Newspaper of The New York Herald, August 15, 1855, Page 2

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated August 15, 1855 Page 2
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7HI fWtfGN POtlCY OF THE UNITED STATES. Opinion* of ?? ???"?* IUT*^?_4^no??w? ?rf imrrlMui ^ntlnvnt and FmI? ? WliJii tngm^iOu> !*?dpo~<. FVolIn* Id ??m> 1'nlted M?tr< ft* Ra-?la, Ac., ?e. n>om ih* Westminster Review, July, 1855.1 Events ol' absorbing interest have of late followed mi fiirit on one Another, that our reader? may not find ]t e?v to recall the efforts of Kossath during hw progress through our island and the States, to form In Anjrto-Anierican alliance against all despotism. Four years have yarned since that time, and Eng land is nw actually at war with the greatest of all despotism*. But wW are her American allies ? To those who BupporW the efforts of the Hungarian eatriot tbe nuertioO can hardly fail to suggest itself. Whence is it that while aristocratic Old England is r njraged in a death struggle wfth Russia, tbe great democratic republic looks on, merely calculating what it can make by the struggle ; or, if cheering cither side, certainly not the anti-despotic ? ? And yet, enthusiastic as was oar reception of Kos enth, it was a tame affair compared to that which welcomed him in the States. The ruling classes kept aloof from him here ; no one above an Alder man committed himself : but in America, statesmen and generals vied with one another in promises of help ; and when carping critics declared that these promises were but empty professions, in order to ob tain political capital, bis mends pointed to the elec tion of President Pierce, and aaia : ? " See here the result of Kossuth's visit to tne States ; of the two great parties in tbe Union, tbe democrats have pro mised us tbe most, and therefore the American peo ple have elected the democrat candidate by an over whelming majority, . because they wish these promises to be fulfilled. We ourselves never put much faith cither In these promises or in the actions which might appear to betoken their fulfilment. Spite of angry correspondence between American secretaries and Austrian ambassadors, we knew that all this wrangling was very safe between a republic without an army, and an empire without a navy ; that nei ther of tbem having the means of getting at the other by land or sea, they might quarrel In peace. And though the cau-e or Hungarian independence was a stepping stone to power for both President Pierce and Ids Banisters, yet inasmuch as they are all pro-slavery men, we are not surprised to find that instead of striving to make this war with Russia un mistakeably a war for freedom, by telling the Altles tfcat if they declare for the nationalities they shall be backed by American rifles and dollars, the pre sent American administrate is rather scheming to torn this European struggle to tbe interests of American slavery. Not that we conceive that intervention in this struggle either was or is the business of America. The States have no prestige in India to preserve, no communication through Egypt to protect; even tbe subjection of Germany, and possibly of the whole Continent, which might follow thatof Turkey, would ?ot oblige them, as it wonld us, to owe onr freedom to onr isolated position, and to protect it at an enor mous cost against an overpowering neighbor. Above ull, the circumstances of her history and the inter vention of tbe wide Atlantic have saved her from the necessity of becoming a member of the European family, which for the suke of peace has been forced to form itself into what is in fact a fedcratiou, bound together by international ? that is, by federal laws ? the infraction of which, by any member of the fede ration, demands from all the others, as iu tbe pre sent case, opposition and punishment. Expediency, tbfcn. does not call for the intervention of the States; nor is this one of those rare cases in which tho claims of duty wonld anticipate or transcend the dictates of expediency We can imagine cases in which these claims of duty might, nay would, call apon the yoapg giant to thrust Ks strong arm into the fray; but tliis is not one of them. We thiuk that 1m would cross tbe ocean rather than allow the democracy of Europe to be utterly destroyed by its aotism ; bnt this democracy is not yet sufficiently ngered to induce him to tight for emperors: we trust that, were the home of his fathers really in peril, be would rush to its defence; that, spite of old sores and present rivalries, tens of thousands of re publicans wonld strive to save the Old Coantiy from the thread of tbe Cossack: but until in tbe Old World law and ordev be defeated by brute force and hut of conquest, the gTcat republic in the New World may refrain from interfering. Still, if we can neither expect nor wish tbe hands at' onr American kinsmen to be for as, it certainly is not without some feeling of din appointment that we find ourselves forced to examine whether or no their hearts be not against as. The quarrel iB one in which, whatever may be said for both sides, few will deny that the balance of right is on onrs, or that the the great interests of humanity would lose far more than they would gain by our defeat. On tbe one side is a horde of serfs, with whom the Americans have fewer ties than with any other Christians, driven into battle by the incarnation of that brute force and lawless power to which they profess so strenuous an. opposition. On tbe other side in a free people, of the same race and language as themselves, of similar laws and habits, and be tween whom and themselves there is a greater com munity of interest and thought, and with whom they are connectcd by more individual bonds of friend ship and of actual kinmanship than ever before c\ luted between two separate commonwealths. Sure!. , then, it cannot but be painful to read in their news papers sneers at our want of success, and hardly ?oppressed hopes of our ultimate discomfiture. Too much weight , it is true, ought not to be given to these newspaper articles. The press is by law so free in the States, or rather the practical limit to its license is so entirely public opinion, that any'notion, however crude, any mis-statement however absurd, i any slander, however unfounded, may find expression, , provided it does" not run counter to the prejudices of | an overwhelming majority; in which case the cen- ; sorship is as stringent, and the penalties as tyranni- i cal. as in Parisor St. Petersburg. For example, whig and democratic journals in New York, when the two parties arc pretty enually balanced, may heap un measured abuse on their respective editors and prin ciples? have even immunity to assail the private cha racter of individuals with the foulest calumnies; while in Missouri or the Carolinas, a writer susnected of abolitionism would have reason to congratulate him nelf if be esca]>ed with his life. Where, however , ? l nay speak, it In not the wisest or most influential man whose voicc is the loudest; more often he will retire from the strife of tongues, unless commanded by duty to bear his testimony; and therefore the bucking of the Czar by the American pre<s wonM merely prove thul there is not an active majority of Amen* an readers against them. Nor arc these ar ticle* all on one side. Against the an t-i English leaders in the New York Herald, a pnper to which hardly any American of influence oi ar" would attach weight, we muy set noble an 1 ng tributes to English valor, such a* that goofed by Mr. Baxter from the Boston At! at, and ill-natured as are the sarcasms about the Ion? sie "0 of Sebastopol, a friend of ours tolls us, that in t ><* largest theatre of New York be heard its report. J capture received with almost