Newspaper of The New York Herald, October 30, 1848, Page 1

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated October 30, 1848 Page 1
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T H NO. 5262 AF FAIRS IN ElKUriS. Oltfi FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCELiverpool, Oct. 7, 1848. Cave Johnson and the International Postage?Ilii Interference with, the New York Editor*. Cave Johnson's interference with the arrangements of the New York press, for receiving slips ol news and telegraph despatches by the English steamers, after all the trouble and expense attendlag such an undertaking, is regarded here with universal contempt. I ne movement oeing eviuenuy uuc iur lurcu'g the English Government into some soit of a compromise for the settlement of an international postal arrangement between the two countries, bul in this, like all the acts of that profound sage and statesman, he will come out the little end of the horn. If, by such a course, the object could be ac. comphshed, the end would justify the means, bul eople on this side do not believe that a few slip: of news, placed on board the steamer after closing 'he mails at the Post-oflice, for the accommoda^ tionoftheNew York press, would materially affect the revenue of the Post-office department, tc justify such a mean, contemptible act. The time lias past, and he need no longer expect that such a course will gain for him the repu ration for conomy, for which he has been so long trying. By ihe last steamer you were advised of the course to be pursued hereafter l?y the agents ol the R. M. steamship company. From intiniatior received here by Messrs. Mclver, the agents o these steamers, that the Post-otfiee authorities a' Washington were going to prosecutc any lnmnge ment of the Post-office laws, they have given no. tice that slips of news, telegraph despatches, and, in fact, nothing intended for the public press, wil be allowed to be s*nt by these steamers outside the mail. Hereafter, the " News Boy," nor no othei " Boy," will have occasion to board these steamers before their arrival at Jersey City. By permission of the proper authorities ai Washington every accommodation will lie extended to the press, to enable the carrying out the arrangements which have been completed, lor receiving news by express and electric telegraph from London, Paris, and all parts of the Continent, up to the very moment, and frequently, after the steamer has left Liverpool. Col. Maberley and the Liverpool Postmastei decided that it is, |?rhaps, not strictly legal to allow intelligence either written or printed to be seni by these steamers outside the mails, yet-, as the intelligence was public, and not private, and did not arrive in Liverp9ol in time for the mail, there could be no objection to sending outiside. Bill information having been received that these vessels were to be prosecuted fordoing so, the agents have been obliged to adopt such a course for the protection of the company against prosecutions on the Ameiican side, very much, as we are assured, against their wishes. This abuse, or violation of the United States FoBt-office law, which Cave Johnson undertakes to correct, should be a matter then for this side, and not the American side, to interfere with. The injustice of the terms demanded of our government, by the English Post-office authorities, for the settlement of a postal arrangement, was most rascally; but, long accustomed to similar acts of that respectable government, of course, we thoughtnothing of it, but this last one of Cave Johnson, to,is the climax. We have heard it intimated, that, as an offset, the English government would eomi>el despatches going and coming from the American government to pass throimh the Post-office, and the same courtesy would be extended to bearers of despatches, as to other passengers, and no different. Paris, Oct. 1,1S48. The Insurgents? Remarks?Ijimart in e ? Social ism?French Habits and Ideas. Nine battalions of insurgents have been sent ou of Pans to Havre. A new commission has beet appointed to examine the eases of those who hav< been sent to Havre a second time, and to recom mend to mercy, &c., all those whose cases ar< found attended with mitigating circumstances. I is estimated that the number will be reduced b] this process, one-fourth part. There is a strong disposition to punish only the principal chiefs, ant (O allow as many of the instruments to escape at may be practicable and safe. I believe only abou two thousand now remain at Paris. Some twenty or more large barracks have beer erected upon the esplanade in front of the Ilote des Invalides, for the troops, during the winter? they are of a very permanent character, and indi cate that the government believes that they will b< needed for many years to come, in which opinioi I concur, although I have not changed my opinion made up at the commencement, that the republic will succeed; but it requires more force to hold lr subjection the turbulent spirits than at first I an ticipated. Socialism has sprang up, the avowed enemy o; societv: and the violence of the press and ef th< Assembly, have conspired to give an unexpectec strength to the elements of disorder; and, although I wbb prepared to see the lending men of 1'ranee unqualified to understand and to frame a wise government, upon a republican plan, I was not quite prepared for the want of information which exists upon this subject, and the egotism and vanity which are so great an obstacle to their learning, except at a very moderate step. The South American State8 call their governments republics, and in form they are bo; in fact, they are military despotisms; the sword makes and unmakes the supreme chiefs. To a certain extent, the republic of France must lean upon the sword for its support, certainly through its years of infancy. It will require yeare for the French, high or low, to learn to have any respect for the laws of the country. There, musket is their law; if they do not like a man, or a measure, they catch up a musket, and run and shoot. This is their idea of a remedy. Il is all the remedy they have had under a monarchy, and they have not yet learned to appreciate the idea that the republic aflords them any other. To overthrow the present government?that is, the ndmimsttation of General Cavaignac?the leaders rely upon a forcible demonstration, not upon ballots ; and a man like Lamartine avows in the Assembly, that he votes for a single Chamber, because he considers that the state of things is to b( provisional; and that in a provisional state a dictator is necessary, and that one Chamber is a die tator. What ideas for a statesman!?foundinj a republic, and forming a constitution, free suffrage and a dictation !?a constitution having n< checks against the violence of an assembly ! Thii ifl Lamartine, and his ideas of civil government Then, again, the want of free schools in the country, and their system of religion and priesthood will retard ihe progress of information very much In Paris, the power of the socialists is very great and the present organization of society tends tc increase it ; for except property, every other thing is nearly common. Eight months in the year the inhabitants of Paris live in the streets an? tquares, and dine in the restauranto. Thousand: and tens of thousands of children and nurses fit each one of the large play grounds. Ladies, 11 like numbers, take their sewing, knitting, <tec. and help fill up the same grounds, sitting all da] under the shude, as our ladies would in their draw ing loomn. (.!< ntlemen me walking or readingguards are marching round?others are gaming ii every variety known lo tliein. Little girls and ladsnre driving the hoo.>, lumping the rope, roll I ing the ball, or engaged in chasing each other During the day nil live like one great family? in common ; in the evening, they promenade to gether. dance together, in twenty diflerent places upon the ground, in hundreds, and sometimei thousands, in company ; and at a later hour mei and women retire, under such circumstances, si such associations, single rooms, absence of farnil; restraint, the toleration tff public opinion, and thi want of ample means of support upon the p.irto ** In,, lot*,I In nfl,f creates the most perfect decorum of external con duct, nmong ail {tirades and classes, and all apes there is never any rudeness or vulgarity of con duet. I have never seen any rude children evei hi Paris If what one has, another wants, he of fere a pi ice for it, from matters of the value of oni sous upwards?all seats are purchased daily?mo ney will command anything that there is iu Pari* and at any time ; and if a lady were asked to sol her shoes, or her stockings, she would take n< (fence at if, provided the oft'er was politely made iuid under proper circuintUnces. if she docs no ???????1 K XK -'/ MORI wish to sell such ma'ters, she will tell you so ; but I no offence is taken at the renueat : it is all con fudered as a matter of course. Where, therefore, ' all live in the streets, and squares, and restaurants during the day, and the mass of young m^n and women make such arrangements lor themselves during the nights as they may find agreeable, profitable or necessary. Communism has a strong hold, and against a government that declares that family and property are two institutions worth preserving, it can make a strong and an orf ganized opposition; and time, and instruction, and ( chanae of habits, only, can eradicate the evil. None of these habits or associations create any degradation?they, therefore, liuve a strong foundation. I OnSKRVgR. Paris, Oct. 2,1848. ; The Bamjuets?The Red and Tn-Col<fed Republics?Election of President? The Courts. [ 1 he banquets at Toulouse and Bourgess and the t ecene of Saturday in the Assembly, are creating a [ grand agitation in Paris. The officers appointed by the Minister of the Interior and Instruction, attended the banquet at TouIouBe ; but the com" mander of the military station had decided not to ; but, pressed by the committee to attend, he sent a despatch to the War Office, to ask for instruction?. Gen. Lamoriciere referred it to Gen. Cavaignac, who promptly decided to refuse the authority ; but the other ministers had not time to assemble to eettle the question as to the other officers. The course of the Minister of the Interior in responding to the interrogation, does not appear to be satisfactory ; he refused to believe the facts as stated; but I do not see that he failed to give assurance of furnishing the proper redress, if they were f found to be as stated. Rut Gen. Cavaignac undert stands the* object of these banquets, as any other man of sense must, to overthrow him and the tricolored lepublic ; and he will take care hereafter, without doubt, that no man in authority shall at1 tend them; and I have little doubt that, in the end, ! he will find it necessary to apply to them the same regime as he has to the press of Paris; for the r point has come to this, that whoever is the stronir est will rule in France. The tri-colored and red republics are at issue; und the sword will yet, once t more, be drawn to decide the issue. Ledru Rollin now is the acknowledged head of the red republic, and Gen. Cavaignac of the tri-color; and I predict that the latter will triumph, and that if the i former pushes the question to the final issue, he , will rue the day that he decided to adopt that ! measure. I have endeavored to get admittance in the Assembly to-day, to hear the interrogations of Ledru ltollin, and. the response of Gen. Cavaigt nac; but T was a little too late to receive a ticket of admission. The two chiefs will come to the [ tribune to day, I presume, in opposition ; and able i es Ledru Rollin unquestionably is, he will ent counter a cooler and abler antagonist, in my judgment, than himself. The contest is assuming an i imposing attitude; and the red republic is begini ning to act openly, and evidently to organize, to i trv its strength with the existing administration. Blood may not flow, but I expect to see it again run in the streets of Paris; nothing can prevent i it but the promptitude of the government in prei paring for it, and the consciousness of the insur, gents that they will be overthrown. Connected with this matter ia ihp pip/Minn nf President of the republic, and the excitement of parties upon that question. It will be a trying time for France, when the Presidential election i goes to the people. The press will demand to be i free to discuss the merits of the candidates?the s excitement and struggle will be tremendous ; and there is no foreseeing the result of the issue. It is , not yet decided that the election of President . shall go to the people ; that question is yet to be settled, as well as the time and manner of the elections. Other banquets are in preparation, and the ground assumed is, that the government has refused to guaranty, in the constitution, labor to the people, and that it is not a democratic and social republic. There was almost an Smeutc in the Assembly on Saturday, and a fight on the spot; but for the t rally of the men of the tri-colored flag, those of the red flag would undoubtedly have taken the 1 orator ofl the tribune. One duel between two : members is to be fou ?ht; and it will be well if this is all the blood that Hows from that violent transaction. M. Marrast is denounced for not : assuming his place, temporarily occupied by one t of the Vice PreBidentB: but he stood a little back f of the chair, as tranquil during the scene, as if , nothing unusual was taking place. Our people J mean very little by such violent scenes?the good * sense of the people generally prevent such trani sections having any bad influence out of Congress; t but here the matter is far different. Of itself, it means force, and its example upon the mass is terrible. Nothing but the lesson learned in June, i prevents an immediate resort to atrial of strength; I but the red republic fears General Cavaignac, and, at present, will not attack.him in the streets, face to face. The courts are still engaged in trying the chiefs 5 of the insurrection of June ; and generally their t sentence is imprisonment from one to twenty years ; and in a few instances for life. No one ? nas yet been sentenced to death ; in one case two ; of the Seine judges voted for that measure ; I have I seen no similar instance in any of the trials ; sor do I see that the evidence developes any case of unusual cruelty for such scenes. I think that TJavlt/iO ott/1 kia ooo/\nin?