Newspaper of The New York Herald, May 27, 1851, Page 2

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated May 27, 1851 Page 2
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INT K KENT I Mi SOUTHERN CfMESPONDENCE ANI SPEECHES. Oar Houlkcrn Auousta, (G?.) May 18, 1M51. Utorgta Politics versus South Carolina-Apprehen sions of Great Britain?Comprehensive Movement for a Southern Confederacy? The Cuban Cjnrpi racy Part of the Platform?The South and Cuba, and the President ml Question. Tho politicians of Georgia are immersed in the preliminary business meetings of a very important ?feate election. The breaking up of the old whig and democratic parlies, and ike reorganization of the frag menu into tke constitutional 1 :nion party and the Southern rights party, will give to tke can vass considerable novelty, as well as a great degree of national interest. In each of tke two new par hies men ot tke most bitter antagonism, a year ago, are now shoulder to shoulder, arm in arm, side by aide. iiuukolMr. >peaker Cobb, for example, democratic Speaker, with Tooiubs on ooe'side and Stephens on the other, all three of them duly en rolled as members of the constitutional Union party. The several experiments made at Wash ington last winter to get up a constitutional national I'nion party, and a constitutional round robin Union party, having failed because Cass, Douglas, Dickinson, and Sam Houston wouldn't sign, Messrs. Cook, 1 oombs, and Stephens, in Georgia, and Gen. Foote, and Judge >harkie, in Mississippi, have keen left to shift tor themselves. The experiment in Georgia has succeeded. It is supposed that -Mr. Cobb, il put up to-morrow for Governor, as the candidate of the constitutional Union party, and the -election were to follow ten days thereafter, that he would carry the State by at least 211,000 majority. Neither party, however, is yet fairly organized, nor ? an they be till alter they shall have held their State conventions respectively, and promulgated their platform and their candidates. Put while tlie Union party of Georgia can com mand apparently an overwhelming majority of the people?and while Cobb and Footc, ol Mississippi, are each supposed to be playing a game for the Vice Presidency? while openly the Southern Rights (Convention of South Carolina, and its proceedings, scarcely meet with a single avowed advocate ^in Georgia? there yet exists in this State the nucleus ?f a wealthy and powerful party, sympathising and fraternizing familiarly and confidentially with the seditious ot South Carolina. The basis of this Southern Rights organization, extending through out the States of South Carolina. Georgia. Florida, Alabama, and Mis.-dssippi, is a Southern confe deracy South Carolina may secede or not secede; but th?sorganization in no event is to lose si'*ht of the ultunatuin ol a Southern confederacy. Its i labors are to look steadily in that direction. We find men in Georgia who, notwithstanding they repudiate her ultriu-ms, still have the sagacity ho see much ot danger to the Union in the present '< attitude of South Carolina; and that, in the event of a collision between her and the federal govern- | ment, Great Britain would almost risk her exist erne to widen the breach into a war and a disso- ! lution between the two sections of the Union. An 1 old Georgia planter remarked to us to-day, that j the interest, the principles, the policy, and the very ! safety of Great Britain, will make her the most dangerous ally of the disunioniets in any move ment looking to a destruction of the Union. He declared his opinion, that if South Carolina, single handed, were to pronounce herself out of ttie Un.on, that England would immediately bo on the ground; and that, at this moment, Lord Palmers *on understand- much more of the real plans and dxtentofthe disunion organization in the S.>uth, than Mr. Webster or the President of the United SHates. 11 this Union continues. Great Britain is mpplanted on the high seas; if it is dissolved, the profile will be hers. It has been imagined that -he lately discovered tuba conspiracy was limited to a few speculators ?und various squads of pennile is adventurers, picked up here and there wherever they could be obtained *nd that, in arresting the threatened invasion, the r ulibustiers have been suppressed. This m a very limited view of the plot. We under stand that many wealthy planters, Southern rights men, in Georgia. Alabama, Mississippi and Louisi ana, were implicated, and continue to be implicated m it?that it does not exclusively rest upon the pros pects of the rich plunder to be had in conquering the island, but upon the re-annexation of < uba to the United States as a slaveholding State, sjcuring to the South two additional members fn the Senate, *bc event of a domestic rupture, securing to the South the gateway of the Gulf of Mexico r .JS1 ^'Hd bj aetual invasion, befsre the spring ?I 1S62, the acquisition of Cuba will be very apt to constitute the flooring of the democratic pluttorin mo the re-amfexation ol Texas did in ISM. |n the interval, the organization, for an armed occupation, is to go forward as quietly as possible. And mark v* r,Mult count upon a scrub-race for the Presidency. L poo such a contingency, we may count upon a democratic Presideut; and in that event we may expect to see Cuba invaded and rerolutionired, while the fleets of the 1 nited States are looking after our commer cial interests in other quarters of the world. Of course the administration will do all it can to main tain our good faith, just as Mr. Van Buren did to prevent armed men and armed companies from pasv mg out of the L nited States over into Texas in IKJb, by placing Gen. Game.- five hundred miles up Red Kiver. But if n? Northern candidate can * k*d '#Ttir*'>'c 1? Ike diplomatic acquisition of < nba, we may expect to see such a candidate start ed in the South. All these estimates, however, depend upon the ultimatum of South Carolina. If she remains in the Union, it will be to carry out some comprehen sive and practical plan of a Southern confederacy the developments of which will give a peculiar zest and pungency to the Presidential election, and. in it their ultimate results.will probably be as directly interesting to the government at lx>ndon as to the government at \\ aahington. If South Carolina ?e ce ies, we may not only count upon a war with her, w.VWi'. . "bole South and England combined If the l. nion remains intact, we ihall have Cuba and IBM r'8ht' IDiXe'1 01' WUb th* 1'rc',iden'-^ '?> P. S.? Weather hot as July. Cotton wants rain < ?RANITEVH t.E, j t.r>ocfitld District, S. C., May 18?, IS31. The Model Cotton Factory and Village of Qi unite viU*. South Carolna?Description and Observa tions thn rvpon?'J"he Garden of Roses, the Foun tain/. 4rc.--PhUo*npky of Attractiveness to I-ibor Practu-ally Applied. The ootton factory sod Tillage of Graniterille, though frequently the subject of newspaper eulo giums, are entitled to a more particular notice than a mere pacing compliment. The village of Graniterille ii 126 milei south from Charleston, 11 mile* from Angusta, Ga., and one mile from the ?ioath Carolina Railroad. The company was char tered by the Legislator* of South Carol iia in 1H45: work commenced m the spring of 1MB. The factory has been in fall operation two years. The Tillage contains tw* hanlsome churches, hotel, academy, a very tasty market boose, and about 00 dwellings, shops and stores all dependencies ?f the factory The factory building* are of massive granite? one building 360 by 60 feet inside, with three floor*; another, used for opening the raw cotton, ?4 by 40?two floors. The factory contains H.Hflti opindles. 