more than English en thusiasm. The expression of feeling varies from place to place, and rqanges from hour to hour; nor, indeed, can we wonder at 1 his. considering the divers inflncHces at work. Against Anglo Saxon sympathy, we must set Celtic hatred and revenge. Youu;r Ireland, who has votes, may induce many a political partisan to inveigh agsinst old England, who cannot help him in his can vass. Doubtless there is much dislike of Ru*tan autocrats; so also is there of English aristocrats: we think the Hev. Mr. Everest is unite correct in dis tinguishing between the feeling with which \tue; i cana regard the English people and those whom they believe to be its rulers. And, indeed, consider ing the degeneracy of their statesmen? reim-nilter ing what caricature-" of Washington, or Joffcrsou, or Monroe, are Polk or Pierce, wc cau hardly wond r that they take comfort in the thought that onr aristocratic habits do not ensaie to us a succession of great men, any more than do their democratic institutions. Nor are the commercial influences so entirely in our favor as might at first appear. Not only are wc customers one of another, but in some respects we are rivals. The shareholders in the Lowell compa nies may hope for better dividends in proportion a-" taxes weigh down their Manchester competitors; and even the New York merchant, greatly as he would lose bv onr ultimate defeat and con.-tegnc ut ruin, loses already so much by the mere fact or the war. that, he may probably enough talk for the Czar, whom he knows his words cannot move, and agiMust his British correspondent*", whom he thinks they may. We believe the commercial effects of thi? war I ate, both in England and America, been vastly ex ggerated , and that the late depression on both -idej i the Atlantic has been chistiy owing to onr bad arrest in W3,mdto theirs in 1854, by which were ggravated the effects of the overtrading which tbe previous prosperity had inde ed. The war may. in deed, have been the means of anticipating the crisis, ?ad of thereby doing real good, through apparent harm: bnt tbe men who liave blown the ?p*. uUtiva bobble will be enraged at its bunting, forgetting lhat tbeir eventual loss would have been greater if they had been allowed to go on speculating, it iv therefore, hardly fair for Mr. Cobden to appeal to ?American reprobation of tbe war as to that of impar tial observer*. The Amcri -ans may well be advo cate* of peace at any price when they ^cra t?j th"m Helves to Huffer almost as much as we do by the w.ir, ?uid when the price would have to be paid by m ami not by tbem. Then again, wherever there is great intercourse be tween nations, there is also much chance of dispute. In proportion to the capacity, this ehanoe appear* to toe greater with Rusxut than with England. In the North Pacific, almost the only place where there is a possibility of ?nch colli-ion, we And Mr. Hill, in bis travel* in Siberia, describing the interference of the Russian authorities with the American whalers; and one or the chief argu menu alleged by the advocates of annexation of the Sandwich Islands to the States, is its necc-toty in order Unit they *hon]<| be prepare*) tyr coijt^t with ' itufote; tut thin one c dm of (liferent* or suspicion is loot sight 01 in consideration of the many plaoee and occasions in which American and English In terest m may appear to jostle one another. The social , resemblance between us and them is Indeed great: bat *o ul?o is it between not a few of the citizens of the Htates and of the Batyects of the Czar. There are more free citizens in the United States and in the British islands, but so also are there more slaves in these Rtates and in Russia than in all the rest of the world. The member of Congress compares him self with the member of the British Parliament, the judges of America appeal to English precedents, her authors draw their inspirations from English sources, her citizens, in the fulfilment of their political duties, endeavor to imitate or to improve upon English customs; but in like manner, also, may the Virginian planter compare himself with the Russian noble ? would that his slave could as justly compare himself with that noble's serf! In many respects, the descriptions by travellers in Russia and in the slave States agree almost word for word -, thev find the same relation of the proprie tors of the soil to its tiller*; they hear of similar pre cautions taken by both planter and noble against a servile outbreak; they meet with cases of a fearful abase of power? exceptional, we believe, in both countries', and on the other hand, with instances ? also, we fear, exceptional? of devoted attachment of slaves or serfs to their masters. When the Marquis de Cuatine holds up to opprobrium the public flog ging-house at Moscow, to which serfs may be sent % their ewncrs for punishment, we are reminded of the similar' inslitutlous which disgrace New Orleans and Charleston; and when Mr. Everest tells us how any white man knocks about any black man without care or cause, we are reminded of the manner In which Russian coachmen expect to he beaten by im patient travellers, though no traveller in Russia tells us of the slave-hounds which Mr. Everest met with in Mississippi and Carolina. True, the slave is worked harder than the serf, inasmuch as his la bor is worth more to his master; nor is he allow ed as often us is the self, to work for himself and to buy his own freedom; nor is there over his mas ter an all powerful Czar, whose will it generally is to protect him; nor is he attached to the soil, and therefore inseparable from his family. Never theless, inferior as iB the condition of the great body of the laborers in the slave States to what it is in Russia and in Poland, there remains this fact? that the slaveholders ? or, in other words, the most influ ential body of men in the republic? may search in vain through Europe for auy persons with whom they have, in the most important of their social relations, so much reason to sympathize as with the Russian nobks. Add to all the?e antagonistic influences tho rank hug memories of old injuries, of British oppression fn, Vf t}?e barbarian foray upon Wash ington, and there is little wonder that the syrana ?mm* jare 0,1 ,he balance while thefor tunes of England remain in the ascendant, and while cHrtr ?rn ' Ki n u,jliry van be done us by carping cinkwrn bhould our ruin ever become as imml improbable, we repeat our cou w ,eelin? of race and the union of I ion n fd'trb ontw?!*b ever? ot,)Cf considera tion, and bring our kinsmen to our aid. After all, we ean afford to lose their sympathy ; our tounige needs no chcering from without ; their un H.H Cn cven be service to us. mnmnrytr,a MW^ * I*U8Bl<"?? to issue letters of la.!? ? a \ tileir Pnv?tccrH, they might indeed ? inflicted on ns real injury, but this sub rn^L?nC? dcsPoti!"? they have ref used; partly, of course, irom a consideration of the extent to which their commerce must sympathize: with ours nartlv ?k the nmnner '? wh'ch we might .,i?W 1 * to such covert warfare; but very much srease f?' -a are two other circumstances of these two countries curiously alike; the inhabitants of both have an I enormous amount of undeveloped land, and vet more than any other nations, they are possessed with the desire of adding to their tefritotj! m!i n!5 enter into the religiou?, or social or no. ??cal motives which induce Se liuesS to back their Czar in his aggressions; but we may well auk 't^atsojMny Of the Americana rival hitT '. a r3C,r J'W^ive tendencies though thoy have no Greek church or autocrat whose role thev wish to extend? With vast realms of fei-tile soil as jet nn trodden by the backwoodsman; with large dis HUtes as Ncw Vnrt ?