which hitd f-o lonif dtiKmei-.J the char* "ef of onrro ntry. them was someth'nir peculiarly rerr?-hi "<t I* the petition to which t i* hottest old rtttxrsil w%# advancing aeeroin iiiy with a firm >-t> p to neiMii.y. imB>ort?iig?, and adorn I belie red that with tilx ov. r? helming n llltary and pertunal popularity hi* signal rt pnte for honesty. henevol<nce rbarltv. ?nil kindness of fteliuir be was about. with the ' flub of H-roul??,'' to deMroy at ore blow loth the giant of fjrtion noil what vss fur better, that in>itn<' reptile, fanaticism, which like ?h?- devil to the guise of n toad 1)** wnTht a tre?cherr>o? shelter in the " Wilmot prnvi?oThat mch a victory. conmimtn*(ed by hi" o?i triumphant election. was in (len--ral Taylor'* power, t cannot for f> pir riK ?t itnnbt Ha had only to Ntand hi*ground as he did at Bnena Vlstn lie had only to anti Mince on?r and forevi-r that he whs the candidato of no party, end in ?rceptirp the nomination of the Whig Convi ntlon nt Philadelphia to have accompanied tho acceptance with an explicit declaration that. Im had In no depre* departed from the unshaken revolution with which he hnd fortified hit; first poMition; and that he intended to abide hy tho?e j;reat compromises. by which alone the I'nlon if thuso States can he pre servt-d He would have swept the entire South and Konth wept, from the Chesapeake to the Kin Grande; and compelled the wMg party at the North and West to come In to his support, or suffer, under aome feeble perty candidate, an iffitrmiuioas defeat Aa it il, I think General Taylor has thrown away the beat trump card* which a candidate for the Presidency ev?r held: perhaps because he known better how an open stand up light in to h? conducted, than the mure stratagems of |>arty politics. I can readily conoeive that the friends of General Taylor at the South honestly believe that he would in the event of hit) election, occupy a widely different position from the on* his partisaus at the North compel him tn assume; and that many sound democrats in South Carolina should consider their support of Gen. Taylor to involve no breach of their old and approv d 1 fail b; be nee such opinions are worthy of the kindest I and most considerate toleration And no where are < they to Se tolerated more emphatically than with us. 1 (for I still regard myself *s a South Carolinian, and i ever will.) where we have been united as a ''band of ] brothers." Let me. therefore, as an old friend, urge I upon thai portion of the democracy you represent the 1 most charitable interpretation of the motives of those I frrm whom you differ, as nothing could be more ca- ( ' lamitous tban any disruption of that fraternal feeling which has characterised the people of our Statu, and which has led to the strongth of the moral position which she has always occupied in the confederacy. : You will scarcely expect me to say one word in refe- ' rence to the relation which Mr. Van Ruren occupies in this,,triangnlar cont? st," who is likely to exhibit the sirgularspeotacle of a candidate without a single vote, in which be ?an harm nobody but himself Whit a fate for one who has been ['resident of the I'aited States. [laving raid thus much of the candidates, permit me to ssy one word now in reference to the crisis, in comparison with which the presidential question is mere dust in the balance. The upshot of all the discussions which have taken place on the Mexican war. and the Wilmot proviso, U that the South is not even to have the Missouri compromise. which was a concession, and an enormous e< nceFsion. she generously made both to union and peace. This must bring up a solemn issue : whether we are willing to have a brand put upon our foreheads, and to admit at onee that we are a degraded, a morally degraded p?ople, essentially oolonial in all the charac- ! teristlcs of our ignominious submission For this crisis-Vet South Carolina be united and in 1 position By a moral destiny, which she oannot resist, the intelligence and bravery of her people will throw her at the head of the column, in advance. What her glerious sons did at Contreras. ( huruhusco. Chapultepec, and the Garita. are a mere prelude and foreshad- ' i wtcg of what they will do in defence of their rights, under the constitution of the United States, on any battle field upon which Ood pours either the light of ! day. or shrouJs in the darkness of night. You ?nd myself, my dear sir. belonged to a party in i our State, accused, unjustly accused, of disaffection