300 looms driven by iron turbine wheels, under a bead of forty feet This c tabli'hnv.nt turn* oat from 7(1,000 ts 75,(J0Q yards per meek, of sheeting*, shirting*, and drills, from No. It yarn. The goods are well known, in the principal cities of the Union, to be of nuperior quality, not sur passed by any made in the United States, of the ?indi So say* the superintendent, and wo have ?very reason to suppose that he is correct. The faetory is turned by the waters of Big Horse Creek, the only cotton mill worked by Beree power in the United States, ci -epting Vau dits#, three mile above, on the same et roam. Win. ?r*gg, of Charleston, Is I'rosident; Jaines Mont Ronery, late of Nerburgb. New York, Manager. Capital stock ?010,000 Gperadives, two-thirds female# KU Yards sf ootton goods, weekly 7">,uuo Bales simually consumed 3,if*) Coet of real ? state f?Q0,0Q0 Present value ?480,000 Week!? eaj*ns< . from ft,(**l to 04,000 Bat figure will afford no idea of the complete ness and tastefulness of the rillago, the factory, and everything connected with the establishment, i he house* in which the operatives live are neat and tidy Gothic or Swis* onttages, with gardens attached, and trees and shrubbery around them. The little oharch looks t* be a very comfortable Berth for a country clergyman, and even the stores and the market house are built upon a Gothic plan : the private house* not occupied by operatives, are larger and more oommodious, painted white, with green window shutters, and set ba k in a lot of an acre of ground, more or le-*. appropriated to orna mental and kitchen gardens. The fencing' < garden* The fencing' <jf the lots, and tho bridge* over the canal, are p-iinted white and th# C??ire app"aran ?# of the ri|ug0 is ?e??, fresh, verdant, fasteftil and wh >lc >me A very prominent feature of the |>remis> ? is the ORteosive ll pwor gan.'en in front ofthe fa i>ry the like of which we have not *cn anywhere else T n? garden c trends the wh I# length ofthe factory, ami jpTfttfW hJW VllJUtl it U luM off ip'0 fl1 'V.r be da, box wood border?, and spucioue walks. Thero are Iwo beds, each of half an acre, of rosea, stand in* aa thicklv as the plants in a cotton Held, and of an colors and varieties, now in full bloom, and a great variety of other flowers in the other compart ments, ever all of which, however, roses and ver benas are liberally diffused. Two fountains, ap propriately located, complete the beauty of the parterre. We expressed our particular gratification at this beautiful feature of the premises. "Yes, sir," said the manager, "it has not cost us a great deal; and it is a part of our policy, by beautifying the pre mises. to make them attractive to the operatives." " The Fourier idea of the attractiveness of la bor V' " Something better, sir, and better adapted to our notions of oommon sense, liar operatives are nearly all females; and whatever may be her station, a woman has an instinctive sympathy with the beauti ful. By giving, therefore, the village and the fao torv these little embellishments, which cost but little, the locality, the mill, and the daily life of the operative, is beautified and rendered attractive j from pleasing associations ever preseut to the view." labor of We oououi with you. The labor of the slave ia the cotton field is lightened by a song; aud the camel trudges on patiently, forgetful, perhaps, of the days he has travelled without water, beguiled by the music of his bells. The splendors of the church, and its imposing pageantry, have thus be guiled the Hook of their fleeees. 'I he gorgeou-uess of his military establishment attracted universal f ranco to tlie standard of .Napoleon. In fact, man kind are led more easily by their senses, than by the dry abstractions of reason and philosophy. But, sir, we coinuHud these embellishments; and we should like to see, everywhere, your ilea adopt ed, as far as possible, of not only indulg sh mg labor in its tastes for such embellisE ments of the localities of labor, as give to this locality thj charms of a pleasant home to the operative, hut more than that?we should re joice to see sueh motives cuter more largely into the elements of u common srhool education than they And speaking of schools, the i'russiau law of com pelling children to be educated, is enforced at this lactory. There is a school attached to it, of IS) scholars. All the children employed iu the mill, under twelve years of age, are compelled to go to e-hulf '* school one- half their time?a day at the factory aud a day at the school; and they arc taught the essen tial rudiments of the common school system, free of charge. By the rules? 1. Intoxicating liquors are contraband in the vil lage. 2. No idle people to be permitted in the place? no loafers. 7 No sports or disorderly conduct allowed on the Sabbath; but parents an 1 heads of families are re quested to bring their families to church, at least once during the day. Take it altogether, the factory and its dependent village of Grauiteville, arc superior in the plan, order, arrangements, discipline, &c., to any thing that we have seen from Maine to Georgia, in the way of a model establishment. A portion of the population of the surrounding country, heretofore reduced to the last degree of poverty, for want of employment, are now comfortably subsisted. The experiment pays. It improves the neighborhood, developes its resources, aud enlar ges its wealth,.com forts, refinements, aud capacities for improvements. We doubt not thai the capitalists of South Carolina will follow up this, and other good examples, aud as the first steps to independence, prepare to be in dependent of all such manufactures as be made cheaper and better at home than abroad, especially the manufacture of coarse cottons for everyday consumption. We .-ball next recur to to the existing aspect of the secession question, aud the prospects of the latest project of a Southern confederacy. W. Chari.esto.v, S>. C., May 21,1X51. South Carolina Pol'tier?Three Parties in the FieL'l? Curious Stale of Things?Tne South Carolini Tmu? ih relation to Free Colored Seamen? Fricr.ily Understanding bcttreen this S'ate ami Great Britain, on that Subject?Exemption Pro mised. From i brief excurtion into Georgia, we have re turned to look after the killed and wounded of the remarkably rebellion." .Southern RightiConvention, lately held in thin city. The euoct* of that con vention througLout the State are alio remarkable. The proceedings and the debates have set men to thinking: and unanimous as was the action of the convention, the State is not unanimous for seces sion by separate State action; nor even for secession by eo-o|>eration with the other Southern States, just at this time There are three parties in South Carolina :? 1. The separate State action party, in favor of seceding alone, and as soon as nossible. 2. The wait-awhile party, who think It, best to postpone the act of sece siou, until by the continued aggressions of the North, the other southern Statos will be compelled to form a league with South Ca rolina for a Southern confederacy. 