Newspaper of The New York Herald, January 30, 1849, Page 1

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated January 30, 1849 Page 1
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?????? THi NO. 5353. THE ADDRESS or SOUTHERN MEMBERS OF CONGRESS TO THklh CONSTITUENTS. We, wboee names ere hereunto annexed, ad'.res? you In the discharge ef what we believe to beaeoienn duty on the most important subject ever presented for yeur consideration. We allude to the ooafliot between the two great sections of the Union, growing oat ef a difference of feeling and opinion in reference to the relation existing between the two raoee. the Kurayean and African, which Inhabit the southern section, and the acts of aggression and encroachment to which it has led The eonfllot commenced net long efterdhe acknowledgment ol our Independence, and has gradually Increased until it but arrayed the greet bodwof the North against the 8onth on this most vital sutjeot. In the pregress of this conflict, aggression has followed aggreseion, and enoroaehment encroachment, until they have reached a point when n regard for peace and enfety will not permit us t<>remain longer silent The otgeet of this address Is to give yon a clear, oerre.it, hat brief account of the whole scries of aggression and enoroaebments on your rights, with n statement of the daugers towhioh they expose you. Our ohjeot in making it, is not to causs excitement, but to put you in full possession of all the facte and circumstances necessary to a full and just eonoeptton of a deep seated disease, which threatens great danger to yen and thewhole body politic. We act on the impression, that In a popular government like ours, a true conception of the actual character and state of a disease Is indispensable togeflectlDg a ours. We have made it a joint address, because we believe that the magnitude of the eubjeot required tost it should assume toe moat impressive end solemn lorm. Not to go further back, the difference or opinion and feeling, in reference to the relation between the two races, disclosed Itself in the convention that framed the constitution, and constituted one of the greatest difficulties in forming it. After many efforts, ft was overoome by a compromise, which provided, in the first place,that representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the States according to their respective numbers ; and that. in ascertaining the number of each, five slaves shall be estimated as three. In tt e next, that slaves escaping into States where slavery does not exist, shall not be discharged from servitude, bnt shall be delivered up on olalm of the party to whom their labor or service is due. I u the third place, that Congress shall not prohibit the importation of slaves belore the year 1808 ; but a tax not exceeding ten dollars may be imposed on eaoh imported And finally, that ac capitation or direot tax shall be laid, bnt la propottion to federal numbers ; and that no i amendment of the constitution, prior to 1808, ] aballaffeot this provision, nor that relating to the Importation of slaves 80 satisfactory were these provisions, that the second, relative to the delivering up of fugitive slaves, was adopted unanimously; and all the rest, except the third, relative to the importation of slaves until 1808, with almost squal unanimity. Tbey recognise the existence of slavery, and make a specific provision forits protection where it was supposed to be the most exposed. They go farther, and incorporate it, as an in ponaiii element, in uetermining tne relative weiunt or the several States in the gevernnsent of the Union, and the rsspectlve burden they should bear in laying capitation and direct taxes. It wee well nndentood at the tune that, without them, the constitution would not hare been adopted by the 8o?thern States, and, of course, that they constituted elements so essential to the system that it neret would have existed without them. The Northern States, knowing all this, ratified the constitution, thereby pledging their faith, in the most solemn manner, sacredly to observe them. How that faith has been kept, and that pledge redeemed, wc shall next proceed to show. With few exceptions, of no great importance, the South bad no cause to oomplaln prior to the year 1810? a year, it is to be feared, destined to mark a train of events, bringing with them many, and great, and fetal disasters, on the country and its institutions. With it commenced the agitating debate on the question of the admission of Missouri into the Union. We shall pass by, for the present, this question, and others ef the same kind, direotly growing eut of it, and shall proceed to oonsider the effects of that spirit of discord which it roused up between the two sections. It first disclosed Itself In the North, by hostility to that portion of the constitution whtoh provides for the delivering up of fugitive slaves. In its progress, it led to the adoption of hostile acts, intended to render it of non effect, and with so mush success, that it may be regarded now as practically expnnged from the constitution. How this has been effected, will be next explained. After a careful examination, truth constrains us to say, that it has been by a clear and palpable evasion of the constitution, it is Impossible for any provision to be more free from ambiguity or doubt. It is in the followinff vordi " No numon hald to Mrrla* or 1*hnr In oi< State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another State. (boll, in contequonoe of any law or regulation therein, be (Uncharged from ouch service or labor, but ball be delivered np on claim of the party to whom neb eeivlce or labor may be due." All i* clear. There ia not an uncertain or equivocal word to b? found in the whole provition. What shall not be done, and what hall be done, are fully and explicitly set forth. The termer provides that tb? fogitive slave shall not be discharged from his rerrltude by any law or regulation of the Slate wherein he is found ; and the latter, that he ball be delivered up on olaim or his owner. We do not deem it necessary to undertake to refute the sophistry and subterfuges by whlsh so plain a provision of the constitution haa been evaded, and, in offset, annulled. It constitutes an essential part of the constitutional oompaot. and of course of the supreme law of the land. As such, it is binding onall the federal and State govrrnments, the States and the individuals ctm.ooeing them. The sacred obligation of eompaat, and the seism injunction of the supreme law, whloh leClelatore and judges, both federal and 8tate, are bound y oath to support, all unite to enforce its fulfilment, according to its plain meaning and true intent. What ia? meaning ana intent are, mere vu no aiTeruij or pinion, in the better day* of therepublio. prior to 1H10. Congress. State legUiator**, State and federal judge* and magistrates, end people, all spontaneously plaoed the same interpretation on it. During that period none int?rpo**d Impediment* in the way of the owner seeking to recover hi* fugitive slave ; nor did any deny hi* right to have every proper feoility to enforce hi* claim to have him delivered op It was then nearly as easy to reeever one found in Northern State, a* one found in a neighboring southern State. But this ha* passed away, and the provision is defunct, except pernaps In two 8tatea.* when we take into consideration the importance and clearneee of this provision, the evasion by which it ha* been set aside may fairly be regarded as one of the most fatal blows ever received by the 8onth and the Union. This cannot be more concisely and correctly stated than it ha* been by two of the learned judges of tbe Supreme Court of the United States. In one of his decisions! Judge Story said : ' Historically, It Is well known that the object of this olause was to secure te tbe citizens of the slaveholding States tbe oemplete right and title of ownereblp in their alavee, as property, in every State of the Union, into wbloh they might eecape from the State wherein they were held in servitude " "The fnll recognition of this right and titl* was indispensable to the aeenrity of this aperies of propeaty in all tbe slaveholding States, and,. Indeed, waa eo vital to the preservation of their interests and institutions, that it cannot be doubted that It constituted a fundamental article, without tbe adoption of which tbe Union would not have beem farmed. It* true design was to guard against tbe dootrines and prlnelp ee prevalent in the non-slevebolding States, by fireventing them from intermeddling with, or rsetrlotx, or abolishing tbe rights of the owner* of slaves " Again : " The clanse was therefor* of the last importance to the safety and aeenrity of tbe Southern States, and could not be surrendered by them without endangering tbelr whole property In slaves The clanse was accordingly adopted in the constitution, by the unanimous conrent of the flramere of It?a proof atones of its intrinsic and practical necessity.'