/>n "??11 n/\* *??***! ** ! f after those of June shall have been finished; these cases are to go before juries, as Paris was not in J a state of seige on the 15th of May. The hiding 1 place of Caussidiere is not yet known. i The Nationnd of Saturday, contained an impor, tant article on the power of France to make war, and her resources, and upon the probable condi; tion of Kur^i*, under two aspects?one, in case > England was neutral; the other, in case of her ' hostility. In both cases, Russia was regarded as an active enemy. Paris, Oct. 3, 1849. The Interpellations and Response of Gen. Co vaignac ? Critical Condition of these Questions?Police in Paris. > The anticipated interpellations took place yesterday, at which Ledru Rollin made a pretty full exposition of his views, in reference to the foreign policy France ought to pursue, and his fears of the course the government were actually pursuing ; he contended, that to support Italy now as an advanced post and alliance with Germany united, was to ' pursue the democratic course which France de| manded, and which law, interests, and honor re" quired ; he said that the government had not done so, but had rejected the ambassador of the gov err.ment at Frankfort, which was to repulse the [ democracy of Germany it self; that the courts o Russia, Austria and Berlin, were only waiting to { arrange political elements at home before they attacked France, and then it would be too late to ) have Italy for even an advanced post of defence. ! lie contended that the government of France wa* mediating upon the basis of ihe treaty of 1815, and was pursuing the foreign policy of Louis Philippe , ?that of entire neutrality?and was of course dismembering the republic. Ueneral Cavaignac re , plied that, to recognise the principles of the treaty ? of 1815 as a basis, would not be a mediation ; that I whether the monarchies had little or much sympa. thies for the French republic, was not the uuestion; 1 nor,whether he or the nation had more or less love s for the treaties of 1H15; but, as the Assembly did 1 not demand a disclosure of the basis of the mediai tion at the commencement, now it was in pro, gress it sermed to him inopportune, and he hoped y tne Assembly would pass purely to the order of the day, which they did, by about one hundred majority?Louis Napoleon voting in the negative. Upon i a demand of a member to know in what sense I the government understood this vote, the Minister of foreign A flairs responded that it did not lessen their responsibility. Ledru Rolltn declared that the Assembly htld less knowledge of the diplomacy under a republic than lhe Chamber had under the monarchy. It is certainly a grave responsibility s for the government to assume ; and yet, acting 1 ! with England, I do not see how the negotiation s could be well conducted otherwise; for. if p the whole mutter was thrown open before the Asp sembly, to be discussed in a wild debate, before f 0(!0 men, England would probably withdraw e from the mediation, and Austria would withdraw her acceptance ot if, and war would ensue at ! ; once ; and yet the minority vote was very large ; I butl think so large a minority was not in favor of ! i throwing open the correspondence, but only of passing a resolution reaflirming the ground of the e Assembly in May last. Hut the people of Krance and of Kurope are diplomatists; and in their foreign . relations there is no knowing, certainly, what toI morrow will produce, by knowing what is to-day. o I ?m satisfied that the French government does , not regard Italy ss in a condition to sustain n ret jublic; and in this impression they are sustained W Y 0 SING EDITION?MOP by those who know Italy and the Italians best; and thev have no paiticular desire to build up a monarchy under Charles Albert upon their own borders I do %ot understand that the Italians desire a republic ; and if they had one, they would probably fight among themselves, as soon as they liad one established ; but they desire to be relieved from the galling voke of Austria ; and in this thev have the sympathies of the civilized world, as well as of France. The question is how to adiust a subject bo difficult, when Austria is in military possession, and demanding to maintain her privileges and power under the^treaty of 1815; and, sustained in this respect by Prussia. Piedmont, Lombardv, and Venice, on the one hand, are to be arranged ; and the claims of Austria, for territory expenses, Arc , on the other, to be satisfied; and the selfpride of the power at Frankfort to be reconciled. Vainly here is a work to be consummated. The new commission, instituted to inquire in'o the cases of the prisoners, is one of mercy and not of revision on judgment. Its object is to recommend, understanding^, cases to the executive for mercy. It is a humane proc-eding, winch is in keeping with every act of the French government, since the revolution and the rebellion. Never was a government more lenient and merciful; and yet that of (Jen. Cavaignac is exceedingly firm and watchful. Two clubs at Paris have been closed last week, for violent remarks, and the officers prosecuted for permitting such a violation of law. The police is now very rigid in Paris ; and vet it annoys no one but the evil-disposed. The same order and silence is preserved now in the streets, as existed under the monarchy. Necessity is the mother of invention, and experience i9 certainly her handmaid. Mischief-makers bring upon themselves and others a sure regine ; I ut, in Paris, it is now a necessary one. Obsb&vxr. Paris, October 4,1848. Changes in the Cabinet?Dufaure?Senard?Agricultural School?Presidential Election?Measures for the iMborers in France, fyc. It is announced this morning in Paris, that the Austrians have decided to yield to the demands of the mediating powers ; that Venice shall not be blockaded during the time the negotiations are pending, and that the fleet has been withdrawn. This is a favorable indication, but not a very important one?rather, not a decisively important one ; yet it indicates the respect of Austria for the opinion of the mediating powers; and the fact that she can be made to feel the force of a firm position. This morning is full of rumors of a change in the French Cabinet. It is said, with great confidence, that the oflice of Minister of tne Interior has been offered to M. Dufaure. M. Dufaure is a distinguished man in the Assembly and in France ?occupying a medium position between M. Sena rd and Thiers. He is a moderate member of the Club Poitiers ; and I think that the violence of the red republic has been forcing Gen. Cavaignac, for the last few days, to bear a little stronger upon this shade of the Assembly. Rumor says that M. Senard was not satisfied with the resolute speech and position of Gen. Lamoriciere, in reference to the banquets at Toulouse and Bouerges; and it is possible that Gen. Cavaignac was not quite satisfied with the tender manner in which M. Senard dealt with these turbulent proceedings. NT. Senard was as resolute as any man could well be during the days of .Tune, and acquired immense applause for his course upon that trying occasion. 