to the Union. Fifteen years have elapsed since our contest occurred on the great question of free trade with the general government. I certainly had my full shar? of responsibility in those events, to which you rcfer in | ttrms of fo much kindness and oompliment. I assure you tbat if I concurred in the compromise, by whioh tbose difficulties were composed, and for which the country owes so large a debt" of gratitude to Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun, I am no less anxious now, tbat spirits rnually gifted and blessed may arise, who may have the power to stay the coming storm, and give to the country once mors the " rainbow of peace and hope " But it is in vain to conceal the fact that the Union is disquieted hy evils as portentous in their magnitude as they seem to be inourable in their acri mony. I tru?t that these are but gloomy forebodings, that bare no real existence except in over exeltcd anxieties. I wish tbat 1 could participate in the confidence of others ; but when such a man as Daniel Webfter. with bis large intellect, his cordially avowed attachment to the Union, essentially a man of peace, Intimated on the 1 ast day of the last session of Congress, and distinctly intimated, tbat the free State* would not give ground even at the haiard of (In his opinion) the last and preateBt calamity which can befa'onrcountry,is it notbigb time for us toaskwhutlier we will give ground? We who are not the aggressive but the aggrieved party?who are entitled to all the common benefits, rights and privileges of this Union?we who could only sun-ender them with a baseness and oowardice which would set us up as a mark in the future history of the world, ror its eternal contumely and acorn; and this too to be submitted to by a people an essentially military in ihtlr Instincts as any that God has ever created; with all the aptitudes for war; who And a safe eat on the bark of the wildest horse of the prairie; in where handi the deadly rifle never commits one error or mistake. It is time, however, that I drew this long oommunirati ntsa close. I cannot do so without turning with Altai affection to the State of my birth To South aiolina? standing as she does untouched by reproach, and untarnished by dishonor? the remembrance of my connections, both private and publlo, with her often comes unhidden to my momory. to remind me that it is In such recollections we seem, amidst all the cares and misfortunes of this world, "to recover a part of the forgotten value of existence " I know not, my dear sir, what fate may be in reserve for her; whether if the erifis does come, to which I have scarcely more than Auritd. she is destined to stand alone, or with her "Southern confederated" to breast the coming Ftorm. But there is oue thing that I do kno'v, that she has not a son. however separated from her by seal the most distant, by mountains tbe most Inaccessible, who wrnld not hasten to her with an eager and irrepressible loyalty It 111 becomes one, now nmong the humblest, but once among the most favored of her children, to ray what would be his duties in such a crisis, himself in comparative exile. I think, if I know my own heart. I should draw near to the bosom of my ''parent land," that I might feel the pulsations of her noble heart once more, abd the sympathies of her glorious people. When, therefore, the calls upon her sons to -'saddle up." if there is one among them who has his foot in the stirrup rnfi<>r fhnvi mvaulf ha mutt p|?? K?fn?a th? the morning star, and sharpen his sabre by the midnight lamp. Letus remember. my dear sir,"that thu duties of life are more than life " J. HAMILTON. Sjtffch of Hon. R. II. Rlirtt. DKt.lvr.RKI) AT TMK 111 RKKNIA* HALL, IIK FORK TIIT DIMOCHATIC FAKTY or C H A R I.KHTON , lEI'TfMRKn ;3, J 848. <;e rjtletuen. the Presidential election ia a matter of no Fmall eigniflcance to the people of the t'nited States. 11in not a <|Ue?tion whether one man rutinr th in another?on old soldier. or an old statesman. should dwell for the next four years in the Presidential pitlAce. It If not a question limited to the executive office even, with all Its functions and responsibilities. It is tar. far wider in its scope The Legislature of | the I nion. as well as the executive of the Union, is constituted in ita resulti. At the same time, and by the fame instrumentality, that you determine who shall be President, you determine also who shall be members of I 'ongresR ; and the party organization and party principles which elevate the one bear the others also into pi wer. If the election for members of Congress was entirely apart from the election for the Presl<eM in its came* and principles, it mi?iht b? a mutter of little confluence who Is made President The Pre? ident n>nkeH no laws Me can only approve or disapprove. after laws sre passed hy Congress. Hut hs matters ere the presiden tia1. election if a great struggle of parties for the Kxecutive. for the l.-gielature, in the Uencrnl (lovernment and in the States : and. for [ you- for the people- (tt miy be otherwise for politicians. who may gala offices and honors by its results) I ? hut for you, the people, the flrrt and most important of its (Tects is in the constitution of the (.egiMliiturn of tlio I'niofi. There. nggre^lonH on your right* mu?t ' originate. There. the Href battle* mu't !> toofeHt tn their defence. Therf nil your principle* flrnt triumph or fall Now If the*e view*. gentlenun are correct. It If fur more Important for u* to determine in this great ?n<l gem ml ?truggle of pari if* In the I nlon. whloh paity we mil support, than what nt?n we will elevnte to tie l'rc*tdency. The great qui-*tlon Involved in tl.e rmldi ntml i.leclion in real'ty m, which of these two great parlie* Khali wield the who'e government of the tli ited Stated Our* la a government of vartle*. and all partle* muit have principle* If we belong to one of theae partie*?If we are democrat*? it In because we approve of the principle* of the democratic party Kor morn than a half century, South ( arnllna. with a unanimity unparalleled in the I iiton, ha* been with the great republican or democratic P*rty Shall we occupy our old tlmehonired position or change it tor new a*<ociaMo-i* ? My ti lend*, It I* a aerloti*, it I* a very d*ng>-roua thug tor a man to leave hi* party. If he I* con*cientlou?l> hound to It on account of It* principle*, and because be differ* with them on one point, to OO-npemtc * ith their antagenl*:* He hardly know* where be ! gi>lt g V <>u remember that in IHJ17 the Independent Triacur> Nyetem ?in flrat agitat.d In Congres* \ larpe and re.pectable body of *fa'eninen. mainly tr< ni'he South objected tn thl* policy, and insisted i n clinging to the State bank* a* custodiarie* of the money of the government They joined tbe whlg? in 1840, and elected (Jen llarriaon to the Pre?ldenny, niil oiifb they did not agree in the whig fiscal policy of a United State* Bank One from amongst u< a o Mil it moat brilliant part*, a t.plend'd orator, a ripe mid glorioua acholar, a profound lawyer, an elevated li en Me an, patriot and *t?'e*man, Hughs l.egare, ii ined the in saturnalia nt 1840. and aided in lifting the whig* to power. It became a matter of eon*lder?r.lon hither, having aided efficiently In placing the whig* In power, the con**rratlvea ought not to participate IERi 48. In the (film <-and honor* of tb< Mnmpli Mr ^b'l called tbem 'the Oa nihtia t' .r' ' and th? ??"'T ? considered to be ijuite a aiifli !. > f *n' w"r ' * *H?-lr pr temdon* 'Hit y weretrentid nil inert- a ''junet* l ?r>arty will li? I>ente4. who pr tune tn any 'nflepwi deuce of them lu their n< D?rul i rinntplea an* #'olic; N r. f ejrare had too much cor n'?niiniH?n, n?d >< mucl?rral patriotism, to reinai : >nir with a n-irt/ I hoc (rem rnl principle* he w oppn*<d The 11 *1 J?ijien M Ma*nn. now a diftinrr ' bed Senator tn Cot. grew from Virginia one worthy Iu repropat thingrmi Ma?# in her palmiest day*, returned also Co 'hed?nia cratlc party. Hut wher? nr? tl trri-at body of th coiift pratlTe* of the South?Mt.it< rl^ht* mtn nnllitl era In 1KI3. who armed to resist < t e tarilT ? They an merged Into tile vih'j* party, si t uphold errry whtj hmsy they once der.ouuced. .10 oan*ea of thi? ctrni Re political phenomenon it I not ilifflcolt Ih un derstand We are feeble creatr In spite o* nui vain bc??tlnK??' thd omnipotenc >.f truth and'lirht in the aflalrs of men Our passlo hp are more poirerfill than our reason. Our sympalMea are atronsej tban our consciences We are drtUKecl along by an soriatton, too proud to return, too weak to resi.,t. uutl! at last we htaiid forth. If not in our own eyes in t.h? Tiew of all others. peor. despised. political renegades Well, then, we should not leave our party for any al'ftht cause And If we pn with th-lr opponent* we ought, at lea't. to be sure, in tba first plane, that we cannot pain the jrreat p'liny we aim at by our own party ; and. secondly, that we will Rain It by noinff with tbelr opponents Now. .tn an important element in (ietum'ntrir ?h"tlier, In t.hn present position ot affflirft Wu fchnllM b?t>n tn nnr nH nnrtv naiini?uilnn lut un talio a hasty placet* at tlm pact history of parties up to the pu-sent time The first great victory w? achieved In co-np?