3. The Union party, commonly called, here, the submission party?or the party who are for the 1 uion fir-t, una the protection of slave property afterwards. The secession party is, by all odds, the most ac tive, unanimous, and energetic party in the tState, comprising the mass of the young men ambitious of glory, even if it be that old uuckm-yed sort of glory called military glory; and really outraged beyond forbearance at the tampering of Congress and the North with Southern rights. Among their leaders are -ueh men as Mr Rhett, Mr. John A. Calhoun, Colonel Wade Iiampton, (icneral Adam.", Gover nor Seahrook, Mr. Colcock, General Wallace, Mr. M'Qaeen, and others, among the wealthiest, the ablest, and most influential men of the State. They are the dominant party, and hold the destiny of the State in their hands. They are decided for seces sion: but much may be done to prevent it in an in terval ol six months armistise; and much, on the other hand, to insure the separate secession of N>uth < arohna. The Mtatc elecflons, North r.nd South, the meet ing <>f Congress, and the procce lings In that body, and the intrigues for the 1 ri intrigues for the Presidency at Washington, will have much to do in settling the policy of .South Carolina. With anything like the shadow of an additional provocation, the Headers could carry their point at once, aud rally the whole rJtate to support the overt act. lbe wait-awhile party rely upon the prospects of n combination of .Southern .State* to move with th- m in the work of seec-ion. Of this party are such men a* Judge Butler mid M' -trs. Barnwell, Owens, and Langaon Chaves. Tin- latter gentle man, so conspicuous at Nashville in both the Southern Rights Conventions held there, in favor of a combined movement of the Southern Mates, recoils at the idea of M>uth Carolina moving alone. He possesses a rice plantation on the Savannah river, the border river between this Stat' and Georgia, nnd the product of this plantation last year was AtiO.tiOU, us we arc informed. And this is nut one of several highly productive plantations. ; With such interests on th ? border, however, we 1 can hardly wonder at Mr. Gkevefl opposing the act 1 of revointion by Sontb Carolina alone. He is, J notwithstanding, a firm believer in a Southern con federacy, while Judge Ru'Ier, wc su<pect, has an i old-fashioned prejudice in favor of staying in the I Union as long as it can be tolerated. The wait , awhile party is a very respectable party; but is in , the minority in all except three or four districts, including Charleston, wni'h, by the way. exercises an immense power over the politics of the .State, although completely overwhelmed in the late eon vent ion Next, winter, it is very likely the division will he much closer between these two parties. The Cnion party prr sr, 1- a very small party. They have a paper in Greenville, the only avowed Union paper in the State There are mveral other ) a|>erf that have a sly inclination that way, but lack the courage to place ibem-clves in an attitude -o ho.-tile to the public sentiment of the State. Still, we learn that a Union organ i" soon to be estab lished in this city. The diflieulty appears to bin Setting either capitalists or editors to ttnl.ark in >e < xporimenl. Mr Poinsett artd< >en< ral Waddy Thompson are prominent ns the leaders in the 1 nion party, but they are powerless These differences of opim n would seem to indi cate a tendency of thing-1 to submission. But there i' kittle ground for any such tUt taring unction, as that disunion is a deep--' a* d entiinrut, and un qualified submission in no eveut can b" anticipated. Avery extensive movement is on foot, compre hending all the cotton States, and looking to the ultimatum of a Southern Confederacy. The cor respondence between th? managers of the Southern Rights A-so; iation- in the cotton Sta'os would doubtless throw considerable light upon their plan operations. In the meantime, the policy of lingland Is to keep quiet, look vigilantly on, and cutoe forward at the nick of time and o#rry off 'be spoils, tier own safety ami her commercial intere-ts are involved in the question, and her game is as simple as profit and loss. What is to be the end of all thi?. the veriest stickler for the perpetual duration of these United States under one general government, will hardly undertake to .-ay. Secession, by the u*t recorded action of South Carolina, is a c included i"rue. An armistice of six months may, howevi r, turn up more astonishing things than the s. parate State ac tion of ? single State in seceding from the I nio i. The late correspondence between Mr. Matin w, the British Consul at this port, an I the anthorftie" of the Mate, needs only a reference to r"c.all t he sub ject ii.utter discu'sed. By a law of thi * Mate, all vessels entering it* port-, from other States or fo reign nation*, wtth free colored seamen, steward <, i coot-, fcc , on Im i I. arc iuhj ;etcd to surrender up su< h i 'ns.o Uie local authorities. u>- whom su ? r ioted seamen. & - . are cond*i,te I to jail, where ; they rem*In till th" vessel i* ready ?> Give, for I WMffctklfifcti'.'# themMtrt Vt ll*f ship hat to pa/ the coeta. The intention of this law was to reUliate 1 upon Massachusetts and her abolitionists, and to so- | cure the ports of the State against their incenAiury designs through the frea colored men engaged on board of Massachusetts vessels trading here, nut the abolitionists, through Elihu Burritt, the linguist ical blacksmith, and others, sailed the attention of the English abolitionists to the subject, and thoy compelled that government to meet the question, on tne plea that this State law was a violation of the federalconstitution, and ofinternational treaty stipu lations. The subjects of Great Britain, especially those free colored men engaged iu the litUe trading ?raft from the West Indies, under instruetisua, were presentei to the State authorities by Mr. Mat hew, as by a Stats 1 tw subjected to imprisonment, deten tion and costs, in violation of the supreme Uws or the land. He protested against the proceedings under the law, and very distinctly suggested the manifest duty of abolishing thein as far as her Ma jesty's subjects were concerned. i_ Now, we understand, that on the roo'ption lately of a protest of the East India Company, by the home government, against this law ot Oaro Una, the British Secretary for Foreign Anairs ad vised the said company that the ir.aUer was in a fair way of satisfactory accommodation ; and we are further informed, that Mr. Oousul Mathew has achieved a definite understanding with the go vernor ef South Carolina on the-subject; and that, nt the next meeting of the Legislature, steps will be taken promptly to exempt the subject! ot her Britannic Ms^esty, of all colors, acting as seamen, Jtc-, from the operatiou of this law, so uouoxwus to Massachusetts. If this is not correct, Mr. >1 t tbew will probably set the matter right. We have not ventured to ask, because we had no right to ask or expect any information from him upon tue subject; but we derive the facts stated trom au authority which we cannot doubt, and better ac uuaintea, perhaps, with the friendly dispositions ol Great Britain towards Mouth Carolina tnan the British Consul. According to Mr. Mathew, the disruption of this Union would be deeply deplored by Cnglaud, and she desires most earnestly that it be peri?etuated. Of course she does, of course ho says so ; but we undertake to say that Great Bri tain, in the event Iff .South Carolina's seeeding from the Union, will be more prompt to rccogni.se her independence than the United States were to wel come into the family of nations the republic ?f Texas. Chakucstor, S. C., May 22, 1851. Tie Charleston and Mimphis Railroad?Public Din ner to the Tennessee and Alabama Delegation Secession State Central Committee?Military En camyment, Ore. 4*c While Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Bal timore, are competing in their railroad lines for the inexhaustible trade of the West, the cotton States of the South have also roused them-elvcs to action. From Charleston to Chattanoog i, and the valley of the Tennessee river, the railroad, in full opcration.has already given abundant proofs tha. it continuation to the Mississippi river will pay. llenoe, a company has been organizsd, of which ex-Govcrnor Jones, of Tennessee, is President, (rd mittcd to be a greater man than Mr.C lay, by oldilaj himself, because, while Jones defeated Col. Polk for Governor,'with comparative ease, Polk was too much for Old Kentucky), and ol' this company anl the proposed work, the following from the Courier, of this city, is at once a brief, clear, and ?*.>f'?> rt.puL.LJ. in U?? 'irg,nii.li''n,n,.,Lh.. nir. be out under contract until ?2,oOO.WO suMcrmeu. The preliminary survey - hare b-cn made, and 1 -- o-rUinod that the distance between ?? 11 mile* the ruling gra?ie 1? an(* maninum feet?that the entire cost of construction and equipment wTll no^exceed $3.500.r been already subscribed, of Which ?1 000 0001 was taxen by the planters and others along the line. tl?,! bal?uoe bv the citv of Memphis and citizens of N? w OneaiiA. Only >3oOAK>0 remains to be subscribed to enable the C??l^objectfis<to ^"^"'^^nnmunication^tween the Southern snd Eastern Atlantic seaboard, and the^gr at vail, v of the Mississippi This once accomplished, and Charleston will thrive to a degree little thought ot by those who have not looked closely to the subject, Qoin ?e.juence of the immense new source* of trade that would ^The "road Is intended to commence on the east at a poUt ot mterssctKm with the Nashville and OhaU> nrHita road, somewhere in the county of Jackson (Ala.). KwsTug west through the valley of the Tennessee, Noitfc Mississippi, and the Western District of Tenn-ssee. to the city of Memphis, on the Mississippi river. frhe Teunes.ee valley produced, according to the ?m#US of 1Mb 109.000 bales of cotton??nce. doubUee", in creased tifty per cent?and at present consumes about ?2.000.1sj<) ot merchandise At least one-half of her ex ports and three-fourths of her imports are within the I 'The ' North Mississippi and the ws.Urn \ dlstriet of Tennessee, through which the ri^ "'ll r '" and those adjacent, which would seek no other outier produce at least 2U?.00O bales more cotton and c.msom^ ' Sot less than ?4 000 000 of merchandise ^Vrl?"^n be nut in a position to compete fo- the exports and orn mand a largVportlon of the imports of these action.. The iKipulation *1'?dk the linf, in the counties co?" Uguou? amounts to at least 600.0UO. and it may b. said that there i* scarcely a mil. within thirty miles.on .Ither side of It. that will not contribute to its hji'iness Jl.lWO bale, of cotton from the valley of th. Tenn. ssee have wn shipped to the South Atlautle cities, this season, and many of the merchants of North ALbaini, ..outhcrn Tennessee and North Mississippi, have purchased their toods in Charleston this season. The productive country through which the road passes wives ae-uranee that when any one portion Is completed. Its business will pay the expense If not yield a surplus? and. of course, as each cone -cting link Is added, add. tional business and increased Income will be the luevi U a'co^dini'ttec*oif the company, consisting of Gov. Jones, president; Col. J. J. Uonegau, Col. G. 1. Burnc, directors; Col. A- K. Mills, general agent, and Gov C. C. Clay, of Alabama, are now on a visit to this place, with the view of filling the sub scriptions to the capital stock. Jinn,, llie city merchants gave them an elegant dinner at th. < btrleston Hotel last IWIH- >peeches were made by Gov. Jon.--, (one of the best stump f akers In ?J. Cited State- ) by Gov < lay. ono of the next best,) by < ol. Mills, of Ada., ? J Messrs. .Memnunger, Andrews, Gadsden, Judge l'orter, and others, of Charleston, concluding in tho appointmen', of a committee to lookaf-cr subscrip " Meantime, the more engrossing business of seces sion progresses. The following gentlemen, separate Mute action men, excepting perbaja two or three but all for secession in some f.-rxs* ?Usawe been ?p pointed Ibe central committee of all tb? Southern Kiffhls Associations of the Mtate ; . . <vi Maxrv <ir.gg <?en D f Jamison 0?-n John ItuVhsnan cfl J PcarwwA C?l A II OUdd-n He. Jam. ? Jon.? Edmund Hettinger, Jr , L*| lion Jo. A 14 't h- hair in an iMhc -am.- gentleman who beaded the committee of twenty one at the late contention, and the author of the secession report ami resolu tions adopted. The object of the committee is to keep up the Southern Mights organisations?to cor msfinfl with similar society ?n other States ; in a word, to keep the pot boiling till the next meeting fThc Hon" Armietead Bnrt, who will be readily recognised as the able chairman of "Tend com mittees of the House, from time to time, and espc eiallv of the Galphin oominiUoe, has cetne cut in ..ppn-ltion to any rashness in the a- t of secession. Tbi- is very gratifying to the CharUfteolans, who were cotnjJef.dy uktn aback by the convention, and considerably discomposed at Judge Butler# description of the prospective blockade and em bargo of the port. Kprtcli of Hon. Andrrw P. Butler, BKK?KK THE tOJIVrfflOU ?>F SutTHKRX *'OI!M *V WN' IATIONX AT C.MAEI.EStOJ, H. Mr. J're?idcut and Gentlemen,?This is an occa sion that has associated with it in it* probable con sequence ??, grave responsibilities?euch as have in tensely engaged and heavily oppressed every wind. The highest exertion of human wisdom is to make a go<I government. To change established institu tions with a view of substituting others in their place, requires boldness, foresight, an.I deliberate design. While impulsive enthusiasm may be well I regarded as the motive power, and even a wise ele ment in such a conjuncture, it ought not to assume the tone of pro-criptive irnpatirn.'e. Indeed, tnoee wlio hav i the control of reason, should endeavor to make It an associate with the dictates of judgment and experience. The b-elings which 1 see here manifested, do honor to the hearts of those who entertain and express them. They ?pring from the hearts of intelligent freemen?who, knowing their rights, are willing to make any sacri fice to maintain them _ In taking counsel from the highct impulses of their nature, they era impatient at any suggestion that might interfere with their free indulgence. The venerable (Jbceves?who has been regarded as an adviser of both wisdom and courage- has presented to you a romtnuni ration well > alculated to arrest your attention, it is ono that will command, I am sure, throughout the .Southern States, a profound respect. \ct J have seen that paper meet with the impatience of the great and almost uncompromising excitement whieh prevails here ; and even with some win have, no doubt, taken their beat from the fires that were kindled by his bold and commanding eloquence. I rider suc h intimations, I might well pause in giv ing you iny counsels. We are, gentlemen, in a eri-ir, that Calls upon every one, and especially every man who ha? ac cept! da seat in this < oovention, to do his duty; and to gl\e you the convictions of hia deliberate judg ment. No man should avoid responsibility, t?y taking refuge in watchful silence and prudent neu trality. Many have thought that roy official position would have allowed me to renin In away and take advan tage of the currant. I have been summoned by my f. ow citizens to mingle in the current and help to ; . dv it, or he cTcrwt..in)e.j by its violence. I eta- j karlt wjjk thoM who have a comtr.en destiny with I "??? J? of, the people of .South Carolina shall be my fate?let what may come, I -W "ty' > ?r "jU with South Carolina, the fond mother of my birth and my affection*. In the advioe and eoun- i Mis that I may give, I aoi willing, before the tri- ' banal of an impartial history, to abide by the judg-1 ment of my countrymen It has been my fate, for the last five years, to take, as your representative, a responsible position in the national councils of the confederacy. I have been made to feel the exposure of a struggling and isolated minority to an arrogant majority, who, feeling the vulgar strength of self-sustaining mom | bers, have resorted to all the inaohincry of a taunt ing audience and a sordid press to put under the ! ban the .State whose representative 1 was. 1 have always had much to sustain ine in trying situations.

