Newspaper of The New York Herald, February 2, 1856, Page 2

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated February 2, 1856 Page 2
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ribvtr* is *>? VMM Stotoe. Thin olaosa of the eo??M ? wh cb specially hrartd it, CM one or those 2>**. -u-h >m pr?to*ed HUM iMk-n. by mrtt ft tli hla^ry is ItMlttMll the 3d cltaie, 2d we** ?' ? no a -tide which boa the Baais of representation M mm dm* '<? nuBKra, providing > hit tbe members 'shall be .**'?na? u*d f?y soding i? the wh >Ie n imber of free mtmw, wBtiiof tho-e bound w aerrlae for t ttra of yr&m Ml exriudlrg Indians no*. <?XM, tbras-flfib* of * 1 other pcraons." This pro"f?ioo strengthens slavery by |tTB? 'UtuuUi( ilintwUiafi ^laU' many more rep ?seseBteilvee Is Gn<re,.a than th-f woald have if slaves werecouuted only as property. This provision *M much ?donaton, Out anally ad pt*c, With 'he fall understanding of iui import, *T B (f eat majority. The cons' itotiou ?it/tecs ii impliedly by withholding ail power to injure it or li*it its oura.lon ; but it or.,te-.t* It expressly by Mi? 3d clause of tne lie section of the 4th ar'icle, by the 4?b auction o' tbe 4h article, arid by hs .5 J? clause of tk> 8th soetoon of tbe 1st article. Tue 3d - action pro vides that "to person he.d to service or l?b>r to one state, hr the 1b ws thereof, escaping Mo BBothe*, Khali, tn oonsequenoe of My 1b w ?r <eeuiaU< d it>? si" iwcbarged 'r>m moh >er?ioe or fcbor, but shall be delivered np on claim of tbe pa?ty to wLonxBsh servl-e or labor ma jr be due. " rhe fourth ?tenon < f the A-nrth artio e provides that Congress shall protect each -late ' on appllcatiru of the legislator*, or of tbe Executive, when toe I. gielaf ur* U uo*. convened, agamst domas ic violence." rhe fifteenth clause of the e%hth aeeiion of th* 9 rat article make* it, the duty ot Ooof r?aa to provide lor calling forth the militia to axe eat* the 1b w a of the Union, to snppreea insurrections and to repel iBTBtkma. 1h? first of thee* three clauses laat referr?o to pxoucts slavnrj by f >Uo wing the escaping dty into n> naiaveholdmg State* and returning hun to braMlage the other clausee place tbe wh>le military power of the repuhHc in tbe band* of the federal fuvern M?at to raprees "donsstic violen ?>' and ?insurrection.'' Cider this <* Dstitu'ion, if he flies to other l?n 4 4 the su preB.a M follows, cap ares and returns him. If he re aa?t? the law by which be is held to bondage, the same ?Restitution brings its military power to hie anhjigatien. ftr? in no limit to tlis protection; i> must be protected a* king aa ant of tbe Stitos tolera e domestic sla wtj aad the eonsti'utiin onaiterec end urea. None ef there clauaee admit of misconception or douot r>i eousiruvtioa They ware not Incorporated into the charter of our i lerties by surprise or ia a'tec 1 ion ? tkey ware eaon aniall of the si introduced Into ibat body, debated, referred ti commit ees, reported upon and adopted < ur construction of them la supportod by t?ennbtoken and harmonious current of decl-lms and as jadirationa by the executive, legislative and judicial ?*(Brtmen?s of the g venmehta, State and federal, from Pl*?lrtnt Washington to President fierce. Twenty repre tan -Btives in tbe Congress of the United Sta'es hold thotr MBto to-day by virtue of one of these clause*. The Afri can slave trade w*s carried r.n the whole %p pointed pe riod under an?> her. Thousands of slaves hav.t be?n de frver?o up under aaott er, and it is a just cause of oon g atuia i"B to tr e wbole ct.'Uttry that no occasion has ooeurred to sail into action the remaining clauses which ^TkJ^^nstHntionol prorisionswere s?Wi" ed In even by tuose who < id not apyrova ??ill a new' and less otirtous question ?Pru"? 0"" 2J,u??ltTof lerritoy. Wnen coostlju ton ?c< pted the ques'i?n had been *#u]*i !{L , Territory by SSK U? 8?aSi>!*l tedt r??.of Und for which to except ? Amilted^leim over the riouthwe-tern boundary, which 3 "af^aaw SA2 sks-m? ?4Stose^^S5 C^'^?Ut^rd ^fluh^eideiit. Vt h^lgl 9? thirty ?2are nl er th? adoption of the oon*U {Stfon-u?*m the application of Miesouri for edmujaion into the Uiikn, toe extraordinary pretension W48.f?.r,{^ a-r?t iime u verted by a majority of the non sUroholiing ^^v^??m.bad tot only the toprohitrft * eiWon ot slavery into th. new Terriwri? ofthe L.nh ir but that it hid the power to compel new States ZffiM '.Smi^n into .he frnim to nrohibH it in their own constitutions, and mould their domestic po^ey in ?11 rescecte to suit the opinion*, whims or caprices of the Wderaf .ov.VnmeDt. This novel and extraordinary pre SnrifT- subjected the wnole powers of Congress oyer tu? criticism. Absent authority 1 found in the constitution to manage this comm n merely a* propo-ty. The 2d clause, 8d section of tke 4tb article deslares ' that Congress shall hare P?*** >n riHtxw (if snd make ail needM rules and reguia ions S.,% ti territory or other property belongtog to the United States; and nothiag in this MUitituU n ?hall be >o conftrued a* to prejudice any cWs of tte Utited States or of any t h M?Tic ed bi Its terms the action of Coagress oyer it ii to kne considered only as property, and * V* ?nixii lral po *er to govern it. Icis construction his tbe^MictioiIot the hit? he-t judical anthonty of theland. access was then driven to look for power to govern it la tf? necessity a?d propriety of it a* a made of ?*?*! ?' 'ower to make treaties. The right to JoLire terri-orv under tte t-eaty making po?r w^.s i ?eh an implication and ?n implication wh'.>"*,"fhtju. M?s was denied by Mr. Jefferson, who exerci-M it. The rurht to goyvin being claimed as an lostfent ot the right wfaeauire. was then but an implication of aa im ;.ltce toon aid then toe power to excluce slavery therefrom ?as still anrtaer implication from the fountain of ali I^r iexnrL. grant.) But whether the power to pro Sihit slavery in the eomm n Territories be claimed from i# m urce or the other, it cannot be sustained tiuon any sound rule of c ^titationU e^strue'ion. ^he wJwtr is not expres-ly granted. Then, utue a fT can bo shown to be both '? necessary anil *? \ _ tVif> iuui o*o?utl ?n of propor'' _^L#? th? oonstitutional argument against it to^^pl?tef lhis^> mains to be shoST ?y the aW*. ^r& u^ toe^Clb. SUiTlnto tte t'nkB? dfrire it either from ttie clause of the c?nfti ?tion last referred to, or from the treaty making po _-er ?till this Dower to prohibit slarery is not toildint to it in either caee. beca^-e it is teithsr neoerfsