Newspaper of The New York Herald, June 30, 1855, Page 2

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated June 30, 1855 Page 2
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?an prixeiplee, ud our determination to do ail In oar ywwer to utosd tbo uu of isaidene* requisite for aeteralixatioa, to prevent the toporutko by foreign MthoritiM of artminalo and puptn to our ahorse, ud to ox toad tbo constitutional limitation of birth M?n tottaf ao to the President of tbo United SUtoo to othor high officers, especially thooo ontruatod with tbo vary groto powers of diplomatic positions: thia Coaaeil here by declares itself independent of that or aay orgaa'xa iborolnato and boa which places tbeao principles aut secondary to their pro-slavery objoeta and determina tion*. Therefore? Kaaolrod, That thio organization bo hanooforth known aa tho American party in Massachusetts, and does here by error aD connection with tbo majority of tho Na tional American Council roocntly assembled at Phila do labia. Resolved, That thio party affirm with renewed energy tho distinctive principle of Americaniam, which we hare hare to'ore txpraaaoi*. Resolved. That tho action of a portion of tho South, la attempting to send Papists into tho lato Council at Philadelphia, a Horde groundo of auspicion that thoy hare other and ulterior objoeta In view, which tnoy ?aok to atrengthon by on aUianee with tho American party. Resolved, That thio party hereafter ntando diatinetly pledged to use oil const tntlonal means to effect the re iteration of tho prohibition clause of the Missouri com pecmiee, and to secure fuo institutions in Kanaaa and Nebraska. Rewired, That tho interest* of tho whole country Im peratively require the union and co operation ot the people of Massachusetts and the 'res States, and we in vite the co operation of men of all parties in Mas<achu sett* and tbo free State* to maintain and advance tbo principle* we profesa. Resolved, That the Msaaachnoett* Counsel declares that all tho principle* of the Order shall bo hencefor-' ward everywhere openly avowed; anil that oach member shall h* at liberty to make known the oxioteoco of the Order, and the fact that be himself lo a member; end it recommende that there he do concealment of tho piece* of meeting of subordinate Council*. Voted, That the above addrees and resolutions be signed by the committee and the officers of this Council, and published. Simon Brown Middlesex, Charles B. Ball Suffolk, Robert B. Hall Plymouth, B. B. Wheelright Bristol, James K. Carpenter Norfolk, W. 3. Thurston Worcester, Charles A. Prrry Franklin, Richard Gould Barnstaole, David Davie Dukes, J. E. Conkey Hampshire, J. E. Dodge Berkshire, D. B. Smith Eeiex, M. Drafton Hampden. JOHN W. POSTER, President. E. C. Bakes, Secretary. In the evening a public meeting was held in Tremont femple.| Dr. Benjamin H. West, State Councillor, pro aided, supported by thirteen vice presidents. Dr. West, on taking tbe chair, said that the meetiog was called to gether to ratify the doinge of the Northern seceders from the Philadelphia -National Convention. He exhorted his hearers to emulate the deed* of their ancestors. Cir rum stances have compelled the people of this State to speak out as never belore. They mast take a new and clear and detinue position in reference to points which have been matters of doubtful decision heretofore. The action of to-day should be of no doubtful character. It was each, he trusted, as would meet the hearty appro bation anu co operation of all present. In the future the paity had much tj hope for. Tnere was everything to gain: and there was one way of gaining it. '*1 believe," eaid he, "it is impossible to come to any other oencla eion than that the action of society must be made up of the action of individuals, and the action of individuals ie only safe when they do duty that God and humanity mad the right impose upon them. Let us, thee, do our duty. Let us go forward with enlighttned m a in, with warm hearts, with tbe largest possible liberality, and with the most unflinching determination to stand tor t&e signs." Got. Gakdnkk. who was warm1; chested, spoke a* follow*:?Mr. President and /allow Citizens?1 toank job for jour cordial greeting, after the exertion of the day. I am here as one of the delegate* of Massachu setts, returns.i from the American Convention at Phila delphia. In that capacity I stand here now bofore yon. Very soon 1 shall be obliged to leave the city, and will detain jou but a few moments, in referring to tbeoc:a sion and anspices under which we have met. I rejoice that it has become my fortune to make the first publio American speech in the State of Massachusetts. 1 wel come these co- operators at our gathering here to night. Truth cannot be disseminated too widely or too far. Heretofore speeches have been made, redolent with truth, the good effects of which would bave been Insal culablj great, could they have been mtde paollc and sprcao broadcast among the people. I rejoice to recog. ?ite before me those whom 1 have never seen witnm closed doors?whom I have never met at meetings of the American party. Perhaps there are some who would ne ver have come here if these doors had been hermetically sealed. I see friends and associates here, whom I wel come, for f want them to see the doctrines which we will stand by, and which we have long lelt throbbing in ?nr hearts. I am here a delegate returned from the Philadelphia convention. Now, we were willing to do enr duty, as we understand it?in oar own qniet, hum ble, unobtrusive way, if necessary. But circumstances have forced it upon us to adopt a course which, I re joice, we decided to adopt. I do no wrong, or commit no impropriety, in referring to the published account of the proceedings of the convention at Philadelphia, and to their platlcrm of principles; and when 1 say to you that that platform of principles caused the Massachu setts delegation, and almost the entire Northern dele gation, to sign a paper which you have seen?I tell you no new thing, but a pregnant fact of the times We are living in a historic day, and the events of this day mm to bave msmtntous bearings upon the history of mV nation. It is a fact that cannot he winked oat of sight. Why did those gentlemen secede? Because they were driven oat from the convention They were furred to retire, or record their acquiescence in the doetrinsa of that Convention neediest*'?V"!?* wan repugnant to the eriTins * shse oi north, wholly and entirelv an abroachment of Northern rights and ima<ctples of liberty! It is unnecessary to say it. It is palpable. Now, we have come home, because, if we remained, we would be required to acquiesce In that platform as the expression of our sentiments, by which we would live apd which we would advocate. I told them that we would not acquiesce if ws could, and could not if we would. In tbat platform there are many new things and many true things; but the new things are not true, and tbe true are not new. That platform asked us to go farther on the subject of slavery than we ever went before. Only five years ago, when the compromise mea sures became law, tne country was asked to acquiesce in those measures as a settlement of the question of slavery: and tbe great mats of the community did ac quiesce in them as that settlement, and on that pledge was the present national administration placed in power. Yet no sooner were they in power, than a new and gross outrage was committed upon a stlemn compact of the entire nation. And then, and there, and now and forever, let the North demand a restoration of that broken compact. The Philadelphia Convention pledged themselves, and attempted to p'? Ige us, in that broken taith. They had received their c jui peneaton? tbey had pocketed their money for their bar gain, 'snd then wished to repudiate the whole transac tien. They wished to establish as a rule tbat the ques tion of slavery within the Territories of tbe United States should not be legislated upon by Coogres*. That doctrine would destroy and root up the sacred ordi nance of 1*87. What was tbat but Congressional inter ference with the subject of slavery in tbe Territories * Tbat same thing would destroy forever tbe Missouri pro hibition. And now, having violated that agreement, and desiring to lay their hands on the national territory, they come with the modest proposition that we shall plecge ourselves that Congress shall not interfere with the subject of slavery anywhere in the United Stater. Then again they went further, and declared it as the sense of that Countil that no State could ba refuse,! admission into the Union because its constitution recognized slav?y. It may be tbat we shall not be able to restore tbe Missouri compromise: but we do mesa to say that Kansas and Nebraska shall not come in as States, ex cept nnder the original compact of freedom of 1820 And yet they wanted us to pledge ourselves in advance tbat we would allow Kanses to come,ln as a slave State, without one word of abjection, if Senator Atchison and bis supporters should declare a# a part of tie la w of the Territory tbat slavery should exist there. These were the points which the delegates from the North would not content to. We preferred not to lie dumb. We t>ld our Southern friends what we should do if tb?y force! their principles upon ur?and we did it We cam* home for an endorsement, of course, and with an entire una nimity it has b-en this day endorsed. Whatsosvor favor I have received rrom my fellow citizens?whatever of gratification I bave experience!?altogether do not weigh in my mind as the approval by my fellow citizens of my course npon this grave question the week before last, in the dty of Philadelphia Now the question has been removed, and tne responalbtlity with it, from our hands to yonrs. When questions of simply Southern interest arise, tbe South are united with that ebivalrons devotion to tbe interests of their section of tbe country which has alwsys characterized them, they stand as one man in defence of their own into rests. Bat 1 can hardly aspect the North to do the same. I do not believe that when their Interest alone is concerned the North will be united; but when their rights and liberty itself are invaded, then is it too much to expect that North men will be true to their own dntyv Cannot the North now, at leant, be one men for duty,' Bnt. sir, I know very well it will be asked, what did the delegates to the Philadelphia Convention say anything a about slavsry for?why did they thus endanger the Union* In the first pWce, the question of slavery was not raia #d by the Norlh. Tbe Southern delegates declared that tbey would secede. I have heard so much aboat the destruction of the Uniou that I have begun to look upoa it us one of those fabulous myths that wo read of iu history. 1 don't helitve those gen Mem ?o could dsttror the Union. It is too settled in the hearts of the people and I do not believe any of them would destroy it if they could. It is a grand scarecrow and msaoi nothing. The Union to 'be destroyed! nr ner i-i'Orj' the Idea is preposterous. Tbe South kniws the value of the Union: tbe North know* the value of the Union; and when a mia telle you in sober earnest that the Union is in danger, either set him down as a fool, or that he behoves that joq are oae Gentle men, we have duties as welt as rigbu, and I stand here, as I ever will stand, and dsolarsmy intention to obey nil constitutional duties; bnt beyond that l will not go. I will not pander to any section for any came. w? hare Alad to day glorious tidings from other States. Ohio a'oug the telegraphic wires, has sunt her words of chvsr tor Massachusetts. The course of her delegates ?t Philadelphia has been ratified at home wito entire unanimity, fibs Is with os The little Htate of Rhole Island has dons the same; and 1 believe that svsry State srhoes delegates signed the minority declaration will ap prove of the action of tbe signers of that declaration. If they do not, we had rather be the honest delegates who did their duty, than a constituency at home Whs do not know their own. Bnt we thank yon for your endorse nsent to-day. Stand firm to the truth? ask only your own rights; for he that will not defend bis own rights i* no worthy to have rights to defend. Bon. Johw W. Fosrrnn, of the Executive Committee, who was also a delegate to the Philadelphia Convention, MM nsgt introduced, and he spoke an hear. \v? bave ?ot ip?M for a synopsis of his performance, whi A *11 1 it?ij. Senator Wilho.n, who wm enthns astically received, ?poko thuo Mr. President and Follow Otiieae of Boa ton- I L?? d oot M) that I thank job liaooroly for to*r kind and cordial greeting It la alwaye pleaaaut to Imto tho approbation of oar friends It la aaora pleasant to baro too approbation of our own consciences; and If I bad r?tu rood front Philadelphia and mot jour atom die approbatioD, I should ha to brought with ma my own ap probation, and I should baro preferred that aron to yours. Sir, I wont to Philadelphia commivsionel by tho American party to maintain and defend the principle*, msaaures and policy of the American party of Maaaachn retta. 1 knew * beie Mauachuoetta stood on the qnea tion of human liberty in Aaseilca; I knew where the Ame rican party of Maaiachuwtta stood on that question; and I am the last man on earth to retreat from the poeition which Massa-buseits, or the poettion which the Ameri can party of Uaaaachusetta. has a*turned upon that qu??tion. I went to Philadelphia with a determination to yield everything hut principle for peace, anion and harmony ; hut I waa determined before I went, and while there, to be Inflexibly true to the sentiment# end conviction* of Massachusetts. Sir, tbe nitre power forced npon ne tbe slavery laaue. We boldly and frank ly mcttnet issue. I knew, sir, before 1 went to Pblla oelpbla, that the bold, arrogant end ?letermlned chief# of the black power would meet us there, prepared to urge their peculiar interests. 1 was struck, air, by e remark ot joura, the other night, at another place, and on another occasion, that tine conflict at Philadelphia waa not because ?e were there, and men of the south were th re; hut because God wae iw the heaven# rhst was a profound truth. God lives and reigns; and I ell you here, to night, that the agitation upoa tone question of human slavery will continue while the foot of a slave presses tbe toil of the America* republic When the lest bondman can stand up and eay, " 1 am a man, a brother, an American, aye. a native American," i ben and not till then, will toe agttaMon of the slavery question cease in thia republic. (Cheers.) And that politician, whether he be a aaember of the American party or any other party, who believes that we can put puny-bands upon that movement inaugurated by Al mighty God, sustained by avery attribute of God, and every ting puis and boly on earth, and arrest it, may be an enthusiastic, but not a very far saeing politician. I rsjoice here to-night that the issue has been met?that, for the Brat time in the history of ths republic, there baa been a national convention, and th* North uaa maintained its manhood. 1 have been at a national convention before. I stood in a natlotal convention in 1849, and tben met tbeie bold and arrogant, unscrupu lous chiefs of the black power. They conquered, and we of tbe North submitted?always excepting a very few " sfsxlera " Gentlemen, that ?' sizzle" of 1848 has grown into a full gro en rebell on of 1866 That little move ment of 1848 has been followed by tbe delegates of thirteen sovereign States or th<s I'nion in 1965, and now the American party Is for ever emancipated from that degrading connection with the chiefs ef the black power ot tbe South. 1 say the separation is final and complete, l'hete ie a high wall and deep ditch between as and them, and here to night, be'ore you ard in this presence, 1 say. and I would say it to the whole repub lic if my voice could be heard, that never mora will we meet those men who were false to freelom at Philadel phia, and act in concert and in tarmony with them. I would aa soon support Franklin fierce and Stephen 4 r nold Douglas aa tue men who, at Philadelphia, adopted that, majority platform. Now, gentleman, having sepa rated ourselves, I tiust for ever, from all sectional is sues and combinations, let us stand boldly and manfully npon a broad national platform, that comprehends the ?bole country and the people of the whole country? including tbe North (l*ughter.) We hear a great deal said about no No-th, no South, no East, no West? I truat, air, we have found the North at last (renewed laughter) and that we are large enough, that our hearts are large enough, to em brace in our affections tbe whole country?lu clnding tbe South. Gentlemen, If the men of the North had gene into that National Convention united, ready to maintain the sentiments of the people of the North, tbe men of the South?the true-hearted, liberal me a of the Southern slave S'etea, would have accepted the ultimatum we tendered to them?would have stood by na, and if they had been atneken down, would nave fallen gloriously, fighting for the glory and honor of tbe South. I know wnat 1 aay, and I say that there were men in that convention from the South who wo nil have agrceed to restore freedom to Kansas, if it had not been for the treason of the Bute of New York. If the North in tbat^conventlon had acted in concert and harmony, we should ha?e bad a united North and a divided South; but before we went there there were toe chiefs of a baffled end defeated faction in the State of New York?men who weie organised to break down Wm. H. Seward (cheers) and for no other purpise? who went to Philadelphia prepared to put their heels upon our necks, to crush ns at the North, if they eould only survive aud be the little and insignifi cant chiefs of a baffled faction In the city aud State of New York. And, gentlemen, toe cause of the coun try, the cauie of freedsm, the cause of tho American party, was sacrificed by tbese little insignificant leaders, to gratify their own petty ambition. Sir, th-y will be scorned and hlased in the State,of New York. The American party of that State will trample npon them. 1 told them, in tbat convention, that William H. Seward's heel was upon their seeks, and that he wcold be peering down in their graves, when they are dead, their own party, ibeir own followers, will place them in those graves, and we shall all have the pleasure of trampling upon them. Sir, we have taken our position in Massi ccusetta to day. You have endorsed the action of your delegates I had no doubt what your action would be; but, gentlem-rn. I ask you far a moment to turn your attention from /our own political position, and to look at the position of the oouutry. The interests uf this country demand?the cause of liberty demands?that the people of there free State# shall act togttber, lu concert and harmony. We are a union of men Who think alike, feel alike, and In the future will act alike. I trust that everything which we ran do, we. the American party of Massachusetts, will do. to bring into a harmonious party all who think as we think, feel ae we feel, and wish to act as we act. I am sure that the heart of Massachn relts beats responsive to our action. We wish to a* in anion and harmony with oar friends in New Kaglend, in OTir central atates, sou im ine west no little patty ambitions of public men in Massachusetts or etsewhs'* defeat the high and exalted hjpes of the ? >untry. Gentlemen, 1 co not propose, at this late hour, to detain you any longer. 1 hare briefly expressed my own wishes and feelings in thia matter. We have performed our duty. We have committed ourselves to the policy of freedom. We have avowed our determination to carry out those American principles for which thia p arty inMaasachuaetta was organized. Let us carry out tboee principles. Let us place the American party in harmony with the waits of the country, end progressive advancement of the cause ?t human liberty in America. Let ua abjure all tbat is narrow, bigottsd, or intole rant. l et us place the principles ot tbe party In har mony with the democratic sentiment of the .a?#, and we sbail triumph. We may be defeated in 1856. I be lieve, howtver, if we are wise, we shall triumph io Maerachusetts, in New England, and in all the free States. We shall sleet the next Congress, committed to tbe policy ef freedom We snail elect a President of tbe Umtsd S'ates, who will he true to the cans* of hn man liberty, and those American ideas that underlie the American mission. Mr. Augustus C. Carry, of Ipswich, AcocaTcs O. Brewster, and others, addressed the meeting. NEW HAMP8HIRE.POLITICS 8FKICBES OF MESSRS. BELL AND HaLI, THE NEW UNITED STATES SENATORS, ON THE ISSUES OF THE EAT. In pursuance of a call signed by leading prominent members of tbe free soil party of the State of New Hampshire, a very large, intelligent and most respect able audience, comprising members of the House of He presentatives and Senate, the Governor and Council, and several hundreds of tbe ladles and gentlemen of Con cord and vicinity, assembled at the Depot Hall, in Con cord, N B-, on Wednesday evening, the 27th, at eight o'clock, to bear the lion- James Bell and the Hon. John P. Hale, tbe new members elect to the Senate of the Initel Stales, express their views upon the great qnestions now agitating the public mind. Mr. Rollins, of Concord, in behalf of the Comm'tte* o." Arrangements, reported the names of the following gentium n as officers of the meeting:? PHKWDKNT. Joel Eastman, of Conway. VICE WtEPIDFYTS. John Clougb, Enfield, Nelson Converse, Marlboro. J. C. Tilton, Ssndbornton, Wm. l'enney, Hanover, Nathaniel Wfggjn, Dover, Albert Smith, Peterboro. HXCKKTARirS. J. C. Abbott, Manchester, R C. Stevens, Mersdith. Mr. Eastman, on taking the chair, returned his ac knowledgments for the great honor conferred upon him. and said he wonla not detain the audience by any lengthy remarks, for he was well aware that tha large and en thusiastic audience present had assembled to hear tbe very dittlnguished gentlemen recently elected to setts in the Senate of tbe United States, It was great cause for congratulation, in the election recently held by tbo Legislature of New Hampshire, that they had eis-.'sd two distinguished gentlemen who will reflect so unci honor upon the State, and whose sentiments were so nearly in accordance with the sentiments of a vast mi jority of the people of tbe State. (Applause ) After briefly alluding to the question of the prohibi tion of slavery in New Hampshire, the Chairman con cluded by introducing the Hon. James Bell, Senator elect to the Senate of the United States, who spoke as follows :? BON. JAMES BELL'S SPEECH. Ill compliance with what ia understood to bs the general wish, I corns before you to say sosaething upon tusgreat questions which now engage the public attention. It ts hardly neesssary that I should disclaim any purpose of assuming to direct public opinion, or of giving counsel to the many intelligent, well informed and able msn whom 1 now see before me. I feel my own incompe tence to any such attempt, and propose no mo.-e than to express fresly and without reservation my own con clusions, hop'ng that they may be found in tbe main not to be in conflict with those of the enlightened peo pie of this State. There ean be no difficulty la ths se lection of topics, sines ne man of common observation ean fail to discover at once these which at this time en giosa the attention of all men who feel any concern for the welfaie of the country. I propose to speak of the policy of extending the boundaries of onr country by oonqueet or purchase, of the project of eetabhshlng In ear unsettled Territories Institutions modelled after those of the slaveholding States, and briefly of the squandering of the public lands, and of the discourage ment of the Internal developement of the oountry and of free labor?subjects, at I conceive, far more In timately end closely connected than it would appear at a hasty glaeee. On most of thees qnestions 1 am ooni d?nt that you wljJ agree with that a meet unwise, ? mischievous policy, boa recently boon panned by thooo who u? in tbe possession of power. Bad do we not be lie re that it thie moment the cense of true prepress, which eaa have ao other euro foundation than a return to the old original principle of our government, and of the tcrupuloui regard to tnstiee and good faith, if not desperate, ta at loaat * a r?] oped m gloom ana derknees? Wo know that there baa boon in tno administration ot the country, wrung, iejuatieo, and bad faith. But it hta not remained anniented nor on rebuked, aad there U, therefcrt, hope for tba future. The people of the free Statea bare beea round to ao oommoo pitch of Indig nation. 1 em aware that in a country to raat, with in terests to iuneiM and dm milled, where opinion, speech, and action are ao free, that we ctn seldom lorn fcr the quiet and rrpoeo which wa might expect under a different condition of things. Bat common diicontente are like ripples which diiturb only the airface, while from the causes now existing, from the partial, sectional and urjuat action of the gorernment, there has arisen an agitation of another character, aulBc ont perhaps to from uar alsrm the waroriog, and to drire the timed (rem par ticipation in publio affairs And this is the true danger of our position. If the friends of freedom and equal rights?of internal darelopement and progress, will hat act xeeoiutely together, all mar jet be aafa. ro in elude all in one pbrare so comprehensive aa to embrace everything wkicb we?1 mesn the great mass of tie people of thie State?have learned to love aad revsrmoe, we moat return to the original wise aad com prehensive scheme of pub'ic policy adopted by those who founded our present ay stem of government. We must distrust those who would penned# ue that the great principle# ol internal and foreign policy held by tba fathers of the republic night -uthe? for a am ill na tion in ita infancy, bat that we should now discard them aa unfit for a people wbUh has assumed ita poai tica on tbe theatre of the world as a lirst rate piwer They hold ont to us, instead of healthy and peaceful growth aad progress, m our social condition andal vancsmant towards % higher and truer clvil zatlun, a con-mending p ace in tne scale of nations, to be won and maintained oy war and diplomacy, foreign conquests and aggrandisement at tbeexpense of neighboring nations, and, as directly connected with t'-ese, the expansion and predominance of tbe system which rente aa Ita basis upon ssrvila labor, how, it ia well kno an?a clear his torical fact?that every leading man woo, among those who established our government, with Washington at their head, and acting in this as tba true representatives of the American people, heid our true policy, in oar ra tal ions with all nations, to be one ot peace, founded en tbe most exact justice, and of just commercial intercourse. they held that we abou'd ae a na tion decline any participation beyond tbla limit, and any entin&lemtnt in their affairs. They could not cave con ceived of it as possible that taklDg repubhiaa Rome, with aJJ bar injustice and rapacity, as our moiel, we ahcnld become a conquering people, and that we should rrach at length that poiot that our neighbors should oread all contact with ua. 8till laaa could they have conceived that conquests would be sought for ror tbe purpose of extending the area of slave labor. They, aa aa it can be most clearly and abundantly ahown by his torical svicence, regarded slavery aa an evil, unfortu nately introduced Into this country by no fault of ita people, aad which was to b? tolerated and endured be caute human wisdom had discovered no means for Its extirpation. They would have been struck with aston ishment at the suggestion that it was to be encouraged ?to be fostered?that foreign acquisitions were to bs made for ita support and perpetuation?and this ingr-at part by the blood, and treaaure of those who wou Id re*--d its existence as a great national misfortune an I wroug. I-east of all conld they have anticipated that this sys tem was to become aggressive, and, emboldened by aa; cess, to attempt, after having exhausted their own por tion of the common territory of the nation, to seize by surprise upon that part which, by legislatton and the common consent of tbe whole country, had been obtain ed for settlement by the redundant population of the free States Bat all this and more baa been attempted, and with partial snceeaa. If it aball wholly susceed, a great civil revolution will have been effected in our pub lie policy and in tbe whole character of our government. Thus far ita advance, sometimes stealthily and by al most Imperceptible degrees, and sometimes oy boll and optn and well-timed demonstrations of torce, can be dis tinctly traced. If we would not see this revolution con summated, we mast not only resist this attempt to change the character of our government?this attempt to render ever} tiling subordinate to the Southern or ganization ot society, but we must insist that what has been accomplished in this direction shall be uudone Our claim should be for redress for past wrongs as well as security fox the future. What, then, cao be done in tbe way of rsdresB and of self offence ? l)oe? nay thing reman lor us but to unite in % mo.-t determined opposition to any for iter attempt at the acquisition of foreign territory, whether on it* Southnru trontier or in tne We a Indies ' And it ie clear that that resistance will be unavailing, if not made now and at once. Look at the attempts to annex Cuba?devised ae a mere executive measure, millions offered for its purchase, witnout tne slightest attempt to consult tbe public opinion, with aa perfect an ignorance o( tbe voice of the pecpie as having any ligitucate control over its rulers as could have happened under tbe government of Nicholas or of Alexander. And have we really nothing to do with the matter bat to lurnlsh the means 1 And is this the true theory of our government ? Can the executive, without consulting tbe wishes of the people, bind us to the payment of sums ?o immense, to he drawn from the bard earnings of tbe poor as well as the rich, t j purchase foreign ter ritory, which a large proportion of those who must bear tbe burthen* incurred by its acquisiton, believe wilt be an t unmitigated curse to our country ? IWould ary ruler of any other government calling Itself limited or constitutional, have dared to have ventured in this way upon a measure so momentous in its conse quences? I will not pause to ask a?y man who believes in the right of men everywhere to cootrol their own affairs?tne right ot self government?bow he can advo cats tbe transfer of a million of people, without asking or obtaining their cos sent, to a foietgn country, with wbote language, institutions and manners they h tva nei ther acquaintance nor sympathy. We can all judge for ourselves whether this people, whether of Spanish or or African blood, are Sitelx y> ?>* ??.-?*?<, ?? u fey m*sn, into !?????$ en"-American citizens. Such a nee sore. <f snccefsfnl, must irevitab.y be followed not only'by introducing amongst us discord aud dissension, in its most embittered forms, but by a great and dan gerous increase in our military and naval establish ments, and a corresponding increase of executive power. Looking at the consequences of almost uncnin gled evil that are sure to result from such a measure, can the worst enemy of this country invoke upon it a heavier misfortune than to have a people roal'en in race ana feeling, so uncongenial in everything, caat upon us as a burthen and a snare? And where will t.be iticklers tor a strict and literal interpretation of the constitution find sny warrant in that instrument for this increase ? Acquisitions made by conquest, it has sometimes been said, are legitimate, oeoauee conquest is a common inci dentof w?r; but there is certainly no provision in the constitution which confers this poaer or the indefinite extension of our frontiers by purchase When Louisiana was so acquired, it was lees an exercise of a constitu tional right, than an avowed overleaping of tbe consti tutional barriers, justified by the neceseity of the caie and if that precedent has been followed in a few other Instances, they cannot avail to Changs the criginal or genie law ot tbe country. Our system, as we all know, does not, like that of England, rest at its basis ou prescription and usages?one growing np almost imper ceptibly after another. It is. on the contrary, a wr iter form ot government, conferring well defined powers, and is unchangeable except in the manner provided in tbe instrunent itself, a dark and portentous day It will suiely be for this country, and fraught with tbe nntoid evils flowing from civil discord and strife, when, in defiance of tbe wishes of large classes of our people, their means are, without constitutional right, thus applied to purchase tbe territory of a foreig? nation, That it would be perilous to the union of tbe States, msy be iin argument of no weight with many of its advocates. There is some reason, indeed, to fear that disunion i?the very result at which some of those aim who favor this measure, and that they urge on this system ot huving and conquering everything within our reach, this aide tbe Isthmus at lea at, as the most ready and direct mode of effecting it. From what it merely proposed, let me pass to the great act of aggression already perpetrated upon Northern rights, and the sen timentof the free States?the Kansas-Nebraska bill. This audience, I assume, does n<.t requite an arigumsnt to satiefy tbem this was both unjust and unwise. Their convictions upm this poirt are, as I trust, strong, fixed and Immoveable. What is now demanded, then, is not so much argument as action, firm and decided action. We no not, it I conceive aright, believe that there ever was any fair etmblaoce of argument to sustain this mist ini quitous measure. There was, it is true, aa in the whole history o< tbe world there always have been in like cases, pretexts more or less plausible put forward, with tbe hope of palliating the enormity of the act. Excuse me in glancing a tew moments at lime of them, in order to determine if I am right in applying to them this epithet. The great groutd of defence, and almost tbe only ground, which is urged in this latitude, is drawn from whet is denominated the sovereign right of the people of tte Territories to shape their own institutions as tney may choose. It is a standing phrase; bat 1st as see whether in ite appllcatun to this case it is not also a hollow and unmeaning one. Now, no man who looks at this bil), snd the laws of the country, can deny that if Congress have granted the settlers tbe sovereign right of legalizing slavery in it, it has, by some strange oversight, failed to confer upon them any other right of a sovereign Eionle. They can choose for themeeives none of the igher Territorial officeis, and tbey can pass no law that Congress cannot immediately alter or repeal. Congress may even blot it ont of existence as a Territory, at their pleusure; or they may divide It into two Territories or annex it to another. When, then, la its sovereignty? This defence ot tbe bill, drawn from the propriety or necessity of enforcing soveteign powers upon the people ot the Territory, not onlv has no foundation in fact, but is not?it csnnot be used in good faith oa the part of tho*e who use it, understanding this territorial bill and Its history. The argument lacks truth for its founda tion, and it therefore lacks good faith and honesty. Those who passed the Kansas bill never intended to clothe the people of tne Territory, while it remains such, with the power of exoluditg slavery; and, according to tbe construction current throughout the South, it con fer* none. When ceasing to be a Territory and becom iog a Mats, tbe people may elect whether slavery shall be one of its institutions. But ere tbat time the ques tion will be irrevocably settled by tbe coarse of events. If slaveholders, who, up to that time could not have been excluded, shall then constitute any considerable proportion of its population.it will be found impractica ble to get rid of tbe blighting institution which they have introduced. Look at one convincing fact. In escb branch of C'onsreea, when this bill was pending, an amendment was offered, conferring la clear and explicit terms upon the people of the Territories, the right toex clude or lo admit slavery, and it was voted down, bv tbe friend* of tbe bill, both in th* Senate and the Hons*; and landing Southern statesmen, in the debate, repudiated the idea that the people of the Territory oo'ald posses* nay such power. Tbey meant to eonfe'r no sncb privilege, bat their purpose was to open wide tbe ? oor to slavery, we'l convinced that no vote of the people, whether of the Territory or of the State, when it ebould become sncb, would hare powet afterwards to eradicate it. Nothing bnt an actual demonstration of physical fore* could do it. Ikies some friend of th'* bill now present say that be has read It, and that it doe* give to the people th* power of which w* have spoken ? 1 would eay to him: kly friend, they are deluding you with a nice sad Ingenious phrase. Tbat phrase is qnali flid hj > proviso, whieb takes all the virtue out ef the only dim which smiii to giro a chanoe to twit?a. Th? people may decide the question, suhject to the era ?trtation, hot that constitution, aa H la road, where tot i lever* prevail* permit* bo interference with the aab ject la act the whole thing, thea, a cheat and a delation? Practically and substantially no each power i* granted,

and the future will abow that the whole natter will resolved Into a long and desperate straggle between 'he settler from the free State* going there to dale* to bentsge, and the slaveholder, with all the tag* ?> contiguity on hia aid*, striving to wrest ?t from him. It would seem that a fair field la not #*** 10 allowed for this eontest, bat that the free jOttler is to be ovtr borne and crushed down by the ??t?leaa and savage vio Irnce of meraudere from an ?'J"inu>g s ave State. Will the administration send ?? mUitary force of the coun try for hie defines? P*" eay man answer? The duty to do so is ds I !>??"? clear, imperative, and beyond all controversy. 1 ?>ell not stop to argue at length that it waa unfit U every way, that the true sovereigns of every Tern*"7 won by their arms, or.purchased by their money, the people of the United States, slioull strip them*elves ot heir power to shape its neatinies for tao fpMie. We were ita true eovereigna?it was an uus-t tltd wilderness, "with no man there to till the ground." If we had suffered It to remain as it was, a lend from which slavery aa* excluded, no men who went there with a knowledge of ita desttna'im could jiatly coo plain that his tights aa one or the sovereign people were invaded Be would go vo.untariiy, with a kuow ledge of the fnture institutions ot th? country. If his preference was for a country where slavery should exist, be could, of course, turn to any of the vast and fertile regions of the couth, which are still unsettled. This was the ancient, the safe, the only statesman like principle?that on which our tethers hare acted since the establishment of our government. We began with the ordinance of 1787. and altered to ihe a?me pr nclple till thie attempt was inula to change it Stall we tot discarding this inoorat on, return to the oil tine honoreo, well approved system of our ra*hers? or shall we follow in the patn of those modern politicians who, avoiding any c tnmittal upon th s, wnicu tbey r? erd as a most delicate and dangerous question, would ve the representatives or the people '-ab iicaks govern ment" on this great subject, and throw its determina tion upon the 0*cis on of the transient and accidental settlers in the Territory or Sia'e? Would it hot rsa'ly be better fr r the peace of the community to leave it to be decides by the easting of a die? We should at leant escape from the force and fraud which, under this kind of legislation, are hi el - even to decide the result What more astonishing exhibition of folly can be con cetved then thie scheme of sending ">to the seme Terri tory the partisans of the sieve and the frte system of society, to tlgbt the matter out between them at the ballot boxes, and perchance w'th arms in their hands? Yon sre to inclose tbe lists, lead in the combatants, sound the trumpet, end leave them with embittered pae b'odi. to cairy en the contest for possetsion of the sail. Certain it is, that whichever way it may result, ths cease of peace, of harmony among the States, and of good government, is sure to sulfer. Even in early ages ?even in the very dawning of civilization?this matter was better understood We read that when there was strife between tbe herdsmen o* Abraham and tbose ot Lot one of those holy m*n said to the other, "Let there he no strife between tbee and me. Separate thyself from me. If thou wilt take the left band, I will go to the right; if thou depart to the right hand, I will g? to tbe l*tt." All experience, ae well as ths nature of the esse, shows that the yeomen of tbe free States cannot and will not engage in agriculture in a country where slavery prevail*: though on tbe oth?r hand, It is quite true that the free States are extensively peopled by emigrants from tbe South. To those wbo cnoose h have that institution behind them, as they leavn the other peculiar laws and systems of their native States, Kansas and every free Territory end State is of course open; wbi'e thute wno from choice cr supposed neces sity sre wedded to tnat system, may take the other band to Arkansas, to Texas, or to some ether of tbe mild and fertile regions whica ham long since been assigned to them a? their shsrs of the common inber tance of the States 1 will add no mure as to the justice or the propriety of this measure Tbe great question recurs, what remedy remains lor those who regard It ae an unmitigated act of injustice and folly? Are they to acquiesce? Are they to listen to the counsels of those who tell them that it is an acoom Slitbed (act, and that we can do nothing but submit ? ever, I hope and trust, never shall we listen to such councils, or treat them with any thing but scorn To follow tbem is the very way to invite further agmres siou and outrsge. It is like saying to me, whenroeoe mi has! ruffian, wi'h a strong hand or by come stratagem taken what is mine, " Submit. Make no attempt at re covery or redress " If we wish the same attempt re newed m tbe care of Cuba, of Utah, and wherever elae, from one end of thin broad land to the other an oppor tunitymay occur, then acquiesce; make no attempt to right ibis great wrong, but permit those who have done it 10 reap It* full fruits in quiet and security. Do we not *U belters that this very aggression wee invited by the fact that cur reeietance, in other Instance*, had been not only too late, but too transient? But the idea is industriously cisseminatsd tbatws cannot refuae to ad mit any Ttrritory as a State, however repugnant it may be to the principle* of justice and of right. The strange position ia taken that the constitution binds ua to admit every Territory that may apply in th? prescribed mode, and that we have no right to lokat its toatitutioBb. or to consider ttie fltnons in any ranpoct of any such Territory to be admitted into the Union as ? associate of the listing State. But to this^anything more than one of those pretended constitutional prin ciples which, though no where found on the leaves or that instrument, are regularly announced whenever an i ui port ant point is to be gained by it ? Lo?k ?t itfora moment in the sober l ght ot reason. The oonsUtution wisely provides that new States may bs admitted-nst tbat they shall be admitted?notwithstanding the fact* in their history, or in their condition, which may reader tbeir admission into the Union an act of 'ff"'1'"* assess changing the limits of any Territory which may atisr waids be offeredI tor fnTeitebsive boundaries, or on that of Delaware, enlarg itc or curtailing it* boundaries at their pleasure, it can not, surely, be said that the inhabitants of any particu lar territory can, as a matter ?f right, claim to be ad mitted to a community of rights with the old States Will any man contend tbat we must tat* not only Mormons, but Chinese communities and Inolan tribes, living on our territory, into our paruersbip, whenever they shall ask for it? And have we to right, in any case, to prescribe the terms of *<1 mission? Is tbifre any other ground on which we can stand as true and consistent men, than this: that ae our original reiietance to this iniquitous tnsssure was una vsilmg, and chiefly because it was effected by a kind ot surprise, its opponents being teken at a disadvantage ite originators shall never, so long ae we can prevent it by our opposition, reap any of the advantages fron.' it tor which they seek? is there any oiher consistent and manly course to he taken ? le there any other that * ill avail anything to stay the progress of further aggre* sion*? On this ground. th?-n, let us stand. Admit uo <tate Horn a Territory with slavery as one of its insti tutkns, Horn which it was excluded by the Missouri compromise. Restore that compromise lino whenever it shell be In our power to effect it. Restore it in it? full integrity, not because w# seek tor triumph, but for justice and security Does some good man say this wi'i endanger the Union? I reply that the Union is as dear to me as eny man. Hook upon its preservation as o. infeiior importance to no wosk of mtrely human origin. Much has betn and much should be yielded to its pre servation. And it is because it i? dear to good men, because its preservation is an ob ect of such transcend ant importance, that 1 would Insist tbat each section ot our country should do full and exact justice to the rest. In no other way can that Union, in my humble Jud? ment. be preserved. 1 am ready to resist any encroach ment cn the rights of the Pouih With their peculiar ? __ .*.*_? a. .1A I'Vtaw ova rujnnnsI IDtQL CD lue riHUliB VI suv ? ** - * institutions we have nothing to da IDBbUUUuun wen""?*?-o -- -- ? - bl* for them, and not the people of the free bUtee. wrong has been done to th.m, let there be redress. Ann in respect to the giest wiong done to the people of tta Iree states, let tliat also be redressed And then, with tb# most scrupulous snd exact regard on eltoer aide, to the rights of the other, the Umoo may be secure Hut while the sggressive spirit urges our Southern brethren to mtk* new conquests by the exercise ol the national power, snd to extend by any and all means the r*?lon in which tbeir peculiar form of society predomin*.**, as long as strict justice does no: govern each section in its dealltgs with the other, there can oe no security for our continuing together as one psople. I have sa a ths mucb has been yielded for the preservation of the Union in their different appreciation of the danger that threatened it, some men at the North yielded to exaetiona which other (P?d al)d *rue, m,n have thought should be resisted. The South claimua the enactment of a law which certainly was stringent, harab, and opposed to the Iree spirit ot the common law, and which great numbers of our people regarded, in it* probable won lug. as cruel and barbarous. I pon the pomt of yielding to this exact on, public opinion in the free States was, *s we all mow, somewhat divided Those who were inclined to yield to it, to avoid what they regarded as worse, were more influenced by tbecon ?ideration, the implied and the express pledge, that this was the lest and final point on which they would be asked to yield anything on the subject of alavery. The whole territory wts already partitioned out?rights every waere defined. They suspected no tieachery. They were m>s ltd snd decslved. Does any man suppose that, with the whole history of this transaction before them, they will grent anytoing, support any system to sustain the ^ou'h, but their strict constitutional rights ? We will say to tbea, '? We gave you by law facilities and advan tages greatly, it may be, to the disadvantage and wrong ol the poor fugitive from slavery, on the pro mise that aggression should cease. That pro mit-e has not been kept, and henciforth you must content youraelf, so far as depends up isL ? ? ? bsLsJ oonoiiknfSrtn is I virrhti ' ' iwuw juuinuis? nv "?? "" f~? ?| on us, with your naked constitutions! rights. OH Uf*. WIVU J UU1 sswv? C? And on this ground we are, in my bumble judgment, to stand, regardless not merely oi the temporary repose, sure in sech case to be 'oliowed by a more vtoUnt agi tation, but equally regardlsss of any party tie whieh would force us to a tame surrender of our rights, if any p*ny, no matter by what name t may be known, shall attempt to restrain our tsee action, and to counsel us to submission, its bond* should, in my judgment, be intUnily broken asunder. (Applause ) Much better would It be to recognise no connection with any party. But crgsnlzstioes can be found or established, if it should be seen that In this way men of the same senti ments can act together with the gr sa test energy and ef fect. But to ?ny existing party which attempts to con trol our ireei em of speecb or action on this subject, w* mav well say ?'In respect to this thing, you have neither right nor power. It is not so nominated In the bond." (Applause.) 1'arty organizations are estab Ushsd foT convenience, In order to a more united, effl nb nt action on the part of those whose opinions harmonize; but the principles of justice and mo rality rest on no such foundation* of expedi ency, but one of binding obligation. When unities, therefore, have ceased to answer their original design, what coarse remains but immediately to discard them ? Good and true men can at aay time unite under a name and organization, which may enable them to act with Ihe greatest unity and effect. (Applause.) Directly connected with the topics whieh I have been discussing are tb* discouragements thrown in the way m free labor. Those who rely on the production of raw material* alone, by the unpaid labor of slave*, h*''* shown little sympathy for the aklUsd Uborif freemen. I need not dwell upon the obvtette wmaom and policy of encouraging the Paction land of everything to which it affords reaeoaaoj facilities. | *o ??t by wha protectiT? tariff. but by inch dix the i?r?eta 1*1? for revenue aa to do not mm by what la termed a discriminations la to favor and en cour**e the Industry of our awn people. We may th?> give employment to tbousande now often ilie, nit irom choice but from necessity: give variety to our pur suite, a market for the products of our a?ricultural in dustry, and independrnce of foreigners for the neoes sanet of life But the advocates of the system which I have been eoneldering, which always looks alroad rather than at home, and to the extension of territory and its cultivation by unpaid labor, here again meet us with constitutional obstacles. They find authority in the constitution lor the acquisition of half a continent, with mixed end heterogeneous inhabitants, bat nooa lor any hut a perfectly horizontal tariff; but the founders of our government certainly ('id not tbna construe tha system as one power'ers 'or good, and only efflcsnt for wrong. The wasting away of the great reaoarce of the industrious clas-ee, by sweeping grtnts o* the public lends, and inviting over a promirciius fo reign emigratkn, is directly connected with the system to which 1 have adverted. It has its pa ralie) is the cases of individuals, who as we all know are reacy to squander in the proportion that th -y have macs rapid acquisition in some mode aside irom me or olnsry pursuits of Industry, The possession of the fer tile unsettled lend* of this country is, as we are all aware, one at the greas facts which distinguishes our country from most other civilized countries Much of our prosperity is to be attributed to this source It is ih? greet fund serving lor a constant protection to the industr.oue, laboring classes. While it remains unex penced, the yeomen, tne independent freeholder cannot be reduced to the eosdition of the hired laborer. It operates es a permanent insurance against toe redac tion of the prices of labor ni in countries less fortunately situated, to the minimum amount wh ch will support life. It Is not ne-eisar/ to dwell upon ira importance, though it has too often beta overlooked in intimating our national advantages. Sr ail it he kept for the use of our own people? Shall not piovirion be made ttrnt the inhabitantsot the oil States, as well as ibe new. sbail participate in all its advan tages? or are we to bestow its choicest portions indis criminately upon any foreign population that may aeek our shores? The admission of foreigners, after a meat insufficient probation, to the political rights of c tizeos, is doubtless part of the same policy, having its founda tions in want of due regard to the rights of our o vn people. Should the voice and vote of the rreemea of Ntw Hampshire, trained trom his youth in the theory and practice of our republican institutions, be neutral ized by that of the man who a few short yer ra ontk was the rubjeotoi some European despot, and who kno'S little or nothing of our Institutions?who has nothing of our pride and love of country ? our veneration for its great and good man, and ilie Institutions tney founded? Will the siort pe riod of residence required by our laws sulitce to make patriots even of the most enl'ghtsned of these a'rangers? And bow long will it require to make Americans in senti ment sod knowledge of the masses of rude and unedu cated men who come to our shores in tne hope of bet tciing their coccition ? I)o they not almost uniformly either confound liberty with an nnbridleo llesnse to do whatever their prejudices and passions may prompt, or act aa the blind instruments or those who continue to take uncsr their control their judgments and con sciences? The time when the condition and circum stances of our country seemed to require that emigra tion shoi>Id be encouraged by every boon, his certainly paised by. We shall not, I trust, refuse a refuge to good men, of whatever elasa, who may be driven by op pression irom their own shores. We will impart to them, at once, the protection of the laws and all civil rights. But political privileges we may rightfully with hold till we are assured that they have become American in feeling aa well ae in country. (Applause.) The Chairman then Introduced to the meeting the Hon. John P. Hale, who, amid great and prolonged a plauee, took the stand and addressed the meeting, substantially aa follows:? HON. JOHN P. BALK'S SPEECH. It was my fortune, fellow citizens, a few evenings since, to listen, in this bail, to a lecture from the distin guished Senator from Massachusetts (Henry Wilson), in which be contrasted the America of 1776 with the Ame rica of 1866, and I doubt not, even to those who had ex amined the statistical history of the country, that the contrast which he presented was striking. But as our ^houghta are creatures of association, while he dwelt upon that theme, I thought that a good Lyeeum lecture might be written or spoksn by a man who should take a narrower view, and contrast New Hampshire of 1855 with hew Hampshire of 1846?