* Again: '?1 he clanse manifestly nenreuiDlates tbe ex ietence of a positive unqualified right on the part of the owner of the slave, which no State liw or regnlatlon cen In any way regulate, control, qualify, or real rain." The cpinion of the other learned judge was notice* emphatic ae to the importance of this provision, and the unquestionable right of the Sonth under it Judge Baldwin, In oharglng the iury. *aU:{ "If there are any rigbte of property whieh can be enforced?If one oiti en have any rights of property whieh are inviolable under the protection of the supreme law of the State, and the Union, they are those which have been set at nought bj same of these d?fendants As the owner vf property, which he bad a perfect right to possess, pro- , teet and take away?as a oitiasn of a sister State, entitled to all tbe privilege* and immunities of cltlaens of any other States Mr. Johnson stands before yon on ground whieh cannot be taken from under him; it Is lbs same ground on which the government itself is based If the defendants can bejastittsd, we h?ve no longer law or government." Again, after referring moie particularly to the provision for delivering up fugitive elavee, he raid: 'Thus you see that the foundations of tbe government are laid and rest ou the right of property In slaves The whole struoture must fall by disturbing the corner stone." These are grave, and solemn, and admonitory words, from a high source. They confirm all for which the Seuth has ever contended as to the etearneer, importance, and fundamental character of this provision, and the disastrous oonseqnsnoes which would Inevitably follow from Its violation. But In spite of these solemn warnings, the violation then eotnmeaoed and Which they were Intended to rebuke, has been fully and perfectly censnmrnated. The olUtene of the Booth, in their attempt tofresover their elavee, now meet, instead of aid and cooperation, resistance In every form; resistance from hostile aots of legislation, Intended to baffle and defeat their elefme by all sorts of device*, and by Interpoeing every description of Impediment?resistance from jndgea and magistrates ? acid. finally, when all these fa-1 from mob-, composed of whites and blaeka. which, by threats or force, rssette jk the fugitive slave from the poetession of bis rightful waex. The attempt to reeo vera slave. In most of ths Mmthern States, cannot now be made without tbe ladies* avd Illinois f 1 he tees of Prig)i * thv nommonwsa'th el Pennsylvania i Jhfl ft4" ef Jot ascn o?. Ten pai&s ?r,4 oUteta. s E N E j MOR] basard of Inenlt, heavy pecuniary lota, imprieoamsnt, I ti and mi of lifo iticlf Already baa a worthy altisaa of hi Maryland* loat bla llfa In making an attempt to an- ti fosee bla claim to a fugitive slave ondar Ma provision. U Bnt a provision of the oonatltutton may be viola tad w Indira oily aa vaU aa directly, by doing an aot in ita natnre inoonatatant with that wbioh la anjolned to ba ti dona. Ol tbia form of violation thara la a atrlklng In- ai tanea connected with tba provision under so aside- lo ration. Wa allude to aeerat oombloationa Vrbloh are a< believed to exist In many of the Northern States, at wboaa object la to antlaa, decoy, entrap, Inveigle, and e: reduce alavea to aioape (Tom their ownera, and to pa?e 81 them aearetly and rapidly, by maana organised for the pi pnrpaae, Into Canada, where they wiU be beyond tba JM reach of the provision That to enttoe a slave, by T whatever artifice, to abseond from his owner Into a ol nen-slavaholdlng State, with the Intention to plaoe b< blm beyond the reeeh of the provision or prevent his el recovery, by ooneealment or otherwise, is as completely sa repugnant to It as its open violation would be, la too ti elear to admit of doubt or to require Illustration. And it yet, aa repugnant as these combination* are to the tl true latent of the prevision, It la believed that, with te the above exeeption, not one of the Statea within U whoae limit* they exiat haa adopted any measure to m uppreee them, or to punish those by whoaa agency n the object for whleh tbey were formed is oarried into exsoution. On the contrary, they have looked on and ia wltneeaed with indiffsrenoa. if not with seoret appro- ri batlon, a great cumber ef slaves enticed from their hi c?g?ri tod placed beyond the possibility of rsoovery, | dl to the great annoyance tld heavy pecuniary V* ?* the bordering Southern States <p e< When we take into consideration the gre>. .^or- ei taoceof this provision, the absence of all uncertainty tt as to Its true meaning and Intent, the many guards by < which it is surrounded to protect and enforoe It, and ni then reflect how completely the objeot for which it ot was Inserted In the eouititutlon Is defeated by these to two fold Infractions, we donbt, taking all together, tc whether a more flagrant breach of faith la to l>4 found w< on reeord. We know the language we hare u.-ed Is ei strong, hut it is not less true t ban strong 01 There remains to be noticed another elass of ag- ci gieerive aots, of a kindred character, but which, in- n< stead of striking at an express and speoiflo provision m of tbs constitution, aims directly at destroying the oi relation between the two races at the South, |by o meant subversive in their tendency of ona of the ends V for which the constitution was establishsd. We refer bi to the systematic agitation of the question by the abe- w litioniets; which, commencing about 1835, in still con- SI tinned in all possible forms Their avowed lnteatlon is tl to bring about a state of things that will foroe emanol- pi pation on the South. To unite the North in fixed bos- ei tility to slavery in the 8outh, and to excite discontent <1 among the slaves with their condition, are among the m means employed to effect it. With a view to bring about the former every means are resorted to in order al to reader the South, and the relation between the two jv races there, rdious and hateful to the North. For this o< purpose societies and newspapers are everywhere es- qi tabllshed, debating dubs opened, lecturers employed, Si pamphlets and other publications, pictures and peti- tl lions to Congresa resorted to, and directed to that single ai point, regardless of troth or deonnoy; while the olrou- fa lation of incendiary publications intba South, the agi- tl talion of the subject of abolition in Congresa, and tna as employment of emissaries, are relied on to excite <lls- le content among the slaves. This agitation and the in use of these means, have been continued, with more or tt lets activity, for a series of years, not without doing m much towards effecting the object Intended. We re- ai gard both objeot and means to be aggressive and dan- tc gerens to the rights of the South, and snbversive, as 01 stated, of one of the ends for whleh the constitution je was established. Slavery is a domestic institution It ec belongs to tbe State*, each for itself, to decide whether al It (ball be established or aet; and. If it be established, ?* whether It should be abolished or not. Snch being the w dear and unquestionable right of the States. It follows pi neoessarilj that it would be a flagrant aot of aggression tl on a State, destructive of Its rights, and subversive of ix its independence, for the federal government, or one or tl more States, or their people, to undertake to force on it a the emancipation of its slaves. But it is a sound maxim a In polities, as well as law and morals, that no one has a sc right to do that indirectly whichhe eannot do directly, di and it may be added with equal truth, to aid, or abet, or oountenance another in doing it. And yet the a bo- o litionists of the North, openly avowing their intention, t< and resorting to the most efficient means for the pur- t) pose, have been attempting to bring about a state of Hi things to force the Southern States to emancipate their si slaves, without any act on the part of any Northern tc 8tats to arrest or suppress the means by whieh they at propose to accomplish it. They have been permitted si to pursue their object, and to use whatever means they w please; if without aid or oountenance, also without re- ti (stance or dirapprobation. What gives a deeper shade !i te tbe whole aflair is tbe fact, that ene of the means si to effect their object, that of exciting discontent p among our slaves, tends directly to subvert what its n preamble declares to be one of ine ends for whloh the p constitution was ordained and established?"to insure C domestio tranquillity"-and that in the only way in q which domestio tranquillity is likely ever to be disturbed v in tbe South. Certain it is, that an agitation so syste- n natie?having such an objeot in view, and sought to tl be carried into execution by sueh means?would, be- e: tween independent nations, constitute just cause of re- ii monstrance by the party against which