My convictlou was, that South Carolina occupied a position from which she oould look down with the luxury ef scorn upon truckling partizaus and trad I ing politicians, who find it convenient to assail her I to subserve their ends. She has been a stumbling 1 block to many, who, if they had dared, would have i plaoed their treacherous foot upon her. I say, here, i that I hud rather encounter all the haaard of debate with fifty senators, or any kaxards that might pre sent themselves outside of her limits, than differ with a single sincere friend in this assembly, as to I any measure calculated te affect tho dignity, honor : and rights of our cherished commonwealth. | I uui persuaded that our difference of opinion will, in the end, be more apparent than real. I may well question the policy or a celerity chat may be too much actuated by gallant zeal and uncaleutating chivalry. If, with the more prudent resolution of Ulysee, perhaps without its wisdom, I may be dis posed to restrain the impetuous courage of Dioraede, i shall have none of the resentful temper of Achil les, nor the grumbling oensoriousness of Thirsites. No, my countrymen, my heart is too much in the cause you are eugaged in, to sufl'er me to do any thing but what is prompted by a solemn duty. It is true that the proceedings of this body will not have tho suuction and authority of law ; but they will carry with them, throughout the State, all tho in Hue nee winch eloquence, patriotism, and energy can impart. They will have committed ad vocates to muiutain and enforce ihcrn. I he address which lias been read coutains a re cital of imposing truths, arrayed with an eloquent sternness which has commanded my admiration and respect. It is both a truthful and striking statement of wrongs and impending dangers to Southern iustjtutions. Other Southern States can not condemu it without condemning their own reso lutions uud solemn pledges. '1 no paper has im Sressed upon it unmistakable marks of sincerity and eliberate purpose. Its author or authors, are ready to stand by ic, and make it good in the true import of the terms, "at every hazard, and to the last extremity." By others it may be differently regarded, tome wuo will give it their sanction, may look upon it us a paper of popular agitation only. Some may even regard it as the nucleus of State party, to be used thus far and no farther. I ehoo.-o to regard it as a solemn beginning, that may result in au important end that will deeply affect tho destinies and interests of this country. And, as my friend from St. John's has said on another oecasiou, " wo should tuke no beginning without looking to its probable end." The proceedings contemplated will require South ; Carolina to treud her way through a narrow pass, as yet untrodden and unexplored. Some are pre pared to tread it with confidence and boldneis, and to find its termination by experiment?as Suivar row was said to have found his enemy by the point of the bayonet. Others, on the coutrary, insist on the prudence of reconnaissance before tho probable termination shall be indicated, j The object of the address is not only te put the State on the track of separate secession, but by the measures contemplated, to commit the .State, now, to that determination. In other words, it excludes the idea that tue State will have it in its power to adopt any oi her measure. The Legislature is re quired, as far as tbeir proceedings can imposo an onhgatiou, to cull the Convention together, and that body then is to put tho Stute, as soon as it can, i on the trial of separate independence. In relation to tnis measure, and others connected with it, and which have been presented as alterna tives, J have nothing to disguise?i have no opinion to retract, no sentiment to suppress. I shall, at least, be consistent with myself. In setting forth our wrongs, and endeavoring to rouse sentiments of resentmeut to thum, and in prcpariug the public mind for measures of effectual resistance to the en croachments of the federal government on Southern institutions, through the treachery of a violated coustitution, 1 have endeavored to do my duty to tho beat of uiv ability, and 1 have no step to take back wards. What step forward, is the question. Whilst measures were under consideration, in which tho alaveholding and min-slaveholding States were at issue, 1 expressed rnyscdf fsccly, but with the ciroumipectiou of one who was willing to let his remarks be carried out to their consquenoes. Ttae.representatives of the planting States, spoke out witn signal unanimity in maintaining the resolu tions of three different legislature-. 1 am proud to say, that the resolutions of South Carolina, com pared with some others, were in terms moderate, m tone firm, and hi purpose deliberate. All these resolutions were regarded as mutual pledges and eovenaut* for the Southern States to make common eause, and to stand by each other. The Southern members conferred tegctber, spoke together, and at ene time would have been preparea to sink or swim in a common peril. They regarded them selves as engaged in a common struggle, and their dcftinics as luvulved in a common fate. Foratime the minds of all true men of the South, were lifted above the miserable contentious of party aud the jealousies ofneigbboring strife. Under the influ ence of this auspicious state of things, I finished one of my speeches with a high note from tho Diemedc of the old Thirteen?our neighbor Georgia? "Equalityor independence." And I say now. if the f-outbern States bad become united, they would have made good this declaration. They have it in their power to make it good at any time ; and they will be untrue to themselves aod posterity, if they do not. 1 shall shrink from no trial that may be effectual, and shall only object to such measure.-, as, in my opinion, must result in failure aud dis aeiuGturc. If measure* cannot be devised?as 1 believe they cannot?to restore a lost equality?an equality lost by mcu-urc* brought forth to propi tiate Northern prejudice?I am willing lo take mea sures for an honorable Independence of such States aa, by their conjunction, can assume Uie attitude aud invest themselves with the attributes of a national sovereignty. As this is a grave conclusion, or one that will so be regarded beyond this meeting, I must submit the proposition upon which it is founded. Tho constitution of these .States was intended, by its express and delegated power*, to impose limi tations on the department of the federal govern ment. For some years these limitations were ob served in good faith; and after it was said that some of them had been violated.it was thought thai the Mate-, by the interposition of their sover eignties, could e nforce an observance of them. The securities of good faith have long since disap peared, and the power of the states to interi>o*e to protect their reserved rights has not, and will not, be recognised by the federal authority AH those provisions of the constitution intended for the pro tection of a minority, have been perverted by art ful construction or fraudulent compromise. Under these combined influenees the Southern ."Hates have not only last their influence, but will become worse than dv|iendtiit provinces. I'hey will become pro scribed political communities?disfranchised from the high honors of the federal government, and with their property and institutions liable to con fiscation and unprovoked invasion, Tba Southern Statc can no longer be the nurse of great statesmen. The ambition of the eagle's flight will be no longer seen. We may have crows and dutkliug- who will be ready to be satisfied with the crumbs and garbage of olBco. There are those who will be willing to make an easy transition to degradation, by being candidates for the second ary and subordinate offices. Supposo there was a provision in the constitution that no man from the Ninth Atlantic ."Hates should be eligible to the Presidency, it would not chauge the present state of things Such c clause might as well be in the constitution, for all practical purposes. To conclude the proposition, the federal govern ment has become a despoti-m of an interest ed ma jority. Vou will ask, why have not the other ? >uth em Mates been ready to join South Carolina, or rather to come into a voluntary conjunction with themselves, to devise measures for their protection I I cannot better reply than by quoting the pur port of a remark made by Demosthenes, in answer to the reproaches of Kscbines, upon the disaster* of his administration. 11c said he had to contend with the three great enemies of free States?" The jealousy of neigh boring States, the gold of I'hilip bestowed on cor rupt orators, the combined love of pleasure, aud the charm of tranquillity." The Southern Mates have had some elements of iffrtraction, destined, I hope, to be temporary. The disunion of party, in reference to federal politics, has been powerful; but, unless 1 am mistaken, iiiuH become less. The federal government has a Macedonian party in flap South?strong for a time, through the mflu ?nce of office and paironage. The greatest enemy to the South has been an indisporition to encounter the hazards of change. As it would be out of place to dwell longer on topics that may not be immediately connected with the question* here to be disctis-ed?topics with which this assembly i< as well acquainted as I am? I will go directly to the measures which I have ?ag gi'ftca, im the object and end of your deliberations, i hat is. shall this ( 'invention, at this time, under take to c iiimit the Mate to the trial of separate sere "ion, by imposing, as far a this Convention can, the obligation on the State Convention to take the sup as soon as practicable 1 I shall now proceed to state my objections, res I e< (fully, to tins mode of procedure i think, in the fiftt place, that this Convention ought not to take cognizance of so grave a mutter at thie time, before there is a real occasion for de cision. And in thie I do not differ with a groat many who hear me. Thie Convention eonsists of representatives, unequal in number?of self-consti tuted associations. The oonvention of the people, to be hereafter convened, having the responsibility of decision, ought to bO left perfectly free to form the best judgment in its power, under the actual juncture of circumstances, that may exist at the 1 time of its meeting. It ought neither to be in- | structed nor superseded by the pre-detcrmination j of au irresponsible body?irresponsible, I mean, in anv official point of view. Such pre-determination will make au issue not called for by the occasion, that must result in popular agitation within the State. It will make divisions among ourselves, and disclose feelings which have not heretofore ex isted, and ought not to exist. In fact, it will de feat rather than promote the end contemplated. To show bow it will operate on our friends in other States, 1 need only refer to the consequences of movements of a similar character. 1 say here, that from the time that prominent men in South Caro lina intimated a purpose to put the State on the track of separate secession, in disregard of the co operation of her neighbors, they deprived our real '? i " lrji 1U ?l!? friends of the power of helping us. If they didnotalto ite our friends from their devotion to the gether alienate l Southern cause, they gave their opponents great ad vantage over thorn. Til fact, a Southern party at Washington, that was last organizing,was dissolved. They were willing* to move as fast and as well as they oould. What would have boen their final resolve and measures, I know not. Bat I do know that they felt that thoy were separated from their true friends by intimations for which their people were pot prepared. Our ancestors made no such ad vertisement of their purposes as to enable others, opposed to them, to force and dofeat them. In general, thoy were by their acts ahead of their re ! solves ; and never made the latter without previous ! ly having means to accomplish them. We seem to | reverse this order. We give long notice, in the ! form of speeches and threatening resolutions. The 1 consequence has been that short performances have i followed long advertisements, for the reason that ; we lost the aid of our true allies. There are now | friends in other States willing to do all that they : can under the circumstances of their situation, i fear they will be driven to disavow us, when, if left to themselves, they might have pursued a course to maintain the true but much abused cause of the Southern States. The measures intimated in the draft of the ad > dress, and in some of the resolutions, will not allow many of this body to vote upon thcui. All who are members of the Constitutional Convention of the people, cannot give a vote to control their future judgment. They ought not to bo required so to do. J have conversed with several of them, and they have come to a common conclusion to give n? vote upon any matter upon which they will have to de liberate, when there shall bo a real occasion for their officially responsible judgment. 1 find myself | in that class. What may be the situation of things when the Convention shall be called on to decide, I ' know not. There may be many instructive dove ; lopements and revelations before that time. Mad ; ness and infatuation take their course with a blind ; confidence, and at the next rossion of Congress, I ! shall look for some of their usual exhibitions. Before i speak of the probable and conjectural I action of the fedora' government in reforenco to ! South C'urolina, should she determine to seoede, I I will notice some views and submit some ennaidora ; tions connected with secession as a remedy for our I wrongs. The right of secession in the abstract, and the I right of resorting to it to effect a wise and beneficial end, in a political and moral point of viow, are dif ferent things. The one may De conceded as a legal iffec proposition?whilst the other, as it may affect other communities as well us the State itself, in volves high considerations and obligations of duty, which no statesman can or ought to disregard. South Carolina had the option te go in or remain out of the Union?she entered as a sovereign, to enable hersolf and confederates to protect thoir rights froui foreign powers, and to promote domes tie tranquillity. If these ends should no', be accom plished?but in fact, if it should turn out that the government is used exclusively for one portion of the partners, to the oppression and detriment of others?the suffering parties should have the right of resuming their original position. To say other wise would be to make free States, as they enlisted into the confederacy, not merely parties to a des potic government, but victims of it against their consent. But whether secession be concede! as a legal right, or as a measure of revolution, is imma terial, if tncrc be a real occasion to resort to it, and it can be used to effect some great political end worthy of its exercise. If it should ena in merely separating the State from her former confederates, and placing her in a condition that would require hor to invest herself with all the attributes una du ties of a sovereign nation, both abroad and at home, then it might bring South Carolina into a situation of isolation at war with her true interests and poli ty. If she should resort to this measure, with a new of bringing her neighbors in a political con nection, so as to enable tbem jointly to form a con would be a< federacy for themselves, that would "be adequate for all the purposes of maintaining their rights at home and relations with foreign powers, then it becomes a question of the greatest magnitude?full of con sequences that should be looked to with all the care and intelligence that can possibly be employed. The Mate should take no course tnat would make rivals and adversaries of her southern neighbors. Un the contrary, she should endeavor by all possible means to act with them as allies. If the .State should look to nothing beyond her own secession, federal go she will enable the federal government to make rivals of those who in interest arc, and in fecling .