>ratl<<n w ith the democratic party, in opposition t? the federal or whig party, wan in overthrowing the alien and edition laws. By the former, alien* were to bo treated m tMHH ; and hv the latter the liberty of the press van availed 1 n this great struggle the foundation* of the democratic party were laid deep m the limitations of the constitution and the reserved riptito ot the States. Next, we went with them into the war of 1812?the second war of independence. Thin was a war of the democratic party? perhaps a war of South Carolina; for if Calhoun, and i beves. and I.owndes, bad not been in Congress, with their noble eloquence. high patriotism, and litem determination, to urge on a reluctant President, and fane the desperate opposition ot the federal party. It mtght havo never begun, or hare ended ignomlnlousl?. As it was. the South and South Carolina, supported this war in conjunction with the democratic party, and redeemed the lost honor of the I'nited States. Next came (be struggle cf the United Stat?s Bank, with a South Carolinian in the Presidency, and the democratic party to furK'. h'm. We conquered together, and the monster We hear now thata Bank of the United States can never be revived?that It is an obsolete idea?and will be eschewed as strongly by the whig as the dimorratic party, if the whig party Ih placed in power. If this is so, why has General Taylor deemed it expedient to commit himself to the whig party, against vetoing a United States Bank? Gentlemen, 1 have no faith in such represuntations and opinions. It is true that a bank;under an incorporated charter, may not again be established by Congress : but let another severe commercial convulsion arrive, and the whig party be In power in Washington, as sure as the t'nited States Government exists.it will bo called on, vy (ii0 ur? i)i ilp rreuib in f(?uie way iu rmmvo me smbarras?uieuts of the cupitallsts of the North. They control the whig party of the North ; and those (specially connected with manufactures have long been accustomed to live by the legislation of Congress. Horgress is their grand factory for making money. Nothing is eaHer than to engraft a paper system on the Independent Treasury, which will give temporary relief to commercial embarrassments in our gTeat commereial emporiums. The Independent Treasury was our next victory in co-oporation with the democratic party. Here whs not only a vindication of the constitution, and a liberation of the government from the oontrol and domination of the banks, but a liberation if Southern commerce, so far as the government wua concerned from its centralising tendency to the North. With the democratic party, and that party alone, againrt the wbigs, we huvo arrested the system of internal improvement on the papt of the general government. With this party, and this party alone, iigainst the whigs, we have modifled the tariff of 1842, Certainly the tariff of 1840 is not. properly spoaking, a revenue tariff, it does contain throughout discriminations with a view to protection. For no other cause is a duty of thirty per cent laid on sugar, whilst the tea and coffee it sweetens are left free. Nor la the reduction on the general average of the taxes very large; being, 1 think, only eight per cent. Iluttbo great characteristic of the tariff of 184H, la, tlmt It i? an honest tariff By its ad raltn-rm duties, the people knew ?hat taxes they pay; whilst the tariff of 1842 by its specific duties, and the fraudulent dovice of mluliduiuh. eifeotually covered up its abominable oppressions from the people Mr. Webster, when the tariff of 1840 passed, set up the ery of " repeal." The whigs in the House, at the late sesrion of Congress, proposed, in Committee of the Whole, to carry out this policy They obtained. I think, nearly a hundred votes for the repeal of the tariff of 1846, and a substitution f'>r it of the tariff of 1842 This is the grand pivot ef whig politics at the North. It is as strong as avarice, and as undying as the lore of preying upon others. We passed the 21st rule, keeping out abolition petitions from the jurisdiction of Congress in the Houso of Representatives byth?' democratic party, agiiDst the vloleat opposition of the whigs. For eight years, we sustained