tbe aggression '< was directed, and. If not heeded, an appeal to arms for m redress. Such being tbe case where an aggression of tbe kind takes place among Independent nations how n mucu muro sggnTnea uiusiii d? ?e Lire en oonnaemed oi States, where the U nion precludes en appeal to arms. tl while It affetds a medium through which it can operate U with vastly Increased force and effeot? That it would t] be perverted to euoh a use, never entered into the ima t< glnation of the generation which formed and adopted *< the ooaetitution; and, If It had been supposed It would, n it Is certain that the South never would have adopted It. ii We now return to the question of the admlesirn of j< Missouri into the Union, and shall proceed to give a r< brief sketch of the occurrences connected with it, and n the consequences to which II has directly led. In the q latter part of 1810 the then territory of Missouri applied i< to Congress, In the usual form, for leave to form a State 01 constitution and government, In order to be admitted n into the Union. A bill was reported for the purpose, c with the usual provisions in susb oases. Amendments p were offered, having for their object te mske It a oondi- b tion of her admission, that her constitution should tl have a provision to prohibit slavery This brought on q the egttating debate which, with the effects that fol- a1 lowed, has done so much to alienate the Senth and North, and endanger our political institutions. Those n who objected to the amendments, rested their oppoel- t! tion on the high grounds of the right of self govern- ment. They claimed that a territory, having reached It the period when it is proper for it to form a constitution u and government for itself, becomes fully vested with all the rights of self-government; and that even the condition imposed on it by the federal constitution, re- j" lates not to the formation of its constitution and gov- d< rement, but its admission Into the Union For that si purpose, it provides, as n eonditicn, that tha government muat be repubiiean. '' Tbey claimed that Congress has no right to add to u this condition, and that to assume it would be tantamount to the aseumption of the right to make lta entire constitution and government; as no limitation * could be Imposed as to tha axtant of tha right, if it be * admitted that it exists all. Those who supported the * Hiruuuioiib ufDiflu ba?i? groiiniB, Alia ClAllDia IDA _ right of Congress to Impose. at discretion, what o*ndi- * tione It pleased. In tbU agitating debate, the two seotioae itood arrayed against eaoh other, the Sooth in j, favor of the hill without amendment, and the North opposed to it without it The debate and agitation ^ continued until the seeelon wae well advanced; hot It became apparent towards its close, that the people ef * Missouri were fixed and resolvei la their opposition to 7 the proposed eonditlon, and that they would certainly j: reject it, and adopt a cons'ltutioa without it. should the bill pats with the conditlen. Such being the case, it tequlred no great effort of mind to perceive, that Missouri once in possession ot a constitution and government. not simply on paper, but with lsgislators elected, and officers appointed, to carry them into effeet the grave questions weold be presented. whether she was of right a S'ate or Territory; and, if the latter, ' whether C< ogress had the right, and. If the right, the . powtr, to abrogate her constitution, disperse her legls- ' lure, and to r? mand her baek to the territorial somii- . tien. These were great, and under the circumstances, ' fearful questi'-ns- too learful to be met by those who , had raUed the agitation From thst time the only " question was. how to sseape from the d'fflcnltv Fortunately, a mean* ?> alTordtd A eempro- , mire (a? It waa called) *?< (jffrrad. baaed on tt> * terms that the North abould cease to oppoaa the adnata " tion of Missouri on the groun le for which the South contended and that the provi-lona of the ordinance of *. 17h7, for the government of the nortbweatern terri ' torj. abould be applied t? all the territory acquired by , the United States from France under the treaty of Lonlalana, lying north of 3d 30, eioept the portion . lying In the State ol Miaaouri The northern membera embraced It; and although Dot originating with then, : adapted It ae their own. It was forced through t on reaa b> tb* alruoat united votee of the North, agalnat a minority eonaiatlng almoat entirely of member* from r1 the aoutfcern State* 1'* Surb waa the termination of this the fret conflict, * under the conatitution, between the tw* aeetlona. in reference to slavery. In eonnection with the territo- : rice Many hailed it a* a permanent and final a Jjustment that would prevent the recurrence of aimilar conflicts; but others. lese sanguine, took tbe oppoeite J and more glocmy view, regarding It aa tbe preouraor , of a train of events which might rend the Union aaunder. and prostrate our political system One of these waa the eipniencad and sagacious Jefferson Thus ' far tims would seem to favor bis forebodings. May a returning sense of justice, and a protecting t'rovlleeaoe . avert iheir final fulfilment. Far many years the suhject of slavery, In reference w to tbe teirltciies, eeas"d to agitate the country Indi- . cations however, oonnected with the question of anneilng Texae, showed clearly that It was ready to break out again, with redoubled vlolenoe, on some fa- ' tare occasion The difference In tb* oase of Texae was adjusted by extending tbe Missouri campr-mme J1 line of 80 30, from its terminus, on the western bound _ ary of tbe Louisiana purchase, to the western boundary cf Texas. Tha agitation again cease J for a abort period. The war with Mexico soon followed, and that terminated In tha acquisition of New Mexioo and Upper f ailfornla embracing an area eqnal to about on* half }f tha antlr* valley of tb* Mlaslsslppl If to this we idd tha portion of Oregon acknowledged to be onra by the iscent treaty with England our whole territory ?n tha Tat'lBo and West of tha Kooky Mountains will ?* found to be in extent but little leas than that yast _? F'.cBisdy,#f llagmiowB, Mo. I W TO SING EDITION?TUE tlley. Th# bmi prospect ef m great an addition rein di ad the mltonMit between the North and 8onth. i reference tc slavery In Ita oonnaotion with the tarriirlas, which haa become, alnoa thoaa on tha Paotflo are acquired, mora nniveraal and lntanae than aver Tha affaata hare bean to wldan tha difference barren tha two eaotiona. and to give a mora dateraalnad d hoatlla oharaatar to their conflict. Tha North no nger ret pacta tha Mlaaouri compromiae Una, although loptad by their almoet nnantmona rota. Instead of impromlee, they avow that their determination is to iclude slavery from all tha territories of tha I'nltad tatea, acquired or to be aoqotred ; and, of aourse, to ravent the oltisena of tha Southern States from amiatlng with their property in slaves into any of them, hair object, they allege, la ta prevent the extension ' slavery, and ours to extend it, this making tha Issue twean them and us to be tha naked question, shall avary be extended or not ? We do not deem It neoeetry, looking to the objeot af this address, to examine ie question, so faUy discussed at the last session, whaler Congress has the right to exclude tha altisens af ie South from Immigrating with their property into irrltories belonging to the confederated States of the nlon. What we propose In this connection la, to ake a few remarks on what the North alleges, errosously, to be the issue between us and them So far from maintaining the daotrlne which the isaue Slits, we hold that the federal government haa no t to extend or restriet slavery, no more than to estaiisb or abolish It; ner haa it any right whatever to istinguifh between the inatltutlons of one State or lotion and another, in order to favor the one, and dis>urage the other. Aa the federal representatives of ich and all tbe States, It Is bound to deal ont. within ie sphere of its powers, equal and exaot justice and ta ir to all. To act otherwise, to uudertake to disorientate between the domestic Institutions of ons and anher, would be to act in total subversion of tke snd r w 1.1011 it *m u?Di?ottt-io oe me common proieoir and guardian of all Entertaining these opinions. aik not, as the North allsges we do. for the extenon of slavery. That would make a discrimination in ir favor as unjust and unconstitutional as ths dtsimination they ask against us in their favor. It Is Dt for them nor for the federal government to deterIne whether our domestic institution Is good or bad; r whether It should be repressed or preserved. It bangs to us, and ns only, to deeide such questions 'bat then we de insist on, is. not to extend slavery, it that we shall not be prohibited from Immigrating, ith our pioperty, into the territories of the United tates, because we are slaveholders: or, In other words, ist we shall not on that account be disfranchised of a rlvilege possessed by all others, citlsens and foreign s, without discrimination as te character, profession, r color. All. whether savage, bmbarian, or oivllised, ay freely enter and remain, we only being excluded. We rest our claim, not only on the high grounds love stated, but also on the solid foundation of right, istice.and equality. The territories immediately in mtroversy?New Mexioo and California?were aelired by the common saoriflce and efforts of all the ates, towards which the South contributed far more lan her full share of men*, to say nothing of money; id is, of course, on every principle of right, Justice, irness, and equality, entitled to participate fully In le benefits to be derived from their requisition. But i Imuregnable as Is this ground, there is another not ss so. Ours Is a federal government?a government i which, not individuals, but States, m distinct sove ilgn oommunities, are the constituents. To them, as embers of the fedsral Union, the territories belong; ad they are hence declared to be territories belonging > the United States. The States, then, are the joint eners Now, It is conoeded by all writers on the ewbct, that in all suoh governments their members are all ;ual? equal In lights, and equal la dignity. They to ooneede that this equality eonstltutea the basis of leh government, and that it oannot be destroyed ltbout obangtng their nature and character. To derive, then, the Southern States and their oltlsens of teir full share in territories declared to belong to tbem i common with the other States, would be in derogaon of the equality belonging to them as members of federal Union, and sink them, from teing equals, into subordinate and dependent oonditloa. Such are the illd and impregnable grounds on which we rest our smand to an equal participation in the territories. But as solid and impregnable as they are in the eyes f justice and reason, they oppose a feeble resistanoe > a majority determined to engross the whole. At is last session of Congress, a bill was passed estab thing a territorial government for Oregon, exelndlng avery thereirom. The President gave his sanction i the bill and sent a special message to Congress iaionintr hit rMtAna fnr tlninw sn Thnan a?a. jpposed that the Missouri compromise ih to be, and ould be, extended west of the Rooky mountains te ie Pacific oocan. And the President intimated his itention in his message, to veto any future bill that tiould restrict slavery south of the line of that comromlie. Assuming it to have been the purpose and itention of the North to extend the Missouri oomromise line as above Indicated, the passage of the iregon bill eould only be regarded as evincing the aouieseence of the South in that line. But the deelopements of the present session of Congress havs lade it manifest to all that no sueh purpose or intenlon now exists with the North, to any considerable xteat. Of the truth ef this, we have ample evidenoe > what has occurred already in the Honse of Represn'ativrs, where the popular feelings are soonest and tost intensely felt. Althongh Congress has been in session bat little tore than one month, a greater number of me as tire e r an aggressive character have been introduced, and liey more aggravated and dangerous, than have been >r years before. And what olearly discloses whence ley take their origin, is the fact that they all relate > the territorial aspect of the subject of slavery, or line other of a nature and character intimately conected with It. The first of this series of aggressions. Is a resolution itroduced by a member from Massachusetts, the obot of which is to repeal all acts or parts of acta which rcognlse the existence of slavery, or authorise the riling and disposing of slaves in this District. On oestion of leave to bring in a bill, the votes stood 69 >r and 63 sgainst leave. The next was a resolution Ifered by a member from Ohio, instructing the Comilttee on Territories to report forthwith bills for exlading slavery from California and New Mexico.f It used by a vote of 107 to 80. That was followed by a 111 Introduced by another member from Ohio, to take M votes of the Inhabitants of tbla District on the uestlon whether slavery within its limits should be bolls bed. The bill provided, according to the admission of the lover. mat rree negroes and slaves should vote On lie question to lay the bill on tbo table, the votes stood -for, 106; against, 79. To tble euoceeded the resoition of n member from New York, in the following orde : " Whereas, the traffto bow proseratrd la tkli metropolis of tbo pnblio in Ounian being', a* chattels, ii oostrary to natnral loses sad lbs fundameatel priaeip'ea or oar poiitieel ay<torn, and aotoriontly a reproach to our country, throughout ihnateni m, and a serious I ii dranee to tbo progress of ropublioan liberty n< ng the natiena of the earth. Therefore, ' Resolved, That the Committee for tbe Dlctriet of Colombia ainairacted to report a bill, as soon as practicable, prohibiting io slave trade in eaid diatriot," On the qneetlon of adopting tbe resolution, the otee stood P8 for, and 88 against. He was followed by member from Illinois, who offered a resolution for bollebiog slavery In the territories, and all places here Congress hat exoluslve power* of legislation; bat Is, in all forts, magssinea. arsenals, dock-yard*, nd other needful building*, pureha*ed by Congress 1th tbe eonseut of the legislature of the 8tate. This resolution was passed over ander the rules ot the louse without being put to vote. Tbe roret in favor of all these measure* were confined ) tbe members from tbe northern Statae. True, there re some pstriotlo members from thatseetion who voted (alutt all tf them, and whose high sense of justiee 1* uly sppr related; who in tha progress of the aggressions pon ibe South bave, by tbelr votes, sustained tha uatantees ef tbe constitution, and of whom we regret > say many bave been aaerlficed at home by their parietie course. We bave now brought to a close a narrative of tbe >rlee of acts of aggression and encroachment eontoted with tbe subject of this address Including those lat are consummated and those still In progress. They re numerous, great.and dangerous, and threaten with sstruetton tbe giratest and nsaet vital of all the lute sts and institutions of the South Indeed, it nay be oubted whether there Is a single provision, stipulation, r guaranty of the constitution. Intended for the seouty of the South, that has not been rendered almost ugatory It mav even be made a serious qneetlon, hether tbe encroachments already made, without the d of any other, would not. if permitted to operate I ncbecked. end in emanetpstlon, and tbat at no dieiDt tl.y Bnt be tbat as It may, It hardly admits of doubt tbst. If the aggression* already commented in la House, and now in progress, should be cocsumeted. such in the end would certainly lie the coma- 1 uenee. Lull*. In trntb. would be left to be doc* after we hp been t-inudrd from *11 the Terrltorlea. Including , 10** to b* b*r*kft*r acquired, eftar ela??ry I* abol'-hed i thl* l)l?trlet. and in the numerou* place* dtaperaed I r.vpr th* South, wbrr* Congreaa hu tb* aiclarlT# phi of legtrlatton. and aft*r the other mea*urea pro- j ?**d ara coneuirmaud F.?ery outpoet and barrier ould b* carried, and nothing would b* loft but to biih ib* w*rh rf abolition at pleurure In th* Sta'e* i .rnirelie* Tbl* Dlptrlet, and all place* o*er whloh nngr*** baa exclunl?* power of lepUiatloo. would ba i ijium* for ft-glrla* *I*t*p wbrre. aa nooc a* they acid their f**l they would baoomc. aceordiag to the Drtrlnea of or.i iso.-thirn aiaallaota, traa, unteaa thara I ould be tome pt.pirlTC anaotmanta to prevent It. Under men a atata of thing*, the probability la, that nanelpatioi. would corn follow, without any final aot i abollah alevtry The depraaalng ifferta of Mich eaatiraaon the white rae* at the South, and the i'P* tbey would ereate In tba black of a apeedy emanlation.would produce a atate of teeltag Ineonalatant ith the much longer continuance of the exiating re tlom between tba two Bnt be that aa It may. It la i Main. I* emancipation did not follow, aa a matter of ;ut?e the final act In tba Statea would not be long lajed. The want of conetltutlonat powar would op>*e a f>able reetatanee. The great body of the North united agalnit our pcenllar inatltutton. Many he- , * Volunteer* ftam th* South? Regltrent* SS Battal one II Com panic* 11 Total tnmberol **lnnt*ar? from thePooth 48,844 Voluntceta from the berth?aigtw * ?# ll Battaltoea 1 Cowpaaita 11 Total number of rate a terra from the North 1U*4 Itein* nearly two on tie part if tba South to one on ike part of a b ort' . Hot taklre Into onnaufemtion that ?'* popnlatlon of ? birth I* tao.thiida yrcatrr tlan tha -onth. tba In'terha* rnli bed more tt an three time* her d'n pr rptrtiea of volnnlttra. J I en tt uptiul to W t U.tuc.

RK H SDAY, JANUARY 30, ] lleve It to be sinful. and the reel due. with Inoonsldera- B hie exeeptlona, believe It to be wrong Snob being the ' eaee, It weuld Indleate a very superficial knowledge of j human nature, to think that, after aiming at T ?y ?tnE?tically for ao many year*, and pursuing It with pi such unscrupulous disregard of law and constitution. J< the fanatics who bare led the way and foreed the great body of the North to fol'ow them, would, when the V finishing stroke only remained to be given, voluntarily ?' suspend it, or permit any constitutional scruples or considerations of juatioe to arrest it. To these may k be added an aggression, though not yet commenced, it long meditated and threatened-to prohibit what the pi abolitionists call the Internal slave trade, meaning thereby the transfer ef slates from one State to on- ol other, from whatever motive done, or however effected. Their obiect would stem to be to render them worthleas. by orowding them together where they are, and thus hasten the work of emancipation There Is reason for believing that It will soon follow tho<e now in progress, unless, indeed, some decisive step should be taken In the mean time to arrea' the whole. The question tben is, will the measures of aggression proposed in the House be adopted ? They may not. and probably will not be this sesalon. a But wben we take Into consideration that there Is a ft msjority now in favor of one of tbem, and a strong it minority In favor ot the other, as far as the sense of ti the House has been taken ; that there will be in all b pmu?uniij a consiaeraDte increase in me next cod- ?i press of the rote in favor of them, and that it will be largely increased in the next succeeding Congress, tl under the cestui to be taken next rear, it amount* w almost to a certainty tbat they will be adopted, unle*a w tome d?clsive measure ia taken in advance to prevent It bi But, if even these eonoluilona ehould prove erroneous? If fanaticism and the lore of power should, eon- gi trary to their nature, (or onoe respeot constitutional 11 t-arriers. or if the oaloulations of polloy should retard pi the adoption of these measures, or even defeat them ol altogether, thtre would be still left one certain way to ol accomplish tkelr objeot, if the determination avowed tl by the North te monopolise all the territories, to the n exclusion of the South, should be carried into effect. r< Tbat of itself would, at no dietmnt day, add to the ti Noith a sufficient number of States to give bar three- e fourths of the whole ; when, nnder the eolor of an ei amendment of the constitution, she wonld emanot- _ f ate our slaves, however opposed it might be to its true ntent. Thus, under every aspect, the result Is esrtaln, if ag- . grtesion be not promptly and deoldedly met. How it is to be met, it is for you to decide. Such, then, being the oaee, it would be to Insult you 11 to suppose you eould hesitate. To destroy the exist- * Ing relation between the free and servile races at the } South would lead to consequence! unparalleled In his- 11 tory. They eennot be eeparated, and cannot live together in peace or harmony, or to the'r mutual advantage, except in their present relation. Under any other, wretched uese, and misery, and desolation would overspread the whole South. The example of the British West Indies, as blighting as emancipation has nrnwtiil tA fhnm fnmiihsa * nU?nva t\9 fha calamities it would bring en tha South. The elroum- . stances under which it would take place with us would be entirely different from those wbloh took place with ? them, nnd calculated to land to far more disastrous re- 1 suits. There, the government of the parent country * emancipated slaves in her oolonlal posse?slons?a government rich and powerful, and aotuated by views of g policy, (mistaken as they turned out to be.) rather * than fanatiolsm. It was, besides, disposed to aot justly * towards the owners, even in the act of emancipating their slaves, and toproteot and foster them afterwards, it aooordlr gly appropriated nearly $100,000,000 as a compensation to th? m for their losses under tne aet, which sum. although It turned out to be far short of the amount, was thought at that time to be liberal. Sines P the emancipation,It has kept up a sufficient military n and naval force to keep the blacks in awe, and a sum- r' bar cf magistrates, and eonstables, and other civil offl- ^ eers, to keep order in the towns and plantations, and c enforce respect to their former owners To a con- P siderable extent, these have served as a substitute for * the police formerly kept on the plantations by the owners and their overseers, and to preserve the social * and political superiority of the white race. But, not- * withstanding all this, the British West India nosces- t (Ions art ruined, impoverished, miserable, wretched, 0 and destined probably to be abandoned to the blaok d raoe. Very different would be the circumstances " under whieh emancipation would take place with us. If It ever should be effected, it will be through the agency of the federal government, controlled by the dominant power of the Northern States of the confederacy, against the resistance and struggle of the Southern. It can then only be sffeoted by the prostration ef the white raoe; and that would necessarily engender the bitterest feelings of hostility between them and the North. But the reverse would be the case between the blaoksoftbe 8outh and the people of the North Owing their emancipation to them, they would regard them as friends, guardians, and patrons, and centre, accordingly. all their sympathy in them The people of the North would net fall to reoiprooate and to favor them, instead of the whites. Under the Influence of sncb feelings, and Impelled by fanaticism and love of power, they would not step at emancipation. Another step would be taken?to raise tbem to a political and social equality with their former owners, by giving them the right of voting and holding public ofllces under the federal government We see the first step towards It in the bill already alluded to?to vest the free blaoks and slaves with the right to vote on the qnestlon of emancipation in this District. But when once raised to an equality, they would become the fast political associates of the North, aotlng and voting wltb tbem on all questions. and by this political union between them, holding ths white raoe at the South In complete subject ion. Tbe blacks, and the profligate whites that might nnlte wltb them, would beeome ths prinelpal recipients of federal offices and patronage, and would, in eeneequsncc, be raised above ths whites of the Sosth in the political and social scale. We would, in a word, change conditions with tbem- a degradation greater then has ever yet fallen to the lot of a free and enlightened people, and one from whieh we could not escape, should emancipation take plaoe, (whioh It certainly will if not prevented ) but by fleeing the homes of ourselves and ancestors, and by abandoning our couotry to our former slaves, te become tbe permanent abode of disorder, anarchy, poverty, misery,and wretchedness. With susb a prospect before us, the gravest and most solemn question that ever claimed tbe attention of a people is pTssented for your eonsideratian : What is to be done to prevent it f It is a question belonging to you to decide. All we propose is to give yon our opinion. We, then, ars of tbe opinion that the first and Indispensable step without whioh nothing oan be done, and wltb which everything may be, is to be united among yourselves on this great and most vital question The want of union and concert in reference to It has brought tbe South, the Union and our system of government to their present perilous condition Instead of placing it above all others, it has been made subor- n dinate not only to mere questions of policy, but to the b preservation of party ties and insuring of party sue- u cess As high as we bold a due respect for tbese. we bold tbem subordinate to that and other questions in- >' volving our safety and happiness. Until they are so d held by tbe South, tbe North will not believe that you o are in earnest in opposition to their encroachments, too mey win continue to ioiiow. one alter anotner, c until the work of abolition Is finished To eonvlnoe c tbcm that you are. you must prove by your acts that d you bold all other quffttou* fubordlnato Vo it. If you t beet me united, and prove yourselves in earnest. the li Nortb will bo brought to a pause, and to a calculation * of consequences; and tbat may lead to a ohange of measures, and to tbe adoption of a caurae of policy that may quietly and peaceably terminate tbia long conSlot * between the two seetiona. If it abould not. nothing e would remain for you but to ctand up immoesbly in t defence of rights involving your all-your property, t prosperity, equality, liberty, and safety. a As the assailed, you would stand justified by all lawa s human and divine, in repelling a blow ao dangerous, e without looking to consequences, and to resort to all b means necessary f< r tbat purpose. Your assailants, t< and not yon, would be responeibte for consequences. a< Koteitsmmg there optDiona. we earnestly entreat a you to be united, and for tbat pnepose adept all neces- ti rtryf measures Beyond tbia, we think it would not ba ti proper to go at present. ej We bope, if yon should unit* with anything Ilka a unanimity, it may of itself apply a remedy to this deep-rested and dangerous disease; but if such should not be the eaee. that time will then bars come for you o to ceioe what course to adopt a Mr. Ci iitvS moved to lay tbe whole subject on the a lailin. IK JfU BDU BKjn lining unman uau, me motion > na* rtjanted- ;'u 2V, nayn f!0 t 1 boi> who aoHd In thn affirmative am? d Mi-nrr. ( lay tor. f pi unaea, Poirra, k. Johaaon, Matonlfo, I'n- I liruo'd, lull, (l ?