-b-uld be, her friends. 1 make the broad remark, that there is not a pub lic man in South Carolina sensible of a responsible trust, and foreseeicg the inevitable consequences of separate secession, ibat would put the State on the trial of that experiment, if the uct were to operate exclusively on the State itself. Such an act would not only cut off our commerce, but would place it in the bands of our rivals. In assuming such an attitude, it would be the duty of the State to make arrangement* for the management of her abroad. rights abroad, ller pride would revolt at sending forth her ting, without some navy to protect it, and without ministers MM consuls to represent her rights utid protect her interests abroad. No na tion can rely on the forbearance of others, when there may be a collision of interests, or a temptation for violation. At any rate, 1 would not allow the I'alinctto flag to float by suffcMnce only. Whilst it would represent ar proud, as spirited a poaplea* ever lived, it would he regarded as the emblem of a slave-holding commonwealth. Many would be tempted to iusult it frout wantonness. How would t hi proud spirited people of the State feel, to hear that their dug had been pulled dowu and torn to pieces by a Boston whaling party, or by a vessel from Liberia, or in any other way I I low could they avenge the insult I If tho State assumes a national responsibility, it must provide alse the attributes and means of national power It must have a navv m d all the other appliances of national dignity, ft cannot rely With safety on the comity of nations, er on a code founded in a sublime anthropopatby. It dth great confidei seems to he thought by some, with great confidence, that by opening her ports with low duties on im ports, South Carolina could, under the tempt itions of free trade, invite the commerce of the world to her shores. Well, perhaps, if all would be good, 1 ~ M~ ' she and do as South Carolina nrght think they should do, somithing of this might come to pass But games are generally conducted by adversary hands; aad sometimes a play is made by one that may not h" thought by the "tli. rt !?? undm m tnn. None of us suppose that the federal government would re cognise the independence of South Carolina, or would be disposed to make commercial treaties with her. On the contrary, having ample means, that government would make war on our commerce in every way it could. It would bestow bounties in. and give preference to our neighboring ports. It. treaties with foreign r lar as it could, would make treaties with foreign na tions to hi late our condition and oripplc our re source*! It would divert and obstruct all the chan nels of our trade?and might confine us to our ex ports alone, as the bssis of our commercial reeourcrs. I under-tand that the articles of coiumerco that c?me into our ports, coastwise and by foreign im portations, amount iu value to something over $20,000,000. < >f thia sum, more than three fourths finds it way into other States?into Georgia. North Carolina, Alabama, Tcnncx-ee?leaving something under $600,000 to be consumed in this Mate. It is contended that under the operations of free trade more would come iu. and in some way or other it would find its way out. Now, if South Carolina was a separate sovereignty, with a free port, there is no doubt she might attract a greater commerce than now come* to her ports, provided it coubl find a market out of her borders. But could it find its way out without violating the revenue laws of other nations I It is said "a rose hy any other name would smell as sweet." We might in troduce as mm h commerce as we please, and send it to Savannah river, under what r-mc would call a brisk free trade; but whut. In the estimation ofothers whose rights would be involved, would be regarded as smuggling if carried across their borders in vio lation ?f their laws. It would be an acknowledged right of the federal government to regard South Carolina as a stranger, and to place her commerce going into the port* of the States of the Union un der un embargo, and so far as ooncerns Georgia and North Carolina, regarded as ports of entry, those places only which .communicate by water with the ocean, such es Savannah and Wilmington. That got eminent might not establish ports at Augu?ta and t harlotte. or the North Carolina line. I nder this view, commerce could come Into Charleston; but how could it get out without the arooaea of smuggling! At the interior points indicated, it coold Hot, without smuggling. 1 then put tho pro position?would capitalists import goods into t harleston, in opposition to the federal gnvern m> et, under the opposition that thoy could make n j i Ut ?n them through the operation* of thrifty ?n?viggli..g ' But ia ? VMMWVfel war, the 3Utf might he disposed to take all advantage*, and it might be to the interest of Georgia and North Caro lina to have ports of entry at Augusta and near Charlotte. What then 1 Could goods pay ten per cent in Charleston, and forty at theae plaee*, in competition with a trade through Savannah and Wilmington, paying a duty of thirty or forty per eent 1 Certainly not. I will not dwell on this vie* of the subject any longer, as I do my friends the justice to say that they have a much higher aim?, one whose dignity of purpose miry give {heir novo* Tents a different character, move wUh the first view alone, would bo to make the StaAe lubinit in snmothinir more thu.n & vuin sacrifice. She would not have the consolation of blind Metellus, who lost his eves in going through the flames of the Temple to save the palladium. Her fate would nob only be self destruction, but it would be a sacrifice to build up the interests of now rivals. Those who really look to the end of this begin ning take the step with this view?to induce other States, by the prosperous and ,u00e^^tf*a?Pi? of South Carolina, to come into conjunction with her, or to place them in such circumstances that, ! having a common destiny, they would bo compelled ; to be involved in making a common sacrinoe. ! will next notice the first part of the proposition. The latter presents the subject in its greatest mag* : nitudc, not unconnected with considerations ot tno 1 deepest delicacy. To force a sovereign State to 1 take a position against its consent, it to make it a i reluctant associate. It would be to offend its pride and force its judgment. Is there any evidence that ! (icofia would be forced to take position with us, I under the present juncture of affairs 1 She will 1 perhaps contend that, having decided for herself, I South Carolina must abide tho fate of her own 1 decision. Before such a movement is made on I Georgia, something more ought to be made known ! of the sentiments of her people, who would not only 1 sympathise with their friends,_ but ultimately, 1 i their own benefit, come to their support. Nothing of the kind has been attempted. 1 may be asked if I can give any assurance that Georgia will c\er b6 prepared to act in concert with us, or that she will take any measures to throw off the oppressions and encroachments of tho federal government. All ! that 1 can say is, that she once said she would, ami 1 that in the most solemn form. But io spite of her self, she will have to come to sueh a conclusion. The slave and non-slaveholding Statjs cannot re main long together with the present issues, and under the operations of causes that must bring i about their separation. That is as certain as if ib i were written on tho wall. This confederacy, that in a short time might comprehend fifty States, must undergo new organizations. 1 would not have a. change effected Fnrough the confusion of anarchy and violence, if it can be done with intelligence and j the co-operation of the parties concerned. Insult, usurpation, and accumulated wrong, will not allow ? our Southern neighbors to remain indifferenb to their and our situation much longer.