this rule But nt length the democratic p'.rtygave wny nijilrr the increasing pressure of the Northern whip-n nd abolitionists combined. In this first great abolition victory In Congress, the whig party In the North and the abolition party were one. The only aid they ice< m d from the South tu from Southern whig*. I concede that then, ha lately on the Compromise BUI, the S< uthern whips who aided them, professed an extreme regard for the interests of the South. By yieldirgwe would quiet agitation' They wanted a proper iMue' If the Sonth. by any course of action, rad sustained the position of the democratic party in Congress- If we had ordered our representative! to withdraw from CongTers. whenever in this form it aifumed jurisdiction of the subject of slavery?that ruls would nave stord forever; or. when repealed, would bave led at ence to a reconsideration of the terms on which we were to continue together. The South did nothing; and now slavery Is the grand subject of agitation in Congress, and insult and oontempt are daily cast upon you and your representatives Texas, too, we carried against the Northern Whigs, with the aid of tbe democratic party. This was a great triumph for tbe South. Domestic traitors, in combination with foreign emissaries, sought through Texas to disturb the peace, and assail tbe institutions, of tbe South. Lastly, tbe Mexican war, which I supported, arising from the annexation of Texas, was begun and carried through triumphantly by the democratic party, to its glorious consummation Gentlemen, all parts of the Union have reason to be proud of the distinction and power won by the American arms In this contest; but w?, above all. have reason not only for pride, bui gratitnde, In its splendid victories.? Poutb Carolina, I fear, had fallen, fallen very low In the i stimation of her sifter States. "Tlie chivalry' had become a by-word of derision and contempt. Whal occasioned this state of things I shall not now paus< to consider, but it was clear tnat we had lost our posi. tion in the South and the I nion. We were con sidered to be far more of boasters than heroes. Th< Mfxlcan war demanded volunteers, and the I'ulmettc Rigiment obeyed the call, and raised your flag In the ranks of our army How faithfully and how bravely it was upheld and borne along in the hottest tide ol battle ?how mournfully, jet gloriouslv, they fell, with an Intrepidity which mocked superiority, and a desperation that defied all forms of fear or death, history will relate. They "plncked up your drowned honor hv the locks, ' and von owe them a debt of gratitude that ' stored urn or monumental hunt cannot repay. The Mexican war. whatever it may Ik-to other*, to South Carollra had been a glorious ?ain. sa\ e in the drath of so many of her brave and devoted sons. The chivalry of the Statu is not dead. It hut again raised it* proud creat above suspicion. and sneers, and contumely. and challenges the respect of the I'nion But. gentlemen, let u* hasten to ths other great (juoft on I propose to discuss- the <|uestion of slavely And first. as to the Wilmot proviso, Th whins on the tlOv>r of Congress. nod the w hin press and wh'g orators everywhere In the free States, declare t but tien Taylor will not veto the Wilmot provlro If passed by Congrrss I think this deduction is clear tiom hi? declaration* ; hnt it it was not clear lie would he hi.mid to fulfil the expectation. lit must know that it exists universally, from his owi word*, in the free States, where the strength of th< whig party lier. They have declared, in Congress anil rut of Congress that, it tLty were not sure that be was with tk. m on this point they would not tupport bim Now, If under such circumstances, he >hould veto the itmot proviso, if passed by ( ongrefe, it would he a sheer fraud. I am sure (Jeneral Taylrr Is quite above such dishonorable conduct, atid therefore that he will veto no bill because it contains the Wilmot provifo. (in this ground, the whig* of the North are striving to rally the abolitionists to the support of (Jen Taylor. They say, that they are the original free soil party and that (Jeneral Taylor will sustain their policy. But what do they say of (Jen Cass' Barnburners, abolitionists, and whigs?all sgne that he will veto the Wilmot proviso if he is elected to the Presidency. I think thai he will I think so, not only because I know that be is a strenuous supporter of the veto power itself but because he votid against it in Coagress, and in his l>tt?r to Mr Nicholson he denies that CongrtF* bus the right of passing such any law It (?n Cats is elected to the I 'residency it appear* tc me however, of very little concern, whether h>- declines to veto a bill containing the Wilmot proviso or not. With (ten Taylor it is otherwise. If he. a Southern ( resident fails to veto such a bill, his friends in the S< utb the whole Southern whig party?will support h>m. and thus the South will be divided, and paraly/.? d in any llort she may make to redress herself But (twill be otherwise against <Jen < ?.?