(applause)?only one tenth part of the time; and I thought, my frienis, there was no one who could occupy a stand point, and look at the cubjeet in its strongest points better than the humble individual now before you. (Applause.) Ten years ago, in this very town, 1 was called upon by a few friends to deliver an address here, and I had before me, as 1 have now, the members of the Legislators, the Senate, and the Governor, I believe; at any rate, those who stood behind the Governor, greater than he. Not very strongly sympathizing with the views 1 was abont to present, they stood looking upon me very much ss a Judge looks upon the ptisoner who has had a trial, been found gnllty oy a jury, and assed to say why aentenoe of death should not be pronounced upon him, determined beforehand to pronounce the sentetce of death, let him say what he would. (Great i laughter.) Ten years ago there was not to be found within the limits of this State a solitary individual who bad political character enough o preside at sueh a meeting. For seventeen years the breath of liber ty had not raised a single ripple upon the waves of the dead a* a ef party despotism bare, which bound the hearts and consciences of the people. (Applause.) But now the people have spoken out, and spumed the thraldom, and trampled. ie? nprs toe cords With wbicn th* great and little men of New Bvmpshire would have hound them, and come up to the bread level of their own manhood, and in the dignity of their own understanding and light of their own conscienoes, declared aDd vindicated tneir right to indivicual judgment and responsibility. (Applause.) l bat is the contrast presented in ten years. The ex pression with which 1 shall greet you to-night, my friend*, will he from the heart, and that is oae of gratitude and thanksgiving. If there ever was a pub lie man upon the face of the earth who had reason to bow down in gratitude belore his consti tuents, that man stands before yen to night. 1 thank you, members of ths Legislature?I thank you, people of New Hampshire, who have sent up these men by your votea; and I thank you, women of New Hampshire, for what I value more than votes?the sym pathy with whish you have forwarded the glorious re formation in this State. (Great applause.) And I thank, too, my political opponents. (Laughter.) I tell Jou, a man ot much greater talents than I posse is would ave sunk into insignificance, if it haa not been for the pitiless peltings which the hired minions of a corrupt hdministration have beBtowed upon me. (Applause ) 1 actually begin to think that I occupy a position in the Mate something like the tree in the orchard which show4 that it hears the best fruits by having ail the clubs thrown at it. (laughter.) 8o much for what is per sonal; and now let me come to the subject upon which 1 propose to speak. I want to speak of the past position of New Hampshire, became 1 desire to contrast it with lbs present. What was the position of New Hampshire in times past? Anti-slavery! In 1120, when the Missouri Compromise was tbe great subject of discussion, tbe Nvw Hampsuire Legislature pasted most stringent anti slavery resolutions, by a vote of 193 yeas snd no nays- New Hampshire fol lowed this time line of policy down to I860, when it teemed ss If the Legislature thought they had parsed resolutions enough, snd it was lime to stop. They were going then to pais one for ill, snd thst should stand for all the past, and speak to the future Htre it is:? Resolved, That the people of this S'ato are bound by no com) set, express or implied, to seller the introduction of r I avert into territory now tree; and that, they a?? uiisltc-a bly opposed to tbe oreetlon of any Territory without its pro hibition by positive law. Unalterable ! That is a phrase which strictly bslongs to tbe Moat Bigh Everything alters but He But tue New Hsmpshiie democracy lilt they had in vie such progmsin grace as to have arrived at an uualte-abie state. (Laughter.) Now tbe very position, which flies in the face of their unalterable sentiments of I860, they decisis in 1851 to be the very hest thing which could have been done. In 1854 can e the Nebraasa bill, wh h pasted notwithstanding the unalterable position of me New Hampshire democracy. What did they say about it? Ihty said that acquiescence was the very best poa eible thing to be applied. Of all the essences they pre ferred acqulceoence. (Laughter.) I take issue with them there. Aequlssoence is not the thing we were sent Into tbe world to learn and practice?least of all ths people of New Hsmpsbire. Why do not they acqui esce in the sterility of their soil? Talk about vexing the unwilling earth with ploughs, harrows and spades: wby not acquiesce, (laughter.) and let natare have her way? I suppose there were acquiesc ing politicians in 1776 ; bnt you do not hnd in the history of the Revolution that the men who threw overboard the lea in Boston harbor, and who reaiated tbe stamp act, were acquiescing men. Acquiescence was not the word you found upon the page of revolu tion^ history, but resistance. Bnt it in not worth while to pursue this train ot tnought much farther, (t was not only the opponents, but the friends, of the a 1 ministration who werw beginning to feel that it was not well to acquiesce in the encroachments cf slavery. One ot the most instructive things I have lately seen, is the resolution passed at the latw Democratic Convention of tbe State ot Maine, held a few days since. In 1861 they undertook to express their opinion npon this Nebraska bill, and they had some acqnieseers and min-acquies ctrs In their convention. I understand that our democratic friends bavo In that Stats classed thimssives into two classes? tbose that are sick, snd those that are not sick enough. Those that are sick enough, say they have had enough ot Nebraska, while others of them say that they are not quite sick enough, nnd must have one dove more. (Laughter.) It seems that in Maine there were enough of tie latter class to pass the following resolution:? Resolved, That tbo national adminlstratloa. br Be faith ful execution of the lens: by ita adherence to th* tlon; by ita admirable foreign policy, and by Ite resolute maintenance ol the old J and marks ol ?e eemocraMo purty, will coromsnd the resptet and anpoort of all trJ? belnir understood thst thia approval ef tha aattonal admin iatistion la expressive cf to opinion in relation to tbo repeal of ? bo Miseouri compromise. lli? meaning of which to.?RwolTCd, that wo, the democracy of Mai.e, w?U content to hold all Ike Custom House* and Post Offices, provided wc ere not obliged to baptise ourselves In the infamy of m^nrfa of this admimetratlon. (Laughter) ik,. I i0ok upon as one of tbo most cheering sign* of the times because It not only tenches as what haa taken nlaoa among the opponents of the administration, hut it abnws us how Its friends look npon it. Waen we cast our eyes over the free States, I confess for one, that tb* prospect is the most inviting and encouraging that I have jet seen. We hato cat rled every free State in the Union, with the exception of California, wherever the questu n of slavery extension haa been raised, and every Mate with that exception, has rendered ita verdict In conden nation of the Nebraska msaanrs; and the only consolation left to tbe administration is the faet that Virginia baa not been so utterly disgusted with what tho administration has done generally as to diaeard It, bnt supports It for the aid it has given towards tba rpread of ?lavery la Kigiu ud Nebraska. Nov, looking at ibe pa*t, what la oar dnty at tha pr???t timet for it baa duties and raipoaaibllittsa ' wbich ao oth?r tiv hi oar history baa ever praaeatad. 1 bold oar doty to ba this .?Forgetiul cf all paat differ ences, of ad oviames of aamai sect* and partial, to bo tiaa men, and in lbs fiaa 8utaa to coma op, la ona aolid phalanx, and giro efficacy and efface to the mUMBU and convictions of our kaarta. (Applause.) For one, I in willing 10 vork aa a private id tbia groat boat of freedom. I care net tor tba antacadenta of a raaa or tba paily name by which ho baa boon called, or tba party flag under wbieh be baa rallied. 1 aak not Indemnity for tba pait, eat security for the fatare. I will say to him, la tba language Of inspiration, giro ma thine band. And hi ad in hand, my (iienda, we will carry forward ibe great rerolntion wbisb wa have commenced. (Applaane.) I call upon yoa all, then, to emulate tba epuit of that great aentiment which wa* pronounced by Henry Wilson a few daya aince in Philioetpbia, when no said to tha rwuth, "Ton have bad th? pent, but the fatar* is oars. " fAppIaaaa.) bat an mare to-t tatura aura, and upon tha bright page of coming bn'ory wo aball in crib* a record upon wbich our children and children'* children shall dwell with unalloyed aatia'action. Let ua write upon that page the word "Liberty." to which wa oledge ouraelrea to bo faithful Let it no ao spurioui liberty, but such a liberty a* strike* croon* from the beads of tyrant*, and alio breaks tba fetters from the limt>* of slavet. Let is baa liherty t'at shall spurn tha petty catch word* or the day, that shall turn a deaf aar to tha al lurement* of party leaders, who would *sar oar con sciences, <e;eive onr judgments, and lead uh captive. Let ua reuiemb?r that wa have a country to serve and a God to obey, and not party In terrain to subserve alone When we shall tasve done that, w* shall bava proved onrselvts to ba worth v of the time In wb en wa live; fog, my friends, wa live at a time when. It saems, as If w# are to put to the tart tna f reat problems which our fathers proclaimed. Wa are Iv ng at a tun* we?n the forces of hnman freedom and slavery ere mar>h?l'iag for the great contest that is to decide whether men are capable or self government or not. We live at n lima when it ae-ms a* if Sod, tired of tbe repealed failures wbich man have made us all tha past, to sntabli-h government upon tha foundation! of humrn liberty, bad at last, htrs In tbi* Western World, granted tbe bcon of ens more experiment It has fallen upon us to solve ibat problem, work out that experi ment, and determine whether indeed tba reward of a sucosnslui contest la to ba our*, or wbather the gam* tbat deck tha vicor'a brow shall be with ns or with tha minicnsof despotism. Weliveatatlm* when we are called upon to carry out tha revolution which our fathers com menced. They achieved n physical revolution, bat it is left for us to secure and perfect tbe moral and spiritual part or it. They stiuek tbe crown from the head of tbe tyrant It 1* ours to liberate the slave from ths chain* which fat. er him. 1 do aot know tbat I can do better, in conclusion, in expressing tbe sentiment* that crowd upon my mind, lh*n by repeating tba language of on* of our most gifted New England poets?I mean -.ha Quaker poet. Mr H?lk then concluded by repeating Whittier'o in vocation to freedom MAINE WHIG STATE CONVENTION. Portland, June 29,1856. The straight out whig* met here in State convention yesterday, and nominated the Hin. Isaac Reed, of Wat doboro', for Governor. Tbe meeting was large and har monlous. The reiolutions are decidedly anti-Nebraska and anti-Know Nothing, and opposed to tha present Liquor law, although in favor of stringent laws regu lating tbe traflio la intoxicating drinks. Ths Hon. Geo. Evans and others addressed the convention. A Mormon Woman In 0lstren?The Work ing of Polygamy. [Fiom the 8t Louis News, Jane 26 ] There is ? iodm now in St Loud wbo has Ml nw? n victim of Mormonism, to whom we desire to invito the ?WntioD, and in behalf df whom we wish to enlist the sympathy of the pbllan'hropie He* name ?**"? Parsons. Ten years ago she wan living happily with her husband. who wae a dove* ahoemaker, in I/indon, com fortable in circumstances. and blessed with domestic peace. Aeout that time the husband became a oonvert to Mormonism, under the influence of the preaching of the proeeiitis of the Church of Latter Day Saints, who were strolling over England and Wales. Of course, his wife receiveo ano embraced the faith, too?the abomin able doctrine of polygamy being eturdlly denied by those wbo uretendea to oe the orthodox expounders ot the creed Her husband abandoned hta trade and1 turned preacher, trawl ing over France and Kngltnd to dissemi nate the Mormon ooetrines. Of course the wife was left pretty much to shift for herself and her yonng child ren. Things went on till she ceme to America, about a year ago, on her way to Utah, with a com pany ot Mormoo emigrants Her husjand remained in Europe to superintend the embarkation of otheremi srants, and promised to meet her in St. Louis. When the poor woman arrived here, she fonnd no provision ? ? ? w _ . a A ma aensannomOnffl IflP DftP me poor wucjii? * ?" , made for bar support, and no arrangements for her paessge across the plains She wsa tberefow Mm^llei to seek employment to earn a scanty support for hsrssir to Ree* empiuj uicwn w ???? ?? -"-"?v - -*r, i? _ and her starving children By stitching shoe.he man aged to live tnr jugh the winter, and in the spring bsr husband arrival, and proceeded forthwith up the Mis souri river to the Mormon encampment at Atchison, In Kansas Territory, commanding her to follow, Devote? in ber attachment to her brute or a husband, iand trust ing sineerely in the Mormon faith as she embarked on anothsr boot, and in uueit of ber husband. There she found himi living in a tent with two worn n, to whom he bad oeen ' sealed." Her feelings and condition may be better "seajea." Jaer ieeimge ????? ,? * -r imcgined than reecnbed. She wae crushed and heyrt ??? r . tla>lM > h.a g>im mnwt ?iura?d b, him. who' intimated that she must 'lift for herself- She represented to the e??u?la.ticel ebisf, on the ground, and urged him to see her righted, but that preeloue disciple told her that she wae a stiff-necked reprobate, stinking in the nostrils of every good Mormon. Heartbroken and de spairing, sbe took her two children and made her way liom the camp, live milee to Atchison, where the stated her case to a generous citissn. Hs promised to protect her with his life, and aidsd her in getting on board the F. X. Auhry, then on her way dowa the river. She had but three collars, which sbe offered to the captain for her passage to St. Louis, but he, like n generouB man that be ii, brought her down for nothing. Information ef ber situation reached the ears of two or three charitable ladies of the ctty, who secured a place for her in the Home of the Friendless, and provid ed a temporary retreat for her children. Her sitaatlon la a sad one, and she truly deserves the sympathy and assistance of her sex We trust she may receive it. She mar be seen at the Home of the Friendless, and we sug gest that the benevolent cull there and hear the touching tale of ber griefs from ber own lips. The Adultery rrlnls in Cincinnati. CONVICTION OF TWO CIT1Z?N8-0NE A MINISTER AND TEMPERANCE LECTURER. fFrom the Cincinnati Enquirer, June 26. ] Our reaiiere have been apprized <>/. th# ?f J*? persons, one charged with adultery, the other with for nication. The whole affair has grown out of the abduo tion of a young girl, named EBen Welsh, J*01* dence ot a geniieman named Billings, residing in Buttler county, under wnose charge she had been placed by two Director* of the Hnuse of Refuge, Dr C0"1?" this city, now s practitioner at the ^r. waa the gentle man charged with having, since the 25th dav of May, unlawfuky -obabited with lier at the room of acertaio MtTy .lane Williams, on Vine, above Fifth street; while 11 r Jonathan P. Brosdwell, another well known cltiien, air. sfoii?wx;?ix A . w 'f.^tftmema WAE nh&rdrtd air. Jonathan *? JBroauwani wwwei _ j in conjunction with Mary Jane Williams, was oharged with lornication. The cases were set to come off before with TOTDicaiion. cum ^ vv-" w" Judge Pruden yesterday, and the Court cenvened at too P M. to trv them. The first was that against Mr. Grant, charged with adultery. Ellen Is an extremely good looking girl, seventeen j ears of age, and ot prepossessing appearance. Dr. Grant is tkirty-ttve years old, but looks somewhat more ancient. He has, we believe, been rather an eloquent lecturer on temperance, besidoe having, at some previous epoch, been a minis-er of the gospel. A jury was impnnnelled, but tne defendant, in conisquence of his lawyer, Mr. Hays, not being present, declined making any dsience. No witne??es wers called for the defence, and the jury retired, when, after being absent^a few minutes, they came into court with a verdict of guilty. nt the same time expressing their wish that the girt should beisont back to the House or Refuge, n disposition, however, which had already been made ofher Mnnn. The Court jeclined passing ??nteuc? until * ease, charglrg Jonathan P. Breadwelljsnd M?ry Jann Williams with lornication, was heard, 7h*^i?'f;,r argument by Judge Spooner, who acted as oonnsel for ce?ence, and a charge to the jury by Judge Pruden tbe case wis submitted, wben, alter about a ffuwUn' of an hour's absence, they returned wito a verdict of,guiHy. Judge npooner hereupon made a motion Tor a new trial, on the grounds that sufficient teatlmonv had not been brought lorward to substantiate ibe eharie, an4 because the minds of the jury could ~ *22 been unprejudiced, inasmuch as most of the ???Intl served on tie trial of Dr. Grant, which cats was Inti mately.connected with that of bis client. . . , ltr. Grant also applied for a new trlnl on be went into the case lacking both wltaesse" * . " sel, and asserting that had be time he con Welsh, torwsrd testimony to oo?trov.tt tb^t of ni^Wei.b He mads an ?ble argumen^ut coar* ov ^ application: it tboug *|^ud ?nd society protected, girl; thtlaw auutlbo Ii^2nC In !??*?? with thedef.nd lh*r* W,\7?tw^,V;^yst.matlc consptracy had been ants in tb*?\b" 0f the girl. Att?T a few re gotten up g ?naT0lent character of the House of marks upon infftn)y of those who would abduct in linfeut' female* therefrom, In which the Judge said that b?d the defendant taken a knife and plunged It into her b??rt be would have been more merciful. A sentence of tienty days' confinement in the dungeen was passed, together with a fins of E160 and costs. ,. p lbe motien for a new trial in the case of Jonathan P. Brosdwell snd Mery Jane Williams was a^o^errutoJ the Judge remarking, also, thatfhe be>isved lllen Walsh wis reduced througtt the Instrumentality of Miss W.l I isms. A fins of $100 was imposed upon each of the dtfetdenis, who were also consigned for ten days to tho t1UJm1se Ppooner Immedlntely filed a bill of exceptions. The Court was crowded throughout the trial with a deeply attentive audience. The Turf. MABRSCHtTSETTS. CsMBRiixixTiioTnMO Park, June 2? ?Trotting match, $3,0W. p>ay or p?y. mile heats, in harness. W Peabody named b.m. Flora Temple F.. Goodwin named hi. h.Koow N?Jhtng rime, 2:37?5:43. ILLINOIS. . . . Bninirrof Couuss. Chicaoo. June M.?rareeanff MAke, *1,210, mils heitslbest three in five, to skeleton wagons. P. Martin named h g. Mr. Perrin named br m. Lady hate Time, 2:44X-2:44M-2 4 RHODE ISLAND. ? M Wakhimitov Tnomvo I'a?x, June .fl.-Match, $2,0004 mile beats, best threeiin ffve, i?ibsrness. H. Bllllnss named Lady I