|ir.*i < riatield. R< a an, Gnfmin, Clinpnan. , r, H. K'ff, Harriiyir, gtrphma, Tnomba, Morrhoad, Bairow, . Corkr Ir.rltr, Gentry, llatkcll, Caball, Ploiirnoy, and Praa . to?-ft h Thra# who noted In the negative are ? " Mi wia Mai-n. Ilm ur, Builar. Calhoun, bowan. Turney, At " rhunn. Dim, foot#, King. Borland, Wrateot*, Yulea Rn-k, 8. tl Houaloc, Ligoa. MrLaiir aikinnon, llatly. Btdimtrr, Boeook. W. t Bruu n, Mta-a MeDoarll. Fult-o, B. tlnimi'on, MoKav, Uaalal, f I'n dltton, I. I nlnil, Rtett. Simpaon, Wallace, W oodward, H. . I in, llavnlaon, ln-r on, J. W Jonaa. lambkin W. H. W. Cobb, bayle. tiar'ia A. O. Brown. Feaihernton. J. Thonpnon, " Tim pUna, Billiatd, ilarmanaoa, IIoraa. i a Vara, Bo) d, Par ton, * Uill, Stanion. Tlx man. Kaufman. Pillabury. Bowiln, B. W. John- n ion. B. V. Johnaon, Benlon, and Vanablc?40. R| II- VI. . . . . - nanaa/l n M. a?A?Mrt>l# tKa ail.1 MM /) (tin Cf mml'tee, with inatructtor.a ? Mr Mu >Ki moved to divide the proposition, whtoh f, *ad den*, and the add ma waa re-committad without ,j Intimation* Th* j i aa and naja being demanded, were aa follow! : j yraa 41, i?ja 40 p 1 hoae w ho voted In the affirmative are? c Merwt Clayton. fpTueiee. Peart* R. Jehnaon, Btrrian, Met- _ mile I nderwiod hoik, Hnnaton, Chapman. Criaflald, igon, Mel tne, heman. 11 ari.ujf. Iulu n, Gogjrln, McDowe 1, Pendleton. * I'retton Bamrjer. t Itifman. Mogay. B. Cobb. J. W. Joaea, T. * B. linr, L-mpkin. Stephcne, Teemka, Milliard, Boyd, Mnrehead, a Bartow, tieke, i fithr, Gentry, Htakell. Cabell, Thomaa, Pilia- y Lnty. and Kanlkaan?41. 1 boa* who anted in the negative are? Mca ra. Maaoa. Banter, Butler. Calhoun. H. Johnarm, Turtiay, Dowra i. l'avla Foote, W. R. Ktig, Atehiaoa, Borland, Waet- * rctt, Ynlee. Aik.i aor Bat ly, Boco, k. Brdltger. W G. Brown, 1 biade. h Tl ompioa. Vtnabln lianiel. 1. Uolmea, Rhatt, Simp- d nr. Wallaie. W oocward, llaraleon, Iverson, Ua)le, Hindi A. O t Bro'n. Ilarmaneon. Mi.raa, La Beta, Peyton, II til, Stan ton and e K. W. Jehneon? 4C. . Mr St Kriia.na moved that thle meeting adjowrn atna die The yeas and naya being demanded, tt waa de- ' elded In the negative- yea a W, naya (19 ' 1 bcae who voted in the affirmative are? Meratra 4 lay ion, Hmaree, Peatoe. B. Johnaoa. Underwood, f lleti ail*. Be l. < 11| n an, C. lafletd, Kenan. Gigaln, T B. Ming, h'ephrna. To,rota, Mirehead, Barrow, Cooke, crueier, Gentry, 1 I la r I all atd I reetoa?Jl>. I 1 hnae who voted In the negative are? p Meeira Moon Hunter, Bntlet, < alh tin. H. John aon. Berrien, t Ttnnry, ?' ?ria Foote, Iravia, Ki,y B r ant fo'ee. t*aneot\ r Kara, tl. lliuan.ii, AtVineen, ''ajl,, UodtoKir, Bucutk, Vt.G. ERA 1849. rown, Flournoy, Fulton, Knit, MoDowell, PecdUton, R. f h.nipBon. Barringer, Cltnrnian. MoKay, Ven.ble, UjB'oI. 1. t lolmea, Bbett.SimMon. WallMo Wowlvtrd. Iw??. a . W Jonee, Gayle. Borru. Iltllmrd k. O. Brown, J. Thomp-oo, , nntpklua H?rm?n?on Nona. La Kara. Bovrt, Peyton. Ili'l, tan ton, Thomae, Cabal], Kaufman, Pllubnry, Bowlin, and & If. * shown? U. n Mr. Stephana, Mr. Chapman, Mr. Ru.k, and Mr. o lorebead reqneated to ba exeused from serving on the a ommlttea; which wm granted. II The ehalr appointed, in the plaoe of Mr Stanhena, II Ir. Berrien; In the place of Mr.Morehead, Mr Peyton; ft i the place of Mr. Ruth, Mr. Kanfman; and In the o, lace of Mr Chapman, Mr Pearae. r The meeting then adjournad. to meet In the Senate b ham bar on Monday evening, the 2lfd, at aeven o'clock, a i MANIFESTO AGAINST THE SOUTH. ! 1 peech of Hon. Wm. H, Howard, at Clevn- < laud, Ohio, October 46. j [ Krom the Albany Evening Journal. Oot. 31,1848.] The urgenoy of the invitation* whiob have brought 1 le here, baa everoome at leaat. the objections arising cm the presumptuous nesa which seem* to be implied ' i golDg from my native State to debate political que*- 1 on*, before a people from whose eloquent orators and ] ooorable ataiesiuen.lt has been my pride to Imbibe ' nthusiasm and receive instruction. If I shall be able to effer nothing that is valuable, I sail not throw before you any of those rhatorioal reaths which an indulgent audience is sometimes \ tiling to accept, in place of more important ooutri- . ationa. 1 The occasion invites to n consideration of many t rave subjects. But the time is short. I shall wast* 1 ttlo on the prejudice* which constitute the chief coital of our political adversaries The two ancient and ( Osolete parties oilglnated in the debate upon queation* t r organic law, and waxed strong in tho diaouHsion of , is principles of administration proper for n neutral i ??l > Sn.l? >h. V_? ... vv?u>?<i I?nm? r.urnpesn DelllgC- | Din. Each performed Its duties and fulfilled its <leeny; each contributed enough to be remembered in tiling gratitude, end each wu hurried, at time*, into trori to be forgiven and avoided? "The I nighti ire duet, Their iwordsin nut, Their souls la heavou we truit." Our dntiee are to the generation wbioh Is living, and s tbe generation* wbioh are to oome into life, it i* a vt og taltb, and not a dead one, that yields beneficent rults. He who acts from prejudice or from paselon, ie slave. He who persuades another to aot so, makes lm a slave. The ballot box is an altar of lndspenenoe, not of slavery. " Thou of au Independent mind, With soul rtioiv'd, with soul resign'd, Prtpar'd oppression's proudest fruwas to brave, Who wilt aot be, r or make a ilave: Virtue aloee wLodoit revere Th) own reptoaoh alone dost fear, Approach inls brine and worship here." IiBto converse with whigs only, and not with all rhlgs, but with some who propose to seoede temporarily, f not permanently, from the assosiation whose labors, irivations. defeats, and triumphs, they have hitherto hated with perseverance and fidelity. I shall speak lot for a man, nor for men, nor even for a party, bat or the common oause, which thus far has held us toether, and which the seoeders promise to edvanoe more ffeetually by seperetlon. To suoh 1 may say, perhaps dthout presumption, " Hear ms for my cause, And be silent that yon may bear; Believe for mice honor, And have respect unto mine honor, T hat) ou may the hotter J udge." I shall ask you to oonsider, first, the principles and olley which the interest of our country and of hulanity demand; e?condly,how weean most effeotually under those principle* and that polloy triumphant. Ve never were, we exe not now, and for a long time to one we oannot be, an unique and homogeneous pools. The colonies wbieh preceded our States, were offhoots from an imperfect European civilisation. Engind, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, France, Spain, Swittrland, Italy, Germany, Holland, and Sweden, oonributed the original elements of population; with bsee were mingled tbe natives ot tbe Continent, and ompulsery emit ration from tbe wilds of Afrtoa The llraeters end privation* of the Old World caused tbla lood of emigration to continue with dally increasing olume; and onr settlements on the Paoitio will soon is oome the gate fcr a similar flow from the worn out ivliization or Asia. Our twenty millions are expaudpg to two hundred millions?our originally narrow lomain into a groat empire. Its destiny la to renovate he oonditlon of mankind. ? Th* seoond principle ot American citizenship Is, that ur democratic system must be preserved and perfect d. That system la founded in tbe natural equality of II men, and their Inherent and absolute right to polttlal equality. All men?not alone all Amenoan men, lor alone ell whit* men. bnt ail men of every country, lime and complexion-are equal; not made equal by uman laws, but born equal. It results |rom this, that very man permanently residing in a community is a ,?I>Il? " ' *- " ...... .. .... vungau to suomic co its rule, end ( Otrefere entitled equally with ever/ other men to per cipate In Iti government If it be e moneroh/. he ee e right to keep e mueket to defend himself when be government become* intolereble. If it be e demoteoy, where consent i* substituted for foroe, be be* e C ight to e ballot for the *em* purpose, end eaoh shoal 1 I is pieced In hi* hand*, he being e reeldent, when he U ,ble to speed the bullet, or ce*t the bellot with dleore- r .Ion. 