*. a Northern I'lf dent. I.et tha Southern democrat* motc any imafuteofrrdren* against liis administration on thl* gr? at subject anil the Southern whig* will support It. If (he democrat* are true, they will pro?e to be true hl'O. and the Nouth will hi united tientUmen, I long for the union r f the South for the sake of the South. I rare not *hat. may ha the meanure that produce* It; It *111 be a blessing beyond all benefit* the Presidential < fRce can confer 'I he South may he united I n vindication cf her right*. against a Northern President It never can he so against a Southern President. For these reason*. I care Tery little what may be the course ctOen t a** on the sulyect of sUrery. If lifted to the F residency. lLD. TWO CENTS. ?r H?t Oen. ('Mi In In faror of territorial nnirrelent? tg Will then? who make thle olfaction nmtiiHt (Janafai (a*g. inform Uf whether (Jan Taylor in anv better* Lo Will he refo a bill containing thU principle if preeeatj. ed to Mm by C'onjrrfns'' It will be. I pr. nnma. oan of y tho?e domi Htlo qu??tint)fl which he think* oiifht to ba 10 li ft to tbe discretion of' :ongr*M* if the objector U % o whitt. Scuthern or Northern. I a*k him why bin p*rtf p, did not votft with mo for the com;iroml?e bill, mip , preMlrtf effectually any action in the terrltorie* t on the fOhject of claTery. If he hat left hl? party on the ground of their falthleggnegg to the South, ? 1 he ran cooxli-tentl) orraiirn (Jen Can*, or rather the doctrine, I frabkly deo'are that I did put the con , struct Ion on (Jen ( ann'g letter te Mr. NlohoUon. ( IHat he wag in larrr of thl< doctrine of territorial < POV*Tfignty Certainly a dtt Iin^uinhed Senator from NeiT York. In a resolution he introduced Into the Senate, and In a npeenh he delivered, did maintain It I availed thl- doctrine on the floor of CoBgre**, in u (-|>o?cli I deliw ri d mh wnrpe, if carried out in our territories Jlian tho Wilmot proviso, nlthvugh I ohari d neither ( Vo I ass or ?i>> one else with euti-rtainiog it. <ieetlenen. Gen. < aw?> friends on the floor of Co*d'-nipd that he maintained any surh doctrine la lis Nich?l*cn letter, which la certainly capable of that eoDStrurtlon But my object In delivering that speech, *an by no mcABK limited Co Gen. Cass's position. I feared, nnd I think I had reason to fear, that th? Southern democrats might be divided an to the right# rfthc South, by aportion of tL?m supporting thiadootrfne It was with a view to the South, far nnrt thaa o Gen Cass's position, that I spoke early, with what ability I possessed, to *are the Southern democrat!* party from pchl snt If m e divided, I knew that all wm lost. We did not divide; and the doctrine of territorial -.overetguty may. for all practisal purpose*. her? alW r be considered us d?*a>l. It bad It* purposes. it had Its dangers. and Iiks passed away. It in held aowherw by any considerable portion of any party; whilst public opinion in the North, will uot allow Congress to b? | negative on this subject. It will foroe on Tegiaiatlo* over the terrltoriea on the sulject of slavery. And I ' agree with Mr. Webster that the true practical alter ' native now la?the Wiluot proviso, or the Mlsaovri ' compromise. I agree also with him, that If Gen. Cass : la elected to the Presidency, the party that place* hlaa In power will establish the Missouri compromise ovar our territories But whether It doea or not, I have na alarm for anything that Gen. Case's administrate* may do towards the South. (lentlemcn.lt would be fortunate for the South If the YVilmot proviso waa the only form in which slaTary is implicated In the Presidential election. But It is far otherwise. Supported (or the Vine Presidency, on the whig ticket, with Gen. Taylor, is Millard Fillmore, of' New York. Mr. Fillmore, in 1838, waa a candidate foe Congress, aad the abolitionists In his dlxtriot demanded of him whether he subscribe.! to their oread. That creed consisted of four points, so far as the general goI vernment was oencern^it? Int. I)o you believe that petitions to Congress on the subject of slavery and the slave trade ought to bs received. read, and respectfully considered bJ the re- presentatives of the people ' 2d. Are you opposed to the Annexation of Texas to thin Union, under any circumstances, no long as slaves are held therein ? 