1 should be sorry to see him recoil before movements having a similar object in view to the insurrection in June, in his present important post; but the place of Minister of the Interior is an unthankful post, and no man ought to go into it who is not willing to be sacrificed. The post of cabinet minister in France is far more difficult than a similar situation in the United States, for he is bound to propose laws to the Assembly, and to stand or fall by the success of his measures, before such a tumultuous body as the Assembly, and to make appointments of commissioners, Arc., itec., throughout the interior, and to take the responsibility of their conduct. There is a ereat struggle for place, and the French are terrific and unsparing in their attacks; and an attack and defeat here, go for something. It is not mere Windsor words, as with us ; it is death, po litically, officially, or personally, according to the nature of the attack. The Minister of Agriculture has just carried through a project for establishing agricultural schools of instruction and practice throughout France, for the purpose or stimulating the growth of this branch of industry, but especially for the purpose of teaching numerous classes of children and young men the art, and makig them expert in the business. The Assembly have sustained him and bis project by a very large majority. France is making immense efforts to improve the condition of the country and of the laboring people. There is no doubt about it. She is devoting her best intelligence to the question, and vast sums of money, besides paying out directly immense sums of money for their support. She is lending to companies of builders, architects, fee., several millions?is colonizing Algeria, and establishing free schools, of different industrni employments, throughout the country. On the 7th of this month, the first body of ten thousand will leave France for Algeria, and will arrive there in December. All the extra resources of the government are now directed to the improvement of the laboring classes, and men are exceedingly criminal who are now trying to stir up civil war and to create the belief that the government is opposing the laborer. The commission have, nine to five, decided for universal suffrage in the election of President of the republic. Marrast voted in favor of electing him by the Assembly : while M. O. Barrot, <tec., voted for universal suffrage. At this moment, in my opinion, Louis Napoleon would be elected above all others. The middling interest would go tor him, leaving the two extremes of socialists and legitimists to do as they please; and, although General Cavaignac has saved France, and, perhaps,the republic, the conservatives have not the integrity and firmness to fight a hard battle for him. They would allow him to be defeated throughout the country, as the government were defeated in Paris during the last elections, and the whole socialist influence would now be very active against him. If the moderate party would rally in France, as our parties rally in a Presidential election, perhaps General Cavaignac could be chosen?but they will not; and there are a great number wh" would vote againBt him, in the hope thereby to overthrow the republic. It is not impossible that many men in the Assembly vote tor universal suffrage, in this election, for that purpose; but 1 do not think that the republic would be endangered if Louis Napoleon were elected. T think that he has line powers of mind, and good common sense; but I believe that France will regain bet credit, pence, and prosperity much sooner under General Cavaienac than under any other man they can put in his place, and that she will be more respected in Europe ; for the respect of Europe for General Cavaignac is now very great. onskrvkr. Paris, Oct. <>, 1RI8. Frcnch Constitution?/i Dictature?Presidential Question?Louis Napoleon?Gen. Cavaignac? Indications of Troubles. The discussion upon the exciting point in the constitution is now in full progress?it involves not only the principle to be incorporated 111 the constitution, but has an especial bearing upon the present condition of things and upon men?par. ticularly Gen. Cavaignac and Louis Napoleon, the two prominent rival candidates for the Presidency I understand that the friends of Gen. Cavaignac are for an election by the Assembly, while the legitimists lavor one by universal suffrage, which is also favored by Louis Napoleon, I presume The three projects before the Assembly are?one for a choice by universal suffrage, one by the Assembly, and the third opposed to any President. In the present form of the French constitution, the decision of this question is much less important than may appear at first sight. In any event, tbe Chamber, is a mere dictnture?with powers unrestrained?a body, a tyrannical body, of 75(1 men, instead of one dictator ; that is, A H C and D are a 'body of dictators, instead of A alone. Now, whether a President is chosen by the people or the Assembly, he holds his place at the will of the Assembly?one minute is sufficient to dispose of him ; and he is arrested and sent to trial, and a creature of the Assem >ly is put in his place, liy a vote of the Assembly. 1 he President cm be put into prison, ns was Gerardin?as in Barbfes, Kaspail, iVc., Ac.. and kept there without inalt as ar? these men, through all time, and unto eternity, by the Assembly?or until only Ins term of oflice shall have expired. So, too, if there is no President chosen by the |>ei>ple or the Assembly, the Assembly can create an executive head, s-ich as it has now in (Jen Cavaignac, and it will h ive precisely the same powers and foundation O stand > R K I [DAY, OCTOBER 30, 1 upon as a President chosen by the people, or, in form, hy the Assembly?to wit, the will of the Assembly during pleasure. This is all the idea the French have about constitutions, or a division of powers, or a limitation of them. N idioms of Russia is no more absolute or tyrannical than will be the French Chambers?the only difference is, one man dictates, instead of a majority of 750. The condition of the government, under the constitution, so called, will be in substance what it now ie?one chamber absolute, with an executive at will. General Cavaignac now exercises all the powers that he could under the constitution; and is just aB independent of the Chambers as he would then be, in practice; for although the Chambers could not remove the President, except by way of arresting him, there would not be a moment's hesitation upon the subject ; and he would be removed in thai form, as readily as they removed the ex-Commissioner, or imprisoned Emile de Gerardin. In each of these cases, tliey acted under the law of necessity?and so they would consider the arrest ot a President, if he stood in the way of the Chambers, or even arrested their progress three days?the time assigned for him to do so in the constitution. The French go in for a representative dictation, an oligarchy, lor a government, based on universal suffrages. There is not one guaranty in the constitution of any considerable importance; indeed, there can hardly be said to be one oflice that is not in reach of the Chamber, and at its mercy. The judiciary looks, on paper, the most like exemption from its control; but, practically, that is in the power of the Chamber. The Chamber is a despot, in every sense of that teim, both in theory, and will be in practice, for the French are very arbitrary in their practice, whatever may be their theories or their instinctive love of liberty. Hence, the power of Napoleon, and the love which the people bear him; for they did not see how arbitrary he was; they saw only the man, and his career of glory, and the manner in which he struck off the ancient chains which bad bound them to the earth ; and his measures, however arbitrary, were directed to improve the condition of the people?hence the French obeyed him implicitly. I have always had my misgivings, as my letters, from their earliest date, will snow, of the capacity of the French leaders to perform well their part. I havt still the same sentiment. They go to work to patch up a thing, winch they call a constitution; whereas it is nothing but a s?t of decrees, aliof which one Chamber can overturn, repeal, or nullify, in a moment. There is no impassable gulf for protection against the Chamber. It embraces some moral and political maxims, and assignment of duties to certain officers, <fcc.; but well defined divisions, limitations, restrictions, and powers, independent of other branches, do not e.\i9t. Indeed, I do not discover why the present Chamber and Executive is not a far simile of what the future ones will be, and the provisions of the so called constitution are only a little drapery thrown over the true state of the question, to cover its nudity. I am sorry it is so, because I believe the people of France .ire far in advance of theirchiefs, and that a well defined, real constitution, would have been of great service to the country?that France wanteda constitution, and not a dictator? wanted organic laws, and not decrees?and that, until she has such organic laws, well defined, she will have no more respcct for any laws than she now has, which is, indeed, very little. General Cavaignac and Louis Napoleon were not present during the discussion yesterday. "All kinds of rumors are in circulation as to the part the government is to play during the discussion of the Presidential question : but there have yet been no developments or action. It is now said that there will be no change of ministry till after the adoption of the constitution. There have been some troubles at Lyons and Peuy-de-Dome, but not very serious. There have been some indications in Paris. The French act without talking ; the Engluh and Irish talk without acting. Louis Napoleon, elected in five de partments, has elected Paris, the place of his birth. There are, then, four vacancies to fill again. What a system ! Hut, in all cases, we must consider the peculiar character of the French peoplethat they have only been accustomed to despotic power, and are just beginning to learn the duties, manners, and systems of republicans ; and I am rejoiced that they have succeeded as well as they have, and that there is evidence of progress in this respect. Observer. Frankfort-on-the-Main, Oct. 1,1848. The War with Denmark?The Outrage in F>ank~ fort?Red Republicanism?State of Germany, fyc The hopes tlwiA ,1'ew short months ago anima. ted the German Fatherland, in its length and breadth, haye !>ee'n cruelly blighted ; the beams of joy that enlightened every face and seemed to say, "we are now a band oi brothers," have given way to the impressions of a soul-corroding sorrow. The scourge of civil war has swept like a hurricane over the land of promise, and left gaping wounds, which point to an ?.#ntful future, and sears too deep and broad everjo be effaced. The events of^the feM^?t*eeks in Germany, have been like a race of history against time ; and the latter has won the prize?for the ferment of passions and the maniac rage cf the actors have doomed many a memorable scene to pass unrecorded. "Ufiuld that it wer? so with all, for there are few, inSWl, whose recital would not put the blush on humanity. The war with Denmark has ! been a fatal one for Germany, In many respects, but in none more so than its connection with the recent insurrection in FrankfqrT' The nation felt that it was time to conclude a contest that moderation and coolness might have avoided entirely, and which has cost many precious livegftnd nosmall pecuniar}' sacrifice. That this contest must be closed on terms less grasping than the demands of March, issuing from a people intoxicated with their new position, and imbued with an iden that Kurope must bow to their fceptre, is a result that everv thinking man foresaw. Even the Assembly of Frankfort was, for a moment? fanned by the breeze of passion, ana crushed a ministry whose demerit was an earnest endeavor to restore peace and commerce to the shores of the Baltic, and the weary soldiers to their homes and firesides. The confidence of the victorious, in the justice of their movement may be judged from the fact that among th^jione could be found who were willing to take the responsibility of a ministry,whose task would be to carry out their own measures. Two endeavors to form a new ministry failed?a sober, 1 second thought seemed to take possession of the Assembly, and they solemnly revoked their act by a clear and legal majority of the representatives of the people. This affronted the extreme left of the Assembly, and they resorted to the monstrous expedient of exciting the masses against a portion of i their body, in the hopes of producing disorder and l anarchy. A meeting was convened, l>y a set of ) heartless demagogues, and their tools induced to I give their acclamation to a resolution branding the 1 A . n.. -i ?- J i I ?..r niHjuiiiy ui mii noprnimy, trit'uicu uy uiiivcratti ?uij frage, as traitors to tlieir country. It is needless to say, that the Denmark treaty was a mere sham I and pretext to excite the populace to acta of violence, and the red republicans invited their men to resort to arms to expel the majority. Their success,and thescene of terror that followed,is known. It is necepsaryto make a clear distinction between the left and the extreme left of the Assembly : the ! 1 latter, composed of about twenty blood-red 'Montagnards," see their only hopes of political advancement, in exciting the most brutal passions among the masses, and their ardent desire is the guillotine and a few hours of pillage. They are Uie curse of Germany, and bid fair to give the death-blow to the new-born free institutions, and be the best instrument in the hands of the reaction. For what matters it to descant hours on the Dcauty of republican governments, and their feasibility, in the present moment in (lermr.ny, when their disciples uee their influence to pamper to the worst passions 7 The result is a horror at the very name of republic, and the most liberal-minded cling t* a monarchyas a refuee. The outrage of I''iankfort is the greatest blow that the canse of German liberty has received. It was clearly concerted. The leaders begged the people of tne surrounding country to remain and assist in the battle which they were about to commence ; nnd it is needless to say to what class their men belonged?the very ofl-scourincs of the populace, at whose approach honest men put their hands on their i ockets. The leader of the outrajre | wits a man by trie name of Metternich?an onui nciis name for Germany. I liuve seen him, and conversed with him several times, nnd his principles, personal appearance, and manners, would strongly induce the belief that he had escaped from the hulks. The brutal murder of I'rince l-ichnowsky and < ieneral Anerswald miflieiently characterize the barricade men of the red republic ? Both of these gentlemen were perfectly unarmed, and taking no part in the contest; or, rather, they M ere murdered before the contest had fairly begnn. I!idingat the outskirts ol the city.'hey were s.-ized, ' dragged from the it horses, and beaten. They i succeeded in reaching a neighboring house.where i they secreted themfelves from the fury of their | pursuers. The latter, however, reinforced, comi menced a search, and found them at the end of I fifteen minutes. The demons then finished their victims by a lingering death ?beating them with IER A .848. .<jJ < clubs, piercing them with scythes, and harking and chopping with hatchets, until the unfortunate men begged, in the name of mercy, to he shot? some of the cannibals having glutted their vengeance by tearing off, with their teeth.the muscles of Lichnowsk v. which thev li til li:w>U>>il with their hatchers. He was propped against a tree for i a target, and (ive balls were lodged into hitn.? | Though left for dead, he revived for a few hours, I having been a man of an iron constitution. AverI swald was finally killed by a bill through the head, and has left five orphan c hildren, between the ages of five and fourteen, motherless and fatherless. I doubt whether the_ most revolting scenes of the old French revolution can compare with these. I remember Ltchnowsky, last winter, at Merlin, in the Prussian Diet, as the idol of the people, on acount of his liberal principles: and Anerswald has ever been a liberal man. although neither was inclined to a republic?thus have affairs changed! Many otlier of the members would have shared the same fate, hut for the timely arrival and action of the troops. There was a list of the proscribed, and on it wasGagern, the President of the Assembly, and undoubtedly one of the purest men of the country, and member of the left centre in nolitics. So great was the bitterness against Dr. Hecksher. late Minister of Foreign Afl't irs, that he secreted himself in the house of a political opponent to avoid suspicion; and the mob, supposing him in the Exchange, weru preparing to burn it, in order to be sure of their prey. Military force put down the insurrection, and Frankfort was saved from massacre and pillage, by being placed in a state of siege. I confess myself somewhat deceived in the character of the Germans: a calm, modest nnd thinking nation?I expected a political development which would be reasonable and honest, and never looked for the excesses or French fury and French blood. On the contrary, thev meet and proclaim openly their sympathy for the red fi.ig and red republic; and a meeting of five thousand, in Cologne, have just resolved that the barricade men of Frankfort,and brutal murderers of Lichnowsky and Anerswald, "have deserved well of their country!" The latter city has been the scene of fatal disorders; and the red men, like savages of the west, hung their victim to a post, and danced around him. This has led to a state of siege in Cologne, and the suppression of all but three journals. A general war seems to have been concerted throughout Germany, as Baden has again been the scene of hloodshed. Struve, at the head of the Swiss refugees, crossed the boundary between Switzerland and linden, and proclaimed himself " President of the Provisional Government of the German 11epnblic." He began his career ijuite significant of the red republic, by robbing the post coaches, oflices of the treasury and churches, abolishing taxes, and promising wealth and luxury to nil, proclaiming martial Taw, and forcing ail the men. between the ages of lf> and 10, to join his standard, under pain of being shot if they refused, with the exception of some rich Jews, who bought their ransom. In short, the whole party commenced life as highwaymen, and robbed and pillaged every place they passed through. The reign of terror lasted thirty-six hours in the form of a government, and several days, in consequence of the retreating bands having transformed themselves into hordes of robbers. The military met with very little resistance, finding the red men extremely expert runners, and were everywhere hailed as deliverers. The whole aflair was digraeeful in the extreme, and appears to have been undertaken by Struve without the knowledge or sympathy of most of his friends. The very men whom he looked upon as supporters seized him in his flight and delivered him to the hands of justice. Some of the ringleaders have been caught, but the most have escaped. All the lower part of Baden has been placed in a state of siege, and troops are still being concentrated there by the central power of Frankfort. It is supposed that a strong military force will be placed on the frontier of Switzerland, to protect further inroads, and there is some talk of an attack on Switzerland, on account of breach of faith in favoring depredatoiy incursions into German territory, while professing: neutrality. The (lei-man ambassador has left for that country, with special instructions to demand explicit explanations. Thus stands the state of liberty in Germany, thanks to the red efforts of the socialists. Frankfort, Cologne, and Baden, in a state of siege; clubs forbidden; meetings in the op?n air forbidden; the press confiscated: and the leading demagogues either arrested or fleeing from justice. Either the anarchists or the men of the sword must rule this winter. It is needless to ask which of the two the majority prefer. Black, black is me miurc. . U. 1'. Pesth, September 28, 1K18. Death of Lamberg?Proclamation of the Government?Hungary?Ttrrible Anarchy, fyc. Yesterday, Kossuth returned from Ilerakemet, and announced to the Chamber of Deputies that in two days he had been able to send 12,000 men to the camn. M.Madaraess spoke of the royal rescript, which he called illegal. The manifestoes of the Emperor of Austria were then put to the voteand declared to be invalid, not being countersign, ed by a llurganan minuter. By this vote, Count Lam berg whs declared incapable of taking the command of the army, and all persons obeying the rescript of the Emperor were declared guilty of treason to the constitution. This morning, Count Lamberg arrived at Pesth, without escort. As he came secretly, it was some time before the fact transpired : but :it length some uationalguards of Bude arrived, im announced that Lamberg had assembled the : s, and informed them that in future they wou i In' under his orders, and that the officers hail ret < d to obey him. Groups then fotmed, and the puulic indignation against Lamberg was very strong. In the meantime, Lamberg went to the Ministry, and on leaving, not into a hackney coach; an armed group followed the coach, and about twenty national guards, with a view of protecting Lamberg, surrounded it; |^)it suddenly an armed body arrived from the Pesth side, and it was impossible for the coach to advance. Lamberg was torn from it by the people, and fell, pierced with many mortaj wounds. The cause of this assassination is said to be that the people would not have any other commander-inchief than the Archduke Stephen, itnd the national guard refused to obey the Count. The inhabitants conducted themselves like cannibals: the inhuman crowd cut the body in pieces, and actually disputed for a bit of the body of the unfortunate man. 1 have received the following more detailed particulars of the assassination of Count Lamberg:? So soon as the infuriated i>opulace of I'esth had learned that he had arrived to replace the Archduke Stephen, they assembled around the house in which he had in/laded to take up his residence. Finding that the crRwd was ripe for mischief, he contrived to !?ave the premises, and crossed over the bridge to Buda, where he sought refuge in the house of the commander-in-chief. The building, however, was speedily attacked, and the count, in disguise, attempted to regain I'esth in a carriage, in order to deliver his credentials to the Hungarian Diet. Whilst crossing the bridge, he was recognised, his qame was pronounced aloud, and lie was inetaatl^cut down fey a number of men armed with spades and scythes. He was then literally hacked and hrwed to pieces. He has left a widow (a native of Hungary) and eight children to mourn his unhappy late. In another account it in stated that the count liret proceeded to Buda, and that it was whilst making the second atte.npt to cross the bridge, in order to communicate to the Diet the order of his imperial master, that lie was killed in the manner described. It may be stated here, tliatjhe national guaids had previously resolved not to obey the royal commissioner, and that the 1 )iet itselt had denounced as a traitor any person who should attempt to give publicity to any royal circulars not duly countersigned by ministers. The news of the massacre produced a sad impression in the Chamber of I>enuties, which cam-! to the following resolution:?"In the absence of a government, the Chamber appoints a committee of six members, who, with Bathyani as Minister , ot War. will constitute a provisional government, with unlim'ted powers." Tliis provisional revolutionary government is now appointed, at the head of which is Kossuth. Numerous fugitives are proceeding towards Vienna, where the old man W'eswlengi has also arrived. Everybody is laboring at the fortifications, nmidst the noise of the cannonade, which is heard from the outside. Ttie works are carried on night and dry, and the most elegant ladies dlive wheelbarrows. < >n the 26th, the Croat* enj tered Wessemburg, whilst tlie Hungarian army t retired to Velenge, to give battle (here; and we have heard the noise of cannon all night in that direction. octohkr 1. A combat has taken place between the Hungarian troops and those of Jellachtcn, the latter of which, wishing to change their positions, have been prevented, after a bloody engagement. The two brothers, Counts Toigene and I'odoca LD TWO CENTS. Zichy, have been hung in the Hungarian camp, as tiaitors. The Count Kdmond succeeded i;i eecapmp this late. The two brothers were accused of kerning up a correspondence with Mlachich. (?n the lormer were found some letters of the Princess Sophia. They are related to l'rince Metternich. The Minister of War. Messaros, was here, lie brought with him H.OOO men from the camp of St. Thomas, and has again left for the camp of Martonvaaar. Fifteen thousand peasants are expected here, and the Landaturm is everywhere orpanued. A large sum ot monpy which was sent to Jellachich from Trania, has been seized. Tllfl I)l#?f whirh nnu; 11 i?aoir ILiIa*.! (Assembly, has issued the following proclamations Int. All commerce is suspended for night days. 'id. Kvery man with his family must arm themselves to march against the enemy. 3d. K.very one must provide himself with at leapt two days provisions. On the licniinn the' firnrralt"every one muat assemble to march airalnst the enemy. The ban Jellachich has also issued a proclamation calling on all the officers to obey him. October 2. Anarchy reigns supreme. To-day the people are to march ai?ainst the Croats. All the shops are closed. The "(Jmrra/e" is being beaten incessantly. The greatest exasperation exists against the Viennese. No stranger's life is safe (or on?; moment after another. All who have anything to lose are endeavorini; to quit the city. Thousands of proclamations have been distributed in the Crotian camp, to .nduce them to lay down their arms. The peasants are coming in, but not in Very large numbers. Eioirr o'ot.ocK?Evening. We are at the very acme of anarchy. The ban is at Martonvasar. The environs of this city are covered with lan/ltturmers, who are on their way here. The fugitives are numberless. Eighty thousand Croats are reported to have entered the Haab. and have imposed on the city a contribution of 60,000 miches of bread, 700 muids of wine, :t()0 quinfaux of meat, 1200 bushels of oute, and 30,000 florins. Political Intelligence* INCREASE OF VOTES. The popular vote aince 1828, for Treaident, has beem as follows :? Vear*. Vottrr. 18'28 1.163,418 1832 1,262,208 1836 1,601.288 1840 2 402.658 1844 2.702.649 In 1848 the vote will exceed 3,000,000 CONNECTICUT. Hugh Maxwell, of New York, is delivering political ; speeches in New Ilaven. VERMONT. In the Houm ef Representatives, on Thursday, the resolution to proceed to the election of Unlteil States Senator wan made the special order for 10 A.M. on Tuesday next, by a vot? of 10K to 101. The following elections were made in joint ballot: ? J. McM. Shafter, of Burlington, Secretary of St?