'Whatever Institution* or lew* we heve existing 1 imongst ua which den/ thi* principle, ere wrong, end I >ugbt to be cotreoted. i There ere two antagonlstleal element* of aooiety in i tmerica? freedom end slavery. Freedom 1* in her- t nony with onr system of government, end with the ipliitof the age, end is. therefore, passive end qnies- 1 lent. Slavery 1* in conflict with that system, with i ustloe, end with humanity, end Is therefor* organised, i lefentlve, eotive, end perpetually aggreeslv*. i Freedom insists on the emancipation end elevation i if labor; slavery on Its debasement end bondage. Slavery demand* a soil moistened with tears and blood; rerdom a soil that exults under the elastic tread of man i n bis native majesty | These element* divide and classify the American icople in two classes; each of these parties ha* its oourt ind its sceptre. 7 he throne of the one is amid the ] ceks of the Alleghany mountains; the throne of the ither 1* reared on the sands of South Carolina. One i if these parties?the party of slavery?regards dis- j iDion as among the means of defease, and not always j he last to be employed. The other maintains the 1 inlon of the States, one and inseparable, now aod for j ver, as the highest duty of the American people to s hemselve*. to posterity, and to mankind. The party of slavery upholds an aristocracy founded I n the humiliation of labor, as neoessary to the per- t lotion of a ohivslrons republic The party ef freedom j lalntaln* universal suflrege, which make* men equal li efore human laws, as they are in eight of their com- c ion Creator. 1 The party of slavery eberlshea ignorance, because it I l the only rccurlty for oppression The party of liberty i rmands the diffusion of knowledge, because it is the i The part; of slaver; patronize* labor which pro An- < es enl; export* to commercial nations abroad - tobao- < o, cotton, and sugar? and abhor* tbo protection tbat raws grain frcm our natire field*, lumbar from our na- 1 It* forest*, iron and ooai from our native mine*, and ] ogenulty. skill, and laber, from the free mind* and i rilling band* of our own people. The part;of freedom *e*k* complete and universal mancipation. You, whig* of the Reserve, and ;on i speeiali; seceding wbig*. none kuow so well as ;ou, j bat these two elemerts exist and are developed in the wo great national parties of the land, as I have deer I bed them That existence and developement eon- i titnte the onl; reason ;ou ean assign for having been ] nrolled in the whig part;, and mustered under its j anner, so sealousl; and so long. And now I am not , d contend tbat the evil spirit I have described has pos- | rried the one part; without mitigation or exception, , dd tbat the beneficent one nal, on all ocoasions, and , all;, directed toe action of the other. But I appeal > o you, to your candor and justice, If the beneficent j !><rit has not weiked cbieti; in the wbig part;, and its , Dtsgi nlst in the adverae par';. , Slaver; was onoe the sin. of not some of the Slates ? niy, but of tbem ail; of not our nation oni;, but ef ; II nations It perverted and corrupted the moral r ense tf mankind, deeply, universally; and this aor- i uption became a universal habit Habit* of thought ?ranie fixed principles No American Stat* has yet ell;ered itself entirely from those habits. Wt in ,,W tarn art ganry of nairry mil By wit h holding the v ight / tnffratt from thr met u ? ha ft rmannyatrd. 'cu Id Ohio ut guilty Id tbn ram* way, by a ayaiem of t >la?k law*, atill more aristocratic and odloua. It la , rrlttan in tba coeatltution of tha United State* that j vt dart* (ball count equal to tbr*e free men, a* a ba- ) I* of repri aentation, and it la wr'tten, alao In viola- j Ion of tba dtvlre law that wa aball aurrender tba pgttlv* eleve, wbo take* a refuge at out flreatde* from , tc talantleM pursuer. Yau blush not at tba'a thing*. | reaua* tbay bate become aa familiar aa household , orda and your pretended fraa aoil allien claim penuMai | itrlt frr maintaining thaaa miaeoalled guarantee* of , arirj, which tbay find in tba national aoaipact , L)r*.? net all tbia prove that tba whig party have kept | p with tba ap rlt of tba aga- tkat It la a* trua and , illhful to human freedom aa the Inert aonactenca of | lie American people will permit it to ba ? ( What, then, you aay can nothing ba dene for free- t rir because tba pobllo conrelenca la luart1 Yea, \ iucb can ba dona- every thing oan ba done Slavery , an be limited to Ita praaent boundt? It can be amello , ated?It oan ba. and It moat ba abollabed, and you j r.d I ran and muat do It. Tha taak la aa almpla and aay aalta ronann matlon will ba benrfleent. and Ita rearda glorlout. It reqnlrea only to fallow tble almpla , ula of notion?ta do every wbara and on every ocea- , ion. what wa can. and not to neglect or rafu** to do \ ibet wa ran at any time, becauce at that praclaa time, c nd on that particnlar occaaion wa cannot do mora n ;lrcumaiancia determine poaalbUitlea. When wa have i ote our bait to abapa them and make them prop!- y looa, we may teat eatlafled that auparlor wisdom baa atermlned tbalr form aa tbay agist, and will ba aatla led with ua if wa then do all tba good that olreumtanrea leave in oar power. Bnt wa muat begin deeper nd lower than In the aompoaltlon and combination F rf faction* and partle*. wherein tha etrcngth and aa- c urtty of elavery lie. You anawer that It Ilea In tha < oaMitotloa tf the United Stat**, and tha oonatitu- t Ion and lawa of tha alavebolding State*. Not at all. i t la In the erroneona aantlmaat *f tha Amarlean pan i la Coaatltutlon* and lawa ean no mora rtee above ' ha vlrtne of the paapla. than the limpid atream ean I limb above Ita native spring Inculcate the love of LD. TWO CENTS. random, and tbe equal right* of men, undea Um paera el roof? to It that the; are taught In theeohoola ,nd in the ehurobee?rr/nrin your ou>n cede, emtend ordial welcome to the fugitive who Imye hie weary limbo it yeur door, and defend him u? ynu would yur pilaris* godt; eorreot your own error, that elarory hat any onstltwional guaranty which may not bo released, nd ought not to be rellnquiahad; a iv to slav-ry when I ahowa ita bond and demanda the pound of flaah, that r It drawl one drop of blood, ita Ufa aball pay the torlit: inculcate that fret Statee can maintain the righto f hoipi'aiily and of humanity?that Eceeutive authoity ean forbear la favor elaotry? that Congress oan daata-that Congreaa at laaat ean mediate with the lereholding States? that at leaat future ganarationa night be bought and given up to freedom, and that tha reaauree wee ted in tha war with Masioa would here wen aoffleieat to bara redeemed mllliona unborn from >ondege- do a'l thia, and lneuloata all thla, In the apirit if moderation end biaoevolenae, and net of retaliation and fanetiotem. end you will aoon bring the partial of lb* oountry into an rfTeetlve aggression upon alarery. Whenever the public mind abell will the abolition of ilevery, tbe wey will open for It I know you will tell me tb?t this I* all too alow. Well, hen, go fatter if you can, and J will go with you; but 'tmember tbe lnatr active lesbun that was taught lu tha sordr, " Three tbinga ought ye to have done, and not ;o bare left the other* undone " City Intelllgei ce. Shif Fete*.?The British bark Thames arrived yaserday morning, after tbe long passage of 68 days from Jverpoe), with 818 passengers. 76 of whom are slok with he ship fever, and three died on the passage; the siok rere all landed on the Quarantine dook, and the maority of them were so feeble that tbe dootors found it leoeasary to have stimulating drinks given to them as bey were landed, it was truly a distre'sing sight to te so many, that had beun strong and healthy, soared with tilth and vermin, with scarcely *nv eloth Dp. and tottering with that terrible disease, the ship seer. The mate of the Thame* was conveyed to the espltsl la a dying state, and the captain was very ick. We are informed by Dr. Harris that there are iow over 700 slok in the hospital* at Quarantine, and yteg two in a bed. and this increase of 78 will make It ery difficult to find accommodations, suoh as the sick rqnire. The House or Rkvuuk ?Thetwenty-fourth annual vport of the managers of the society for the reformat* ion of juvenile delinquents, has been presented to the .f glxlaiure and the (corporation of this olty. The retort shows a favorable state of things, as existing at he Refuge. There has been a large number of boya tad girl* under charge of the officers of the Institution, luring the past year, only one ef whom has died. The vhole number of ohildren received into the House of Refuge since its establishment in 1826. is 4,SOT. The lumber ef children in the Honse of Refuge on the 1st lanuary, 1848,was 304 There were received during .he-year 184k. 284 making a total tor 1848 of 888 The lumber remaining on the 1st January, 1849, was 866, eaving the number dirposed of during the yaar 1848, 118. The receipts during the year 1848 were $34,122 32. Disbursements during same time, $22 808 10. The boy s are employed in making oane seats for chairs, tnd in the manufaoturing rasor strops, pocket books, isguerreotypo cases, and other artiol** The girls are mployed in sewing and washing. OI268 white ohildren 'eceived at the Refuge, duriag the vear embraced In be report, 160 were foreigners end 80 American*. Kriot attention la paid to the eduostloa of the young clinquants. and the teaeber'e return* abow a good regress made through the tneoassive classes. Tba romotlona are aa rapid aa ooold be expected or daIred In commenting upon tbe Increase of the number of Inmate* to tbe eitebliabment, framer* of tba epcrt remark: "The rapid Increase of crime In our ill j and tbe constantly augmenting numbers of vtolous >nd vagrant youth, 1* a subject of serious ooutemplaion It would be serious enough If it only kept pnoe ilth the astonishing Increase of our population, but t even outstrips It. There were committed to prison n the city, Including those sent before trial, ana after .entence. and excluding summary convictions,In 1836, 2.387 persona; In 1844,8,168 During this time the po>u)ation increased from 270 089 to 811.710 (In 1846) or ibout 36.1 per cent., while the Increase in crime waa 1(4 6 percent. The average number of Inmate* In the Tor-be was, in 1846,174 ; and in 1848, 216, an increase if 21.2 per cent. In two years, or over three time* the growth of the city, which of late war about 6 90 per seat, lor two years." Txc W?The weather, yeeterdey, waa moist md uncomfortable.. The walking was prodigiously Ml A threat of rain waa suspended over the city for be whole day, and. all in all, things were as uneom'ortable as need be desired; and tbe little mul larka vho swept the eroeelnga were the only oontentad lookng individuals visibla in tba streets. Da. Bxrchib's Nr.w Churcii. in Brooklvk.?It it sld that Dr. Beeoher'a new ehuroh, in Cranberry treat. Brooklyn, is to be built immediately; and is to >e constructed In a styla similar to tha Tabernacle, la his city. L'liltcd States Coinmlaaoner's Office. Before (leerga W. Morton. Ksq., 1/ 8. Commlseoner. Jsn '2)1?The JMeied Slave Cate?The case of Iherles W Storer, the master ?f the bark Ann D. Ucbardson, came up to-day for examlaatlon. (jloigi T. Sine i * in warn th? u.*.. .?* xamined. 1? a lieutenant of the United State* brig 'trrt, bow en the coast of Brasil, Lieutenant John A. Daris, Commander; first*aw the bark Ann D. Klohardlon in September or October, 1848, going to Rio under the command of Captain Peabodj; she staid there until about the 16th of December last; ou the 14th of September we taw a letter from the consul, which eansed us to keep a look out-on the 16th of December we?aw the bark getting under way In the harbor, and soon after she stood out; we stood out after her, and In the afternoon came| up and ordered her to hear* to; aha obeyed, and I went on board to examine her paper! and to aicertaln her character; I found her aalUng under a sea letter; 1 then proceeded te muster the crew, and questioned them as to their destination,and all of them, except the flrat mate, made such representations, that with a paper I found on board. I thought proper to take possession of the Teasel [The paper was here produeed, and la marked exhibit No 1; it proposes to be a letter from Joshua M. Clapp to the saptain, and will be found at the end of thla report] Witness in continuation ?I told Captain Storer that I was ordered on board to examine kia Teasel, and required him ta show his papera; ke handed me hla aea letter, crew list, ana some tapers. His papera appeared to be all right, and the tssumptlon was that the Teasel was going to New York -but Boding from the crew the Teasel waa net going te slew York, and finding from the letter that aha waa o be dellTered up on the coast of Africa, I thought it iteptr to seise her. The paper, exhibltjNo 2, la the aea rtier; he handed me the protest, marked No 4; the raw list is marked No 6; another crew Hat waa also landed me, but I don't know where it now is. iaelng OTerlooked the papera. I made a cursory exanlnatlon ot the cargo, and then searched the oabim ind sent to captain Storer for hla keys. He did net s< me himself, but sent them by the steward, and I iirected the latter to he present and see the search sondaoted On opening nis desk, I found the Utter No 1; I asked him (Cant S 1 if he h*d ?n? nth** before opening his il-ek, raid be bad no other papers ? ba objected to my opening bl* daak after I had dona it, ind asked by what authority I d< >1 It Q. Had yon any conversation with him abont any atber papers than those now produced ? A. Vac; I asked him, were those all the paparabahad, led be said yes, and objected to my examining his papatr, and asked ine by what aathority I did ao Q. Did you rami for him before you made tbe eeareb? A Ves, and he refused t? be present at It; the stew"d was prerent. Alter opening the daak, tba flret taper I got was letter No 1; after I made the eaaroh I locked up tbe desk, and ordered that na oie iLi uid bare aoeara to it witbout an oflleer's ordar. I aoon after made a report to tba Commodore, and tba oext day I received orders to seise tba vessel and take ibarga of her; tba aext morning I sent for Captain storer, for the purpose of examining the papers in hi* ,rest nee: when I opened the desk he took live or aix of be papers In bis oep. and positively refused to deliver bioi up; I told hiui tbe papers were not in hie poeeeeion or mine?that they ware in possession of the law? nd if be did not give them up quietiy I would use una: be still persisted in detaining them, and I wan cm[.elied to order him to be arrested and the pepera at en fr< m blm by t> roe ? W bat < rt c f oargo had tbey on board ? A ?Ttey had rioa. rum. jerked beef bread ho. It ? Had you any conversation with him during th ojsge borne ? A ?I bad not much; It was a delicate subject, and I lid tot wish to bold conversations wttb him; thero res ?< me thing, however, said during our passage horn*; .a taid be wished be had gone to California. Instead of >av ng his voyage broken up; the sailing master (Bradbid) bad several conversations with him. C> i>t?-rjiifnt'irrf?When oomteg out of the harbor 'be made no efloit to aroid u>; there were no arms on seal d except a lew pistols, uo euilaeeee, and only a mall quantity of poader, tbe papers he loslsted on ttepitg, did not he said, relate to the voyage; them ssi about 1200 gallons of water on b >ard, the orew son sntvd of eleven persona; tbe quantity of water en Heard would be enough fer them for three montlut; theie waa a boat lowered out astern of the bark, which eft her befoia 1 bearded her, there appeared by thn ties* two persons sitting, bee dee those that palled; all ibe papers were marked by me end are numbered rem I to 1U4. Tbe cere srae^adjourned to Wednesday, ( 6,100. The following i* the copy of the letter alluded Rio, 16th Dee., 1848 D# er Sir? Yon will eonduet tbe voyage yon are iboutto commence, as DHtw of the Ana D Richard* < ?, in conformity to tbe charter party wta eh you bar* n your po??re#lon. Von can roll the bark on toe coast if Africa taking a bill of exchange. draw* against , ar oal I into ua Kontse. payable to my order, for 6,000 Spanish dollar# I wisb you a safe and pleasank eyage. Yours, bo , JOSHUA M. CLAPP. To Captain Ch??. W Stock#. More of the NV]llianrtuwn Mystery.?It ?pirarsthnt Cynihia Hmktr, w ho dird at the hoiu* if''Ur Roberts, in WililamRtown. a few week# siaea, ?a? a settee of Palmyra, Wayne Co.. N. Y. She left here for Albany tome four year* since, and here corn* sensed sewing for a merchant tailor. Aoontayear iftetwsid*,*b? removed to Troy, wber# she remained till h?r myetcrion# and fatal trip to Wtili*m?towu. Hot widowed mother and other relatieee re?tde In or -e-Kjraoute.- Jjlhnny Knickti tackir. Jan. JU.

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