3d Are you in favor of ( ongre.? exercising all the coiv^tit iitional power it possesses to abolish the internal slave trade between the States > 4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for the abolion of slavery In tbn District of Columbia? His answer In the affirmative to all these question* placed him in full oommuoion with the abolltlonlat*, and he reoeived their support. What constitute* am abolitionist in the politics nf the Union1* It la one who averts African slavery in the South to be an evil, and that the general government has the power, and should exercise it. to prevent or abolish It in our territories, and in the District of Columbia?and abolish the Internal slave trade, as they call it, between the State*? that is. prevent slaves from emigrating with their masters from one State to another Qiddings, Palfry, and Tuck, go no further. They all have disclaimed on the floor of Congress, over and over again, any design or right to interfere directly with slavery in th? SUM*. In what does Mr Fillmore then differ from them la bis opinions? If he Is not an abolitionist, they are not abolitionists?and there is no such thing a* aa abolitionist In the land. Yet a former whig Governor of Alabama, and the whole Southern whig press, deI dare that because Mr. Fillmore disclaims lnterferlnr with slavery in the States by legislation In Congrats, that this Ik all the South has a right to ask, and that he is perfectly sound on the suhject of slavery. Gentlemen. Mr. Killmore owe* his position on the whlf Presidential ticket to the same cause he owed his election to Congress his abolitionism. The whljs ' in the Philadelphia ' onvention had not forgotten 1 the direction of tbe abolitionists from their ticket In ' the last Presidential election, by which they lost the i State of New York, and with New Vork. the Presidency. Mr Fillmore was placed on tbelr ticket to win to He support the Abolitionists; whilst General Taylor, with bis two hundred negroes, would carry tlM South. Negroes for tbe South?abolition for tlM North. The arguments were powerful?the combination irre.- istible. The little magician, however, stepped , 1 in. and threatened to defeat the abolition portion of . the arrangement. This was very bad ; but when Gen. I Taylor's friends, in the South, threatened the same j thing, it became intolerable It was a horrible breach I of faith ; and Mr. Killmore's friends, in the North, l?t | off their indignation accordingly. Gentlemen, our ' Taylor democratic friends have unwittingly bean great benefactor*) to tbe ^outh. They were knocked over by the negro argument ; but they held up their bands against Killniore and his abolitionism. They rut him from their ticket on account of his opinion* on the subject of slavery, and proposed to support th? democratic nominee for the Vice Presidenoy. General Taylor, always ready to receive votes from all quarters, accepts, in the warmest terms, their nomination or him for the Presidenoy. The Northern whigs taka the alarm They suppose that Gen. Taylor and th? j Southern whigs are about to repudiate their cunning and common Arrangement. What they say to G?a. i Taylor we. of course, do not know ; but the result if, : that instead ofrepudiating the opiniong of Mr.KllImare, he says, in a "econd letter to ("apt. Allison' " Tha > National Whin Convention met in lune, and selected ' ili' as tlicir candidate, i accepted that domination 1 j with gratitude a'd with pride, and may add that Umm I emotions were increased by associating my name with r that of the distinguished oltlzen of New York, whosa i acknowledged ability and hound conservative opinions ' might have justly entitled him to the first place on the . ticket." Now. what are the opinions of Mr. Kill more, which he characterises here as sound and conservative ' Are they not the opinions which occasioned all tbe difficulty?tho?.e which the Charleston democrats repudiated- thore which constituted the arrangement of the ticket?his abolition opinions ' The Southern ! whip pre-*, speaking directly as to Mr. Fillmore's opinions nn slavery, be^innin^ at Washington with tre Xa'ional Intfll! tirrr, used almost the