*e; Silas Hodges, of Ilutlaud, Auditor of Accounts; Luther Crops, of Montpelier, Serjeant at Arm*. ALATiAMA. C. C. I.angdon, editor of the Muhilc jtdierliter, whig, has been chosen Mayor of Mobile. MANIFESTO OK THE I REESOM.ERH Or" PENNSYLVANIA. The near approach of the ['residential election makes it our duty to communicate to you the information which we have received from different quarter* I of the Union, and to advise with you as to the duties I which belong to tbe crisis. An extended correspondence with citizens In the Northern States, some of them perhaps too sanguine, ; but all justly commended for probity and Intelligence, ' gives us assurance that the cause we h?ve at heart In making steady and onward progress. In the States of 1 New York. Massachusetts, and Wisconsin, our friends expect to carry their electoral tickets; in Ohio an4 I Vermont, our chances of success are regarded as equal I to those of either of the older parties; and in all the States, whether free or slave, from Maine to Texas, the truth finds advocates and hearers, ami effective organization is on foot. The recent electio^in oar own State, wherever the differing views of f.he candidates enabled us to choose between them, has resulted in the triumph of our opinions. Throughout the whole list, from the Governor to the members of Congress, and tbe State I.eglslatnre, with but a solitary exception, no man has been chosen, who refused during the canv?FS to declare himself in favor of the doctrines of free Foil, while they were recognized by his antagonist. This is a great result. Tt characterizes Pennsylvania. marks the judgment of her people, and proves our power. Hastily gathered together as a p*rty for th? tirst time, but a f?w weeks ago; unaided by the press.and i'iiuk wnnoui concert. we nave controlled the elections of the Stat*, arid secured a representation In Congress which ran not be faithless to the cause of hu? nan freedom, without being faithless to ita engagement! Now,we have new duties to perform Thus far we have selected from among tho candidates of other parties. Now. we bare candidate of our own Mont fortunate for un that it I* *0; for among: all the newspaper paragraphs which have nought to enlighten u? an tn the vit'WB of the Baltimore nominee, and among all the i letters which have been written by, or for. hia leading opponent, there has not b>*en found a xlngta line whloh eould justify a fTlend of free soil In voting for either. General flam, personally, retains a guarded silence, fince his Utter on the Wllmot proviso, while the columns of the f/m'nnandthe Pmniylrnnian are pledging him for thedoctrlnei and policy of the slaveholder; and (ieneral Taylor covers the records of his country with the proofs and vouchers of his traffic in human flesh. We can vote for neither; as men, as Christians, as the friends of progressive freedom, our sympathies, our convictions, our pledges before the world, art adverse to both. We have, besides, men that we have ourselves nominated, men of the highest purity of perfonal character, of clear, and high-minded, and frankly declared opinions; and these opinions oar own Vet we are |gravely asked by the men of both sides, the very men who have alternately been stigmatising | us as fanatics, or seeking to flatter us as fools, to come ( over and help them in supporting one or the other of these genemls. And we are sagely told, that we cannot succeed In electing our own oandidate, and should be careful not to throw away our votes. They already forget ,the recent history of our party. When we came together at lleadingor at Buffalo, was it to secure our ohanees In the political lottery, and get a sort of pre-?feptlon right to the miserable spoilt of party victory' Or was it to assert a principle, and vindicate the character of our country avd the rights of man' Were we then so sanguine as to believe that in six l weeks our work would be completed and we released fr.>m J our engagements to the truth' Or Is it that we have , grown weary thus early of the work of well-doing we have assumed, and are ready now to help on our opponents 1 in their triumph, rather than risk defeat with our | friends? Had we sought to be in the majority and not in the right, we might have remained in the party I .. ?b> ?I.Uh - - 1 U -- * i???" "miw" iu??io un iwH m uwuiner h ' But it In not trn? that our vote* can or will bo thrown away. They will show (at lea?t) that there are I men in Pennsylvania who can look beytnd the *<|uahi bin of the day. and are determined that the right shall at least prevail? men who can boar up against defeat, if it cemee without diRhonor. and who foul that eve n success can bring no better reward than the consciousness of having deserved it. Nor I* it true, that the vote* of a minority are with> out Influence upon the political aotion of the day. ! You have seen. in the progressive action of Congres* on the Oregon Hill of the last session. how important i an agency ran be exerted by the mere expression of ] popular sentiment At first, It wu proposed to leave j the new territory without any safeguard against thw Introduction of slavery; and the proposition, a* you \ know, found Northern statesmen abundantly willing to consent to such an organization But the movement began ? your own movement; it spread rapidly, and strengthened ft* it spread; and when the ftaal vote came,about the time appointed for the Buffalo Conven-' tion, but four of the representatives from all of the | States North of the Totomac. were found bold enough , to dii regard It. Ves,slavery found but four alvocates; and. of these four, not one has been re-eleeted to the next Congress; and it is certain that not one of thnn will be Let us hear no more, then, ?f the inefflniency | ( f a minority, when marshaled In the cause of truth, i and truly earnest in its support. The truth is, fellow citizens?and none know it so well as those who seek to alienate your votes-that, if we poll our full numbers in Pennsylvania for Martin Van Buren and Charles Francis Adams, we make it plain to all that we hold the balance of power In a majority of the States. And this once established, what can stand in the way of our principle* ' Who does not see and feel that domestic slavery, the opprobrium of a former age, and the anathema of oar own, will be forever girt, and girdled within the limit* that elreutn scribe it now--that not one inch of the virgin domain of the nation will then be polluted by it* touch ; that reform, truthful and fearlesa, will flnl Its bright and onward way through all the abute* that fraud and ignorance and custom have chtrlshed ; that land ownership will everywhere he severed from slave ownerehlp ; that the rights of the working classes will be sMerted and maintained a* the rights of man should be; *nd that the broad territories which their valor or their toll have earned, will surely become and retrain their home and their heritage forever. Friends of free soil, friends of the Bulfalo platform, vote your own ticket. Be true to yourselves, and your tilumph la certain. THOMAS I- KANE, chairman. Catirikr I'iobon.?A letter from our Norwich (Conn.) correP|iondent, says, that a earner pigeon was found in that city yesterday morning, having a paper attached with the fallowing Inscription S ri: A m KR K< R'ipa, Oct. 23, UM8. I a.lvise yo? to ssll *11 the ursln voti have, and eountcrmand ?onr older* Tell 0. to dispose ?f hi* cotton bef.Te the IMh. his carrier I siimale?how * .od he will ( rove I do not know. Directed to J. I... Wall ?treel Ilaiiily yours, J. It. The pigeon and original paper I* In the hand of Mr. Ncsh It was completely tire.I out and it Is thought w'll dle.?Button Journal, Oct -S.

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