- They cannot stand and see ono corner of the houso in which they and wc dwell, undermined, with out seeing that the edifice is in danger, and that when it falls tho common tenants inusb perish with it. Both interest and honor must require the cotton States to take counsel to gether They should look upon themselves nob with the je ilousy of rivals, but as a common crew, all equally endangered, whose dutv it is to make a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether, to save themselves from an impending wreck. It is bad taste and worse judgment for States identified in interest, to use language of disrespect and cen sure towards each other. The same remark may be made of public men who hold responsible posi tions, and who ough: to practise courtesy, and in culcate harmony. Sueh nas not been the cour-e of some tew public men,in Georgia especially. I have been surprised at a remark attributed to Speaker Cobb, who,in speaking of South Carolina,said that her indicated course would be infamous. That gen tleman should recollect that every blow aimed ab South Carolina will striko Georgia; for South Carolina is now only endeavoring to do what Geor gia said she ought to do. It is grossly unbecoming; in those who should dischargo the trust of senti nels, not only to quit their posts, but to turn round and fire upon the camp of their comrades. We all know the dominion of party; its ties for ft time may be more powerful than the true interests of the country. I cannot but believe that In Geor gia its power will be temporary. The talent and ambitious spirit of young Georgia cannot be long hampered by it. In the struggle for independence, what states were more united than South Carolina, and Georgia 1 When Clark, Twiggs, Jackson, and others, fought the battle of Hanging Rock, Mus grove Mills, and Black Stocks, thev did not ever think for a moment that they were fighting on the soil of South Carolina. And when Gen. Piekena carried his men to Kettle Creek, and fought the battle on the soil of Georgia, he did not think of the Savannah as a dividing line. The aamc of Twiggs. Elbert, Pickens and Hammond, are all mingled in the exploits at Augusta. And in the war with Great Britain, in 1812, tho delegations of Georgia and South Carolina were united, and offi cers of the army acted together, without thinking of local differences. I myself have seen Troup, nndMilledgc, Sumter, ana Crawford joining South Carolina Representatives in a common journey to Washington, and there all concurring in common ooursels. Nearly all I have said might be repeat ed of North Carolina. The commercial interest* of North and South Carolina must make them ono people. Our railroads will make our port their port. Mecklenburg is a name full of inspiration. The blood of many of its patriots and statesmen now mingle in the veins of those whoaro ready to gc farthest for South Carolina. I Let not South Carolina take such a course as will de-Americanise her?let her not, in her movements for redress, separate heself from her natural friends. Whilst she is prepared to take measures to separata i herself from ner non-slaveholding oppressors, let her not do anything tc separate herself from her friends and neighbors. And let not her friends and neighbors look on and sec her sacrificed for main taining a cause to which they themselves stand pledged, and which they will have to maintain. It is in vRin to disguise the fact that the present form of our government cannot be pre-erved. Its per : ver.MOiu are groas?its operations are partial. There must be a radical reform, or there must be new or ganizations. Those who attempt to prop it up with crumbling compromises and frittering cou 1 eonstructioni, arc only muking the crisis of its disso lution the more disastrous. The South united, could make otic of the finest government* on earth ?a government that could be guided by statesmen, and supported with a gallant coumge that would adorn the annals and history of any people. The young men of the South, thr?sring on the ties of trained politicians, should look to their own des tiny. 1 hey need look to no federal preferment* that are worthy of their ambition. Third anil fourth places they might attain, when they wouid be entitled to the best, if they were in their right ful position. Let them first quit all participation in presidential convasses. Let such contests ?>? left to those whose temper and training haw giwn them an accommodating fsufility. I may b* asked, (and 1 onght not to object to answer aay qasstion which my ojiporttinities may enable mU an-wrr> what win the government at Wa-hingtasido ia cam South Carolina should determine on separate saeea tionl Wliat I have said, nnd what I can say, is conjectural. 1 do not think that military force will be directly resortsd to to coerce cvith Carolina. Such nn employment of power would at once dis solve the confederacy. The federal government cannot, by act* of coercion, compsj one member of the confederacy to remain in the 1'nion against it* consent. If such should be the form of the contest between the federal government and South Caroli na, 1 have no difficulty in predicting the result. There would be no division then in the State. One drop of blood shed by the federal army, would not oftly call every eltiren to a determination to avenge it, but thousands of Carolinians who hav# left the State would return and stand by the moth, r of their birth. If such should be the complexion of the contest, I would not look beyond this assembly lor the intrepidity of a l.anne* to carry the colors aero?s the bridge of L?di, or the rhivalry of a Ju bcrt, who would leave his beautiful and youthful bride, with a declaration that be would return to her with laurel* on his head, or find a grave on the field ot battle. I believe there are tho*e who, see ing this gallant hero'* fate, would encounter it. Sttch, however, I do not believe will be the form of t be contest It will be a war of dollars and cents?a war of custom houses and embargoes, or of blockade Is may bo that the latter will, in the first Instance, be resorted to?that is, the federal government may take such measures as to divert and drive the com merce from Charleston, either by a blockade, or by its influence exerted on foreign nation*, to induce them to prefer the ports of the confederacy to tho-e of Charleston. And ultimately South Carolina might be left to her separate condition under n. policy calculated to proscribe and reduce her ta tci ms. The gorernmont would resort to the agency and influence of a Macedonian party. South Caro lina would be driven to rely on European support and connections to sustain her. To the cxie.it of her exports, she might form direct commercial in tercourse. This could not be done, however, unlca ber neighbors stood aloof and saw her saoirifioad. Would they do so, is the question. This Is an ?g? more of utilitarian sagacity than romantic honor My opinion is, that with all our Confidence in Great Britain, we should not trust to her protection, sooner than to those of our own family ot neighbor ing States. But, Mr. President anil gentlemen, I will not sjiecnlate any longer on what may be Let what may come, 1 am with South Carolina in all her bazatdi. In my situation, 1 mu*t endure the m.'itifkation of being recorded as a tame conn-el lor. wbil-t I pledge myself to encounter all the hazards of friends who, in opposition tomj1'""0* set*, may nake a final issue fi r the State. ' wi ll no State divisions, and ?ltlw vtelj there ra.iv l>? i one. 1 have no censures for the brave an.I disin terested in the threatened rowteit. They have my r card, nnd tball n< f find rn*. or those th it 1 ran influr i-.co, agslnM Mirm. I bare no political aspira tiuu* beyond Spatl? t arvl'1* Called upon <M dW

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