very words of General Taylor. But *uppof:e that General Taylor ll'l not allude exclusively to Mr Fillmore's abolition opinions, it la clear that he (lM not deem there opinions such as to hinder him from characteriring Mr. Fillmore's political opinions as I ' round and conservative." How any Southard I msn.V not an abolitionift himself, can characterise ' I a politician who supports the abolitionists In all ' their measures in CoDgress. against the South, aa ; beitg ' sound and conservative " In his opinions, It : Is not easy to understand. And Mr. Fillmore's opln' ions are not only ' sound and conservative," bat theT ' | 1 ju?Uy entitle" him to the first place on the ticket. [ , 1 he abolitionist ought to hare been first, and he second; and his ' pride" and "gratitude,'' at the whig I nomination, are increased by being associated with Mr. Fillmore ! Instead of treating him as a flagitious I incendiary, and spurning any political ussoclatloa ' with him, (Jen. Taylor is his most grateful and af! o| tlonate admirer, and endorses all his " sound eonser] vative opinions !" No wonder Giddings says that when i walking among slaveholders he feels as if he was twelvs feet high If it was nut for lien Taylor's character a* a p'ain. blunt man. it might be supposed he wax only deaii it g in refined irouy. The political opinions of the abo| 1 tlonists are designed to carry out their policy; and wheje must that policy end' in a dissolution of the I'nion, or the desolation of the South. Most sound ana conservative results cermmj i*iy menus, iook at tbe li?pid progress of things on the slavery questioa. If It bud been told you four years ago. that at the coming Presidential flection, an abolitiotilnt would b? r ominated 1>t one of the two (treat parties of the country. ss Vice President of the United State*, to be President If the President dlfs. and to have the casting rote on all questions in the Senate, there in not a man , of hrou would have believed it. But if yon had been 1 told still further, that he would be upheld in the Soutb, whilst the whole whig press in the South would dealarw , that bin opinions were all the South had a right to ieqc!re. 50ur.alr.rm would hare been etjual to'your amazement. But If yet further yon had been informed that a Southern man, the President on this ticket, ^ith an abolitionist Vice President, would endorse hid | opinions a* " sound and conservative," and express lnoi? ased pride and gratitude at being associated with him, your indignation would hare equalled yoaratarm. And further yet, to crown the whole, that here, in th? 1 heart of the South, whose pulsations reach Its utmost j verge, this Southern man. who loves and glories In hifl J nsfocifttion with an abolitionist, would be upheld and 1 I voted for by citizens of Charleston. Southern g<*ntl?n.in. and Southern planters, on the ground of a supeI rior t'.dellty to the institutions of slavery, yonr indignation would have been swallowed up in yoursorrowanl ' despair. The whole picture would have seemed to b? | onerf those hideous phantasms, which only rack the ' | brain in dreams or madness. Vet th?M art realities, I tr?m<udou realities r-hioh, if successful in their de ijn- nwiy make this !'re sldential election the funeral 1 km II (T in? South. ' I h?Ti>. gentium n, eudelivered. in obedience to your ill to ??s'gn a few of tho prominent reason* which hrulj induce you to support General i as* ?nd (.' neral IJutler rather than General Taylor ftrnl Mr. Ullirore, in the approaching Presidential election. Uiit I with you not to understand that I put any rwliance on Presidential elections to protect the South. The Scnth inunt protect itself. In the prevent oon! ilitlon of the world, no siiiveholding communities mi be safe but by their own energies That we ara surrounded by danger* in the I nion, no man who la eonv> r?ant with thu common facts of the day can doubt. ' Contrary to the whole spirit of tha constitution, Congress has become but little else than a great cantre for abolition agitation. The great absorbing question now i tn the politics of the I'nlon is the institution ?f slavery \ssociations are made and partita arise in the North looking solely to itsoverthrow. The constitution la nullified In th?free States so far as the recovery of fugitive slaves Is concerned, and step by step aggression aftwr aggression will be pursued In Congress. There is but ' one wsy under heaven of stopping their aggrwaloM,

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