^uated ^ud .tV(iD in such old ?iatts as New ) ork and Pennsylvania; with room for cSmftfi! ?l Europe for centuries to come, tneir jouth are yet as eager to throw them fcr tbe ferries of tieir nei^bor, ? thongh they were denizens of the Old World cities flying irom Malthuslan theories. There can he no doubt that many an ardent repubUcVboto for m the annexation of the whole of North Ame thus' limTJIi ?iar? aspirations of some of them T "mtfcd. I am no supporter of the princinles ?vl ? ^ Xouug America,'" said a member of S*'Ti,D|! on the Nebraska bill, in Mr. . bertsou ? hearing; "bnt still, J am persuaded that .nafcw??h,W of the l/riion ^l w^e over the ? hole continent, from the Atlantic to the Paci ni Ji*.? Pe ilvra *? ti>e coairt of Labrador-" And f^ccn<Mn? 'rorn *"?h generalities to details, we SfirASS"" ^ aU),it civilization of t entrai America and the valley of the Amizon Iooking upon Cuba and the Sandwich Inlands al Anfiii^ if their own, and hideed upon all the Antilles as their natural inheritance. This tiillt I about the "manifest destiny'' of the Anglo Amer? can race and republic, may be much of it mere bom 1-ast; ccrtninlv It i?J>ased opon no faith as were the conquests of % AnTbs; not even K M idw w were those of the Romans; perhaps it does not do serve to be called more ihkn a notion, but even as a ?he stJtpIH? be despised. The wisest meu in the tates, the men oi business and thought even almost all the politicians of standing, disown this n? lTJ"r Jbemselvcs and disclaim it 7oT their country , and yet there are few of them in whose W the d^rt tttYhhUking eithcr U,e de8ire selves until it is allowed to them by SthSL befc deed bS?? expectai ious. l'n?h them 'hard, In dttd, and they turn round upon us and sav "Well we are aggressive, what arc you, with your chain sml colonics encircling tfc globe? HJwt are our annexations in America Cumnared with your aggressions jn Asia?" "iue SSh there nc?er was u people more possessed with ?uiJ tendency to extenXn than ore the peo .l, whJ^k he English languages-call them AiigKxonf o? >y what name you please; and it nouirt be hard' to monarchical or republican Institutions have tended more to devclope this tendency We will go farther, and at once acknowledge thafwith out it, we Alglo-Nuxons could not be the men we arc n?r d-? what seem-, onr especial work in the world' ??to ITIT &:rnt make 'thv e,rth vl lT?l"V " Ui?hw^ cnt,m.i.e. >l Id 'Jir'casc; hence onr Our tradcru or Jjonmi',TW eolonlzatioru ? f ?'r plant theiuselves down amongst barbarous or half-civilized n<v>ni?. Uie ncw-comers, with habite of ^gov^me^Snd rt^oun.nd,, Spaniards; these ivlntions are Cffti" they will not s-uhmit to this 1dm* i?n Hi i ^ ' rilowe l'rP'J th? *KSS or iu feudal ugv s. though certainly n?t witlai^t .i Sen^ h,''r?, "a<1 HC'"lth motives, has /ml^i IndiWii eiapire; and thus also have the Amen, an eiuigr.ints first occupied, and then ?nm't br Mer? hat the filibustering pl.?w 0r the Americana have anarehl"0' ..nU as,Dluch n(^u *be lawlessness lin(| Unc^ o7t ,eirWn 'i'l''0L' uUor B<>rittl ?ncom|>o hand wild ?lf^,h. ,UnXuUou: wl,,lp- <"> ????' other AngltsS^xou ntoe strt*? ? to ? ;? Jr. rrjlon .ftrt r, !?,( bi,??i l, thbSE.1? ?trtito- ^i.u, ^TL't'SSuSisi: flud thrinstlvcs il)t?*iferri] wi<h until #?1 ^ Umjitrd to get rid o, iu.'.fS/bJVki&^ session. .Nut but -vhat thU rare , military ardor and to a ove of^vent r.^S sides the Atlantic tloaigh there ,n d cT,."",^ which may rnakf the valence u, more probable in the StaUs than with o^ ^th them almost ev err nam is won- or le*? u tr-..rm!i soldier; (heir militia n.o-t. rs above two mlUioS^tS uae,d arms h not merely th< profess, on of a Mit the practice, the prid. and th. pastime of the many. Then in the Sonth, the di<gnee whi. h sla- ' men uM" np^" ' ""ws large numbers of y.WOg 1 "P^? "oHety. without o.^upation In hT v !.k *' their wants; while W and i ' ""i KrP>t, i4 ,Ue deman'1 ^ la 2J^Vk> uf,(i ^ itsremn turn m?' . i j? y?"DK mtn arr "ble to take a ' t "tt!' to the" j war broke notth "Stance, when tM- Mexican to fair lira' lire . Vew u''1 ' **SM,ent ? 'iwyer iDtoatU-hd ' , ,7 Hampshire; turning himself ,vear st?E to J'2!" ^ "*r * of ? Mmsl. r thus mduding The cLue. lT hSd? exchange the drudgery of the deak for the excite ment of the Held, which pranpta the Son them or the Northern militia-man to draw hi* sword, there are special incitements to these annexation schemes connected both with the circumstance* of the schemers, and of the object* at which they aim. The steady Rhode Inlanders look wist folly at tne lisheries of Nova Scotia; the slave-breeders of Virginia long for the slave-markets of Mexico and Cnba; the Call- i l'ornians and all the vast mercantile interest wish for the Sandwich Islands, for a Pacific station; above all , the slave States, threatened by the growth of the busy North, threatened still more by the progress of humanity and justice, which makes the free States every year more and more the friends to freedom, hope to rob from their weaker neighbors the means for matching for ret a little while the power which is the result ef industry which they cannot imitate. These influences may well explain the aggressive tendencies of the Americans, and indeed, if we dwell on there influences alone, and remember at the same time the immense resources of men, money and energy at command, we wonder not that there have been, but that there have ever ceased to be, Texas annexations and Cuban expedition*.^! Coun teracting, however, every one of these Incitements to aggression, we shall find some inducement to peace and moderation, bo that the danger to its neighbors from the great democracy becomes greatly weakened by the frequent fluctuations in its own feeling and policy. The restless, resolute produc tiveness of the Americans makes, it is true, their settlers anxious to knnex any country in which they may be located, if in th^ country the production of wealth be not the mailt principle of society; bat this same determination to allow bo obstacles to check the dollar-hunt makes another class, folly as powerful as that which furnishes the immigrants, jealously sensitive of the slightest approac h to war/ The merchants, the bankers, the canal and railway speculators? in a word, all the borrowers directly or indirectly from Europe? (and the Held for the em ployment of capital in the Union makes its citizens the greatest borrowers in the world)' all the immense multitude whose plans and hopes are based upon credit, will oppose to the utmost, not ostentatiously on the platform, but steadily in the ballot box, any policy, the possible result or which may be war with England or France. And load as are the vaunts of their power and prowess, and difficult as it would bo toJhem to overrate their latent resources, there are nna few of our shrewd cousins who are well aware, that any aggression, which might bring them into collission with a great naval power, would be at firet attended with fearful cost, with every^facility for forming a magnificent navy, provided they could protect their dockyardsi bnt without such navy at present (the skill of their officers andjbravery of their sailors not compensating for their scanty num bers), the fee-simple of Cuba, or the wealth of all the mines of Mexico, would be lost by one year's damage to their widely extended commerce, even tbongh the enemy spared the unprotected cities on their seaboard. The inhabitants of New Vork or Boston do not altogether forget this ; nor much as he may seem to disregard it, does the negro grower of Virginia lose sight of the possibility that the at tempt to fyud a market for his stock might suddeuly conveilthat stock into the allies of an invading army. Then again , that same rough and coarse , but sturdy and ardent patriotism which makes the citizens of the great modern republic emulate the republicans of Greece and Rome in contempt of their neighbors and disregard of their rights, tends also to make them morbid[v jealous of the admission of those races whom they despise to a participation in their privileges. We remember a speech of Gene ral Scott, during his canvass for the Presidentship, curiously illustrating this feeling of race. He stated, that towards the close of bis snccessful campaign in Mexico, be rejected the proposals of influential Mexi cans for the annexation of their whole country, be cause he would not make so many millions of mon grels, between Spaniards and Indians, his fellow citi zens. Above all, our study of society ^in America would indeed have been fruitless, did it not give us a most firm conviction, that there are in it not only reckless adventurers and demagogues as dangerous to other countries aB to their own, but also as many I men imbued with a sen?e of justice as were ever found any in nation. The begetting sin of demo cracies is the temptation of the wise and the good to allow the prizes of politics to be grasped by tne mob servers and the place seekers; still, at the time of Teal danger, the former rarely fail to show them selves, and would that we could be as sure, that in this crisis of her career, England had as mauy citizens possessed of a political conscience as has America? lastly, the desire of the South for annexation, in order to preserve its power in Congress, in so far as it expresses itself, tends to create its own counteraction, by cansiug the free North every year to become more feariul or increase of slavery. in no case shall we find the conflict of these op posing tendencies more evident than in that one which note mwt attracts attention ou this side of the Atlantic, viz., in the relation of the republic to Cuba. Mr. Robertson, a shrewd Manchester man, who takes stock of the prospccts and position of the Americans as though he was valuing them for sale, well sums up the motives to Cuban annexation. " The people of the States," he says, " are irritated at the ciuelty of the Spaniards; they arc disgusted at the incompetency of the Cuban government; they know the value of the soil, which, in the hands of the present owners, is almost entirely neglected; and lastly, the slavcholdlng States desire to increase their power, to balance the increasing power of the North, and to counteract the effects which would re sult from any defalcation among the Northern slave States, where the employment of slave labor is now found to be scarcely profitable." The ano-, nymous author of " tian Eden," in his high toned and picturesque description of this island, more briefly, but quite as truly writes: " Spain is tyrannical, Cnba is rich" (he might add wondroualy and temptingly beautiful), " America is ravenously republican." Nevertheless, the English political economist, and the poetical New Englunder, though looking at Cuba annexation from very differ ent points of view, agree in considering it antago nistic to the true welfare of the Stiles. The disad vantage to the interests of the North needs no re iteration, and no less evident is the danger to that which, to many in both North and South, is their sole political principle, viz., the preservation of the Union ? of the slaveholders obtaining n majority of the Senate, which, by giving them the apparent power, would make them rampaut, while the actual preponderance in population aud wealth, and, there lore, the real power, would still rest with the free States; but there are also circumstance* in the con dition of Cnba itself, which might make even the Slave States pauqg in their efforts to seize it. In 1P51, according to statistics given us by Mr. Ballou, the number of whites in Cuba wp.s about 605,000 ; of free colored people, about 206,000 ; aud of slave* 442,000. There are great discrepancies in the accounts given by travellers of the treatment of the*e slaves. One authority will tell us they are treated far more kind ly, more as though they were men and women, than , in the States; another! that they are overworked with the utmost cruelty and severity. Both state ments are correct, the explanation being that in Cuba there is less pride of color, and therefore more general humanity, while, in certain especial employ ments, there is more temptation to over driving. Pcrliops the Spanish pride is monopolized by the nobles, and in their eyes a white plebeian may be little above a slave; or, jterhaps, the republican in sists the more upon the color, oocau-<c he has not the caste distinction. At any rate, we find this distinc tion less jealously guarded by either law or custom. The la hs of many of the States make emancipation a crime; the laws of Cuba make it under eei-tiin conditions compuJ-ory. If a New Orleans slave be a clever artisan, his master only values him the hipher, and thanks fortune which has given his "?chattel" braius as well as muscle*: but in Havana, this same artizun would buy himself with his earnings. "An authoritative arbitration may -kit tle his value on his own appeal, and so soon as he shall accumulate fifty dollars, his master is obliged to accept that sum as an instalmeut * * The Cuban law, too, forbids the infliction of more than twenty-five lashea, and the master who mal treats hi? slave is compelled, as in Tin key, to sell him." Doubtless such laws as these are more cully enacted than enforced, but the large propor tion of freed people proves that the temper of the country cannot be altogether at variance with them. Thc-e regulations, however, apply almost entirely to the non-predial class? to the household and city slaves, not to thoae on the plantations. On them, especially on the enormous sugar estates, slave labor, backed bj the slave trade, has, economically speak ing, a fair chance. The plant Is costly, the rapltil invested large; there ia every inducement to get as much return out of the human port lou of the ma chinery as possible, even at the expense of frequent renewal. It pays to import >oung hands from Africa, to whip th'lr work out of them in a few w ars, sod then the sooner they die off, the chcaper. The work for both men and women is terrible? "even on tbfe best of the greatestates.fi run Novem ber to May, sixteen, and aometime* nineteen liour-t a day." A nd yet, for their masters there is safety in thia toil; for, herded and fed Uke cattle, with no care over Ui? m? religious, moral or social?with few women, with every incitement to ferocity, what would thev> poor savages do with their energies if the whip ceased for a moment? It appear* also that, among the Boaalcs or imported Africans, there are many men belonging to tribes of a fierce, ungovernable character ?men with much natural intelligence, but without the one virtue of a slave, docility. If, therefore, Cuba should join the' Union, she would bring wtth her a body of laborers, one part of whom would be ferocious heathen, and the remain der would be in possession of privileges of which their republican nilera would deprive tliera, and who would 1* juat so far advanced in civilization as to be dangeroua leaders of the fierce tenants of the sujr.ir torae on*. Nor would the large proportion of the fiee colored population be without its element* of danger and discontent. A class which could pro duct iycb a poet a# fl#' i*>. ?d whose general wo ditkm w in thie island aa comfortable and thriving aa it 1b degraded oa the main laud, will hardly bear with patieuce the change from a government where, if they are oppressed , it is in common with the whites, to a rigtm* iu which every white will be at liberty to insult or to ill use them. These contingen cies might be well worth the consideration of the

northerners, even though the annexation could be peaceably effected; but should Spain light for her colony, it is evident they would be greatly aggrar vated. A forcible annexation may be attempted in one or two nays; either the Creoles may revolt, and, throw ing off the Spanish yoke, with or without the aid of filibusttiing sympathizers, ask for admission into the Union, and invading the island, drive the Spa niarda out of it. First, will the Creoles rebel? and if they do, will they succeed? All those who merely consider the weakness of the mother country and the corruptions of her colonial government, wul an swer these questions in the affirmative. The loss of her vast territories in the mainland has not taught Spain how to rule; will not ber last remaining colony have learnt from it how to ccst bcr off? There is a poctical justice in the reason why the colonists cannot profit by the lesson? they are slave holders, and therefore dare not free themselves. England endeavors to keep her colonies loyal by bribes or constitutions, by presents of protection, and even in some cases by gifts or loans of money. Spain wrings annually from Cuba a large revenue; her corrupt ministers reward an adheient, or qniet a rival, by sendinghim out to rule the Cubans, as though be were a Vice-Czar, enrich ing himself by selling or breaking law, while pre serving order by destroying all freedom of speech or of the press; and yet there oppressed colonist* dare not take advantage of the weakness of their oppros- 1 son, because, being themselves oppressor*, they fear an alliance between their masters and their slaves. There are now many thousand Spanish troops in the island, the (Me of the Spanish army, well disciplined and well provided; a force quite sufficient to repel filibustering forays, if unaided by general insurrection, but quite powerless to pnt down such iusurrection, if it at all be compared to what took place in either Mexico or Sonth America. Lopez ex pecteda general rising of the Creoles, because ne was aware of tbeir discontent ; but the Creoles merely talked about rising, bocause they knew that their bIsvcb would rise with them. The whip of the slaveholder is the rod by which the viceroy of QuBen Isabella rules him; wherever there is a baracon, Spain has a fort; she knows where her real power re^ta, and if need be will put down the masters by help of the slaves, as ruthlessly as did Austria the Galician landlords by meana of their serfs. It hardly needs the mulatto regiments which arc being raised to remind the Cuban patriot that a war of independence may become a servile war, and that there has been a revolution in Hayti also, the occasion of which was the quarrels among the whites. But if rebellion be improbable what will be the result of invasion ? Judging from the Mcxican war, the Spanish troops would be no match for the Americans; though it must be remembered that an is land is both less accessible to attack and more capable of defcnce, and probably the Spanish army is both better disciplined and more accustomed to war than was the Mexican. Doubtless, part of the islanders would help the invaders, but not all of them; for the blacks, at least, would be loyal. A regular army, twenty thousand strong, backed by two hundred thousand armed negroes or mulat tos, would not be easy to expel ; and the Spaniards, if driven out, would at least leave a legacy of immediate unconditional emancipation. The Southern "chivalry'' may laugh at this revenge ; may say that having once freed Cuba they will find it easy to re-enslave ner; but let them read there cords of the Haytian war, how wild Africans, who knew not what a cannon was until they saw their fellows fall, yet rushed recklessly upon the gunners, believing that if they died they returned to Africa. Depend upon it, if the slaves be thus emancipated cn matte, It will be beyond the resources of blood hounds, or rifles, or revolvers, to enslave them again. They will die first; and even to exterminate them will be hard work. The army which took so long a time to hunt down a few thousand Seminoles may succeed in a task similar to that in which forty thou sand of Napoleon's best troops failed; but will the North support the South in the effort ? Will not so costly and ilisgraceful a war give the free party an impulse which will either destroy slavery or dissolve the Union ? and if the Union be dissolved from such a cause what will become of the "domo^ic institu tion?" If, tlion, the slave States do gam Cuba they may very probably gain a loss ; if they con quer her, they will And her emancipated or de solated; if they pnrcha.se her, they will buy a colored population more insubordinate than any they have now; and even if these dangers do'not realise themselves, an economical result, aa Mr. Robertson well explains, may follow, by which the abolitioniata would, after all, be the real gainers. Were Cuba once peacefully possessed by enterprising Americans, the cultivation of her soil, and with it the demand for slaves, would be greatly Increased, while one great source of supply, the African slave trade, would be stopped. At the same time, the in Hular population would decrease rather than increase, by reason of the disparity of the sexes; the sole re source, therefore, would lie the slave-breeding (States of Virginia, North Carolina and Maty land; and the inducement to them to sell would probably be so great as to drain away their stock, until they became free I States? a far greater gain to the North than Cuba would be to the South. Meantime, however, the | slave party still desires annexation; it disregards or despises its dangers, or rather it loses sight of them, | in fear of what may happen if It does not annex. Here ! we have the true meaning of l.one Star Lodges and Ottend Conferences. The Americans try to make the Cuban whites imitate them in carting off tbeir allegiance to the mother country, because they fear tbat Spain will imitate us in compelling eman cipation. That the Spaniards will adopt an abolition policy from any motive except that of the merest expe diency, we certainly do not anticipate. There is Seat jealousy between the native Spaniards and o crecles, but we believe thut the African slave trade with all its atrocities has been chiefly carried on by the former; and certainly many of the offi cials, both high and low, have connived at it, spite, of laws and treaties, in a most unblushing manner. That modern Catharine deMedicis, Queen Christina, was kuown to be herself a large slave trader, and though her influence may be for a time destroyed, yet the cause of abolition con hardly gain by the appointment of O 'I>onne 1 1 ? not >ri ousiy one of the most slave trading of the recent viceroys. The planters of the States need not fear infec tion from the philanthropy of the Spaniard*: we will not, however, guarantee them against their po licy. Mr. Ballon, ardently sympathizing with the Creoles, enumerates n long list of their grievances; heavy taxes, exclusion from office, censorship of the pice, deprivation of all political rights, absurd and noxious interference with commerce and educution; but it is evident that he considers thut no one of these gr ievances is, or ought to be, so much resented by the Cubans as the measures lately taken for the ame lioration of the condition of the negroes. In May of last year, the then Captain-! teneral, Pezuela, issued a proclamation statiug: "It is time for the planter to substitute for the rapid but delusive advantages derived from the sale of human flesh, safer profits, more in harmony with civilisation, religion and morals;" nnd that "the time had come to make the life of the slave sweeter than that of the white man who labor* under another name in Europe.1' Such atrocious sentiments "roused," Bays Mr. Ballon, "even the Spaniards," still more the acts which appeared intended to realize them ? viz. : ? " The order for the registration of slaves introduced into the island in violation of the treaty of 1?17 ; the decree freeing" (on paper) "more than lfl/KM) emonripado* in the space ox a Tort night; that of May Zr?, enrolling and arming negroes and mulattos * * * the institution of free schools for the instruction of the blacks; * * * and finally, the legalization of the intermarriages of blacks and whites. '* The raising of mulatto regiments, we observe by recent newspapers, has been persevered in : the other decrees, we fear, were issued chiefly as threats; and having probably answered their pur pose as such , have been followed by official state ments soothing the tears of the slaveholders and asserting the excellencies of slavery. Nevertheless enough bus been HAid and done to make the fears ? { " an intelligent Creole," quoted by Mr. Ballou, n ft unreasonable. After lamenting that " the cavyie . | the liberty of nations has alwavs perished in its cradle/' he adds, with a consistency truly American, that this will probably be the case in his" own Wand, inasmuch as " en art accoiiipli?hed will shortly !#? the abolition of slavery in Cuba; and the tardy in tervention of the United States will onlv have taken place when iU brilliant constellation lights up the vart sepulchre which will cover the bodies of her sons, sacrihped to the black race us a reward for their sympathies with American institutions." It waa in rjply to snch < ries for intervention a* the above, that Messrs. Buchanan, Maaon and Sould, the diplomatists present at the Ostend Conference, is t-ned the notorious despatch dated the lnth of Octo ber, 1*64, in wbich they state tbat, if threat* tied by that emancipation whii h "would seriously emlanger our interns! peace, and the existence of our <? berim ed Cuion,'' and, supposing Spain not to consent, to bargain for the island, "then, by every law, human and dlune, vrc shall be justified in wre>ting it t'rom t-pain, if we have the power." Bevolting as is so undfrguited a proclamation of a crusade on behalf of slavery, still more offensive are the hypocritical attempt* of such writers a? Mr. Ballou to preach It in the name of liberty. He concludes a volume almost every line of which shows tbat it is the slaveholders of Tula wbom he feels with and fears for. with the following outburst:? "Cuba will be free. The spirit is abroad among her people. The few who have dared to do or die have fallen, and their blood si ill marks the spot where tbejr fell. * * * lint freedom '? fettle once begun. Hetwi'lN from Hire to >"n. Jbonjh halflfl off. |* a)wsr* ?in , a prophecy true eaough, m Cuba, or itoenibly eteu its republican neigh bora, may prove. Meantime, what an we English to do? Are we 1 to farther the canee of freedom to the Ballon inter pretation of the word, or the English? or are we to fctand by and do nothing ? We have at least the credit ci interference, of being earnest in our desires t and not a lit' le active in their realization. France, i England and Bpain are charged with having formed a " holy alliance" against liberty; that is? being in terpreted out of the American language? against slavery. There is supposed to be a secret treaty of emancipation; or, to use the American term, Afri canization. " Cuba," writes a resident quoted by Mr. Halloa, "is to-day indebted to Russia for being free from this calamity. Bat for the Emperor's ob Btinary there would have been an English and French licet" to assist in inflicting it. This will explain the " Statesman's" letter to the Time?, in wbich he accounts tor, and approves of, the ?vmp8thy of his fellow-countrymen with Rus sia, bceai.se of their jealousy or a " Crimean ex pedition in the Western hemisphere." Reason able euough, doubtless. Patriotic republicans may well desire that the great battle on behalf of slavery may be fought by and at the cost of . the Czar, rather than by the Union. This desire will be but partially fulfilled. Already on the prairies of Kansas the conflict has begun : the Missouri men arc tncre maintaining with bowie knives and re volvers agaiiiht the settlers from the North, the right to flog negroes and to tar and feather abolitionists. The struggle will indeed hardly be made by the Union ; rattier in the Union. Bitter and violent as mast be this struggle, wo yet trust that it will not result in actual civil war; but however this may be, con-intervention is evidently both our daty and our policy. Let us not be misunderstood. Any inter ference on oar part, as a nation, on behalf orliberty would do incalculable injury, because it would enlist on the side of slavery the patriotism of both North and Booth; bat when we are told that this principle or policy of Laitttx-favre is to bear not only a national but also an individual interpretation, we utterly re pudiate it. Bccaw? it is not the business of Eng land to meddle with the internal government of other countries, are Englishmen therefore to choke the impales of their indignation, or to gag the expression of their sympathies? The expm ion of English opinion has infiueuce in America ; the sensitiveness of Americans proves this : and how can it be otherwise ? seeing that their churches are in communion with ours ; that their children are taught to read from our books; that our blood flows in their veins. Inas much, then, as this expression is influential, it may be considered or complained against as an interven tion ; but it is an influence for the exercise of which we are responsible, tat us be tolerant, sympathiz ing, humble in the formation of oar opinion; b :t, having been bo, let us not be silent for lear of of fence. If, in order to secure the custom or propitiate tlie alliance of Ameruuus, Englishmen submit' to be silent spectators of the wrongs of the slave, they become participators in the sin of slaveholding with out Bhanng in Its temptation, they will deserve to crouch at the feet of the great slaveholder of Europe, and to lose that commerce which has been the result and reward, not of cringing weakness, b?t of honest ^I^therefore. tl>c gentlemen of Virginia are de tected in plots for getting a fresh market for their human stock, our aristocracy ought to ^ow them that they shun the companionship of slave breeders, if the democrats of New Orleans vaunt ab;.ut the freedom of Cuba, our li^?^n?^tl^) them that they mean perpetuation ol its sk verv. and protection of their own. Above all, Tf any one of us be bou?* to any one of them by any ties which enable Mb to appeal to toe conscience of his co-religioiuat, or w it ia hiu < ?nKcicnticun duty to tell him what is py nthcr hand. if we are naked whether it w tuc dub* net* ol our government to try to prevent tion of Cuba by the States, bocauw thereby the pow er of the slave States as again* tbejreemig^be increased, wc answer, certainly not. For reaaona above staied, the advantage- of this ^uirit lonto the slave power are doubtful; but of this we nave no doubt, that the formation of an offensive and ae fenswT&ce between Spain and us, thereby making ub responsible for Spanish folly or vmdic tween tne Americans and ourselves. We have al luded to the charge which is made against us. vU that wc are conspiring to make Cuba a St. Poimn so in order to further the fanatical designs of the philanthropists , by fostering a servile war in the States. Onr knowledge that lAncwhire would be ruined by such servile war, might, we should think, be our defence; but, in reality, all these Africanizing charges are based >'I>on ^thls one simple fact, that wc are trying to obtain the fulftl | merit of a treaty in consideration of which wc have ( paid Spain some bundled thousaud pounds in hard j caVh. Huch slaves as have been captured on tlie middle passage by our cruisers, and have been brought befoie the Mixed t'ommi^ion^ourtat Havana, have been bv that court iegaUy freed, and I ordered to be apprenticed to Cubans, who ha\e in realitv enslaved them; so that there are many thou Hand rmaneipado ? wearing out their lives for the liberty of every one of *^om the honor not only of Spain but of England Is pledged. Atter yeans of fruitless representation, our government has it length succeeded in obtaining decrees for the re gistration of these people, and tor their ultimate, freedom. Whether there is any present prospect of these decrees being actually carried out, we cannot tell? we fear not; but we know that the mere mention of them has excited , the^ rage both oT the Creole owners and ot their American tbisers. Of course, the liberation of so many | thoasands of men not differing from the other I slaves in character, or iu civilization, orindeed I in any circumstance ci< ept in a legal distinction, I would endanger the existence of slavery in the inland; and therefore wc should not wonder it the enforcement of these decrees might induce such statesmen as Mr. Soul*, should they be in power at Wellington, to declare that all laws human aud divine, obliged them to invade t uba. We >magine, however, that there is ho one of our readers so timid or so selfish as to desire, from fear of such result, that we should relax In our efforts to secure to these Dcoiile the possession ot that freedom whicn we liau already given them; and certainly even principle of international law would oblige us to protect Spain from any consequences which might encue from her 1ulii)m< i?t of u treaty wifh oursel ts. Wc have dwelt tlmn long upon what may be called I the slavery side of the Cuba question, because wc believe that, in the minds of many Englishmen, its chief difficulties rest there. There is a feeling vague, it is true, and only half expressed, but very general? that It would be disgraceful for bogland, identified as is her policy with oppositiou to slavery, ar.d after having bought the freedom of her own negroes at to large a cost, to allow the States to seize Cuba, in order to prevent its emancipation. We have therefore attempted to rea son out this feeling, and to show what ought to be the extent and limit of its expression; but wt are well aware that there are other grounds on wMch it is alleged that wc ought to Piarantoe t ? Spata her 1a?t Aniericau powcwionH. There w in tt?o went, n ic stated, as wefi as in tliefcfcst, a baUuec of pflwer which ooirbt to be preserved. We mum not jiiow the States to become too strong, or they will annex not only Spanish colonies, but bullish? even pei hans oursMvc. We will attempt briefly to show why wTbavTnot with this chain of reaaooing.or with this class of fears, the remotest sympathy. Why not.' it may be a^ked. Why adopt one course of policy iu Europe, and unotlier in America? And ought we not to guaid our colonies iroin the podsjbility of at I tack, in like mauner as wc do India? Probably, in noway ran we better explain our views than by i comparing Russia with America. It is not in order to prevent Russia from becoming powertul. that we form alliances against her; no efforts of ours could btay her growth in population, or check her progress in wealth. But it is because this power threatens to injure us, that we strive to confine it within its owu borders. Here. ] however, lies the great difference: lu Russia, we have to deal with * government which conquers; in America, with a people which annexes. l*t the | Ctsr gain possession of Constantinople or of topen- j hngtn. and, reckless of the inteiests ol his old and j of his new subjects, careless of every consideration except the puscrvatlou or aggrandizement or his owu power, lie will make use of the vantage ground thus obtained, in order to further those attacks upon the liberties of other nations by which he strives to divert his subjects from discontent at their own ser vitude. I.et the " st;.rs and stripes wave over the heights of Mexico, and Vera Cruz would speedily hei omc onothcr New Orleans, and millions ol fresh customers for our manufactures would replace tfie bunds of anarchists who now rob travelers ol .their n.ouev and capitalists ot their loans. ? Licks Turkey, it is because she fcArs the growing civilization^' the Christians; if she Hnssarv It is to protect despotism. Everywnere Nml, South, and West ? in Sweden Cjrcasma. ?.er maoy, she ^g^ down ^ which among other spirit of freedom? that spirit wnun, a * and far more precious , ^of "wch, individual enterprise ai*n t* of the pro In other countnes, dependa ? m? commercial Parity ?'f * rr America , ontt other hand, people like o^lvefc Am ^ ,fUher ^ H,led it annexes a tcrtitojy more posse sse'l with ?viW it?? nten?nse than were tfiose who rere berelSoie with men, therefore, whose interests there wore. . . Hh (nn ? 10 wbom a war w: l^-^ntX a cre^ injury. Again, the wh.ilc Ivstem of annexation which America has, a* it were invented, is after all, not so much aggressive attra< tive. Can anv one deny that the Inhabl or at least the wfcllt iahabitapi., of Tw or New Mexico have gained by exchanging in :t aunt ciTll wars, or u eho!cibctw?eu no government and rach a dictator as Haute Anna, for a voice in the Senate at Washington equal to that of New York or Pennsylvania 1 Nor does the new State lose it? dis tinctiveness, we may almost *?y its nationality. The individuality of toe States is the very life of the Union; and, however, weak the new coiner, every member of the federal family would, for it* own tnke urotect its independence. If ever this pnn Ionian colonies to Athena ? then, Indeed, the 1m mensc and increasing force of the Union would ba zr ?gesr*tv?*s& &-4E5& acquired, has a right to demand admission aa a State, upon its population reaching a cer^? ber; andwe do not believe that thto be broken, for this reason? no territory will bc co n qnered unless it be desirable for settlemmt , and no American settlers will locate theraselvf* i ta it mtb i nt insisting on the righto of Amen?u^ Thee will be too many of them to be all governors ot the - onquered people, and the toaquerorH woiud not themselves mr to be governed from Washington. The acquisition of the Sandwich Islands, if it ever take plate, will be a severe teat of this principle.; we pride of race would repel the-idea of making citizen* of the natives, and yet it wonld be hardly possible to make slaves or even serfs of men whose progress in civilization is marvellous, who have organized for themselves an orderly government, and who ave established diplomatic intercourse With Europe. The author of the "Notes" on then* islands, though evidently a thorough Ameri can in hia caste prejudices, meets this dim cnlty by looking forward to the time when "we shall sec representatives ot Hawaii? probaly scions or royalty," (Mulava tboughttoey must be). " In the Congress ot the United btates. The increased extent of the American democracy wouldnot.then.be dangerous to England, because tbe individuals who compote that den^recy Jrojw themselves to be our natural allies. Nor woald it be dangerous to our colonies. If any one ot our colonies be annexed, it will be because the themselves desire it; the Americans will never rnn their trade by a war with us, in order to force a ho? tile people to share in their government. Nor do we see much present probability of such voluntary annexation. If Canada should wish to join the Union, far from us be the folly ot trying ber. But Canada will have no such wish so long as the slave question remains unsettled. Her wealth is fast increasing; but she does not asnire Offend it in compensation to slave owners, still less in pn> tection of slave property; nor will even the part ownership of the slaw in the District of Columbia tempt her to turn her free soil into a human hunting ground. Not only these arguments, but the immense interval of space, would keep Australia and New Zealand to us or to themselves ; and as to the West Indies, loudly as bouth ern editors or orators nray swagger about their rescue from Queen Victoria, and hbarty, I a black State in the Union is not more unlikely than that Congress will declare war with England, in or der that the invasion of Jamaica may Be replied U> by the landing of a black regiment at New Orleans. Again, we do not think that an v nation, and most especially England, should be inaccessible to ^l I ideas of shame. Our aggressions, ^ccessfU as they i bave been, give us no right to tell Amenca sheshu II not annex; tbc lesson which the cost of Kaffir eon 1 quest teaches us, is hardly; that it is ourplaoeto i prevent her from purchasing more territory ^from Mexico; our own efforts to obtain a safe tjansrt across the Isthmus of Suez to our Indian P?***; sions, ought to induce us to sympathize with, rather than to oppose, her corresponding desire to secure the Nicaragnan or Pauama routes between the Eastern and Western States. Lastly, it little be comes a Power which has lost no chance and spwod no eflbrt to grasp the keys of every sea; wWch commands the Mediterranean from Malt* and Gibraltar? the Adriatic from Corfti? the Baltic from Heligoland? the Arabian Gulf and the Chinese Sea from Aden and Hong Kon?; which has resting places scattered .ovcrU^ In I dian Ocean, theAtlantic and the Pacific; which ar I ftonts Charleston with Bermuda, and blocks up the Gulf of Mexico with Jamaica? it little becomes us, we say, to quarrel with the desire of <wr American kinsmen to obtain inch posit'on* as Cuba and the Sandwich Islands, for the ^ acquisition lof wMoh ar guments at least as good as those by which ooi practice baa been guided, mav be alleged. If, then, the federal government w'irhes to Bpend any pari of its surplus revenue in the purchase of fresh ter ritory, it is not oar place to ipflll the bargain : it ? no business of ours to sav to Queen Isabella, or to Santa Anna, or to Kanienama IV., that they shall not tooch the dollars of the American treasury. Again, if America picks a quarrel with ope of her weaker neighbors, we may lament over her exhi bition of an unjust or overbearing spirit, and over the retribution which, first or last, is wire to follow it ; but unless we wonld set up to be the i policemen for both hemispheres? a post for which we nave neither the virtue nor the power? we have no ex cuse for interference, because our interests are not in danger. There may be special caaes in which honor Is involved? sucli, for instance, as the one which we have alluded to as possible with re Kurd to Cuba ; and oar relation? with the native gov eminent of the Sandwich Islands may very probably make It Incumbent upon us to niotect them from for cible appropriation. Failing, however, such eaoep tional obligations, we ought not to forget that we, at least, have not suffered by the change of Ixmkiana or California from a French colony or a Mexican wilderness into populous communities of thriving customers. Nor do we conceive that our alliance with Spain imposes upon as any duty to give or to promise her any support. reUiag on which she would, doubtless, not be long before allowing hersell to >? engaged in a war the cost < f which we ahould have to pay. Most certainly, our former interference to save ber from either foreign or domestic tyrants has not been repaid in a manner to induoe oa to so crlfice oor interest* on ber accouut, DonbtlesB our interests, in common with those of all other nations, ju?tifV us in lending onr skips of war to check any individual, and therefore pirati cal. attempts of filibusters upon Cut* or elae where; and the endeavor of France and England to per suade the Ktatea to join them in a tri-partite renun ciation or any designs upon Cuba was a step sound both in policy and principle; but tliat endeavor hav ing failed by the retinal of the federal government to accede, it seem* Ui ns that our policy should, for the future, be guided by the following princi ples:? f irst, every influence we possess we should a?e to induce moderation on both tide* ? to counsel the government at Waahingtan not to be exacting in it* demand* upon Spain, and the Court of Madrid not to be apt to take oflfence ; and to advise the letter to imitate oar example in giving liberty to it* Mark colonists, and at the Hit me time to ceaat to give it.- white colonists by iti mi-nile a Just pretext for rebellion. Secondly, having given thi? counsel, let us in terfere no further ; let ns uot involve ourselves Id quarrels which do not m us, nor help to cause them by ullianjlSi jpovoking to the one party and emboldening lo i be other ; while at the .same time we must not relax in the enforcement of the fulfilment of onr slave-trade treaties, nor shrink from the obligations which wotJd be im po-ed upon us bhouln America make such fulfil ment u cam ? htlli with Spain. And, applying these principles to the general question, we repeat : approve of American annex ation wherever it is peaceable and free ; in that case, be neither envious nor jealous, but rejoke over it as over the spread of industry and civilization ?as over the increase of the number of producer* - the accetwion of force t<> tho-c who are the friends of peace, because thev are the conquer ors of natnre : on the other hund, lament over such annexation tf slavery be it* motive or vio lence its means; deplore its consequences both to the doers and to the siflfcrers; ad viae against it, condcmn it, but do not flglit against it, axoept in support of hnglish faith; do not put the notriotism of the American people upon the aide or ite gov emment, bat rather appeal from the Crimea of the latter to the conscience of the former. The extent to which this course of condoet ba? been tried for the Inst few years should encourage us to persevere in it. The attitude of the democrat party, at the time when it elected President Pierce ny a majority in almost every W*te. wm nndts guisedly aggressive. The eloquence of Kossuth had excited a war feeling; but the shrewdness of Jona than made him calculate bow. out of his excitement . he could get power for himself rather than help for oppressed Hungarians Consequently the Presi dent's inaugural address. delivered March, 1M3, ws a fitting expression of the feeliugo of the party t ? which ne owed bis place. In Tt, while describing "the acquisition of certain prv-^itions not within the United States as eminently important for thei: protection," be also avows as "fundamental" th principle that "the righta. secmity and repose of this continent reie?-t the Idea of interference or colonization on thfs side of the ocean by any foreign Power, beyond its present Jurisdiction, aa ntWiy inadmissible." In other word*, the executive of the Union asserted not only it* right to extension, but to a monopoly of extension: the meaning of this address is.? "we will acquire, no matter bow: that is, we will conquer, if we please; you may not even coloniise.'' Considering how many Ameri tan fellow countrymen we have, how enormous are all American interests, what a??ertion could have been more insulting to us I The little notice which waa taken of it, by either our government or onr press, waa the moat fitting reply. shortly afterwards came tbe Oreytown bombard merit? a trial on a small scale of tbeae new prinoi plea of foreign policy. A hasty naval officer might n*vc ? Tafctf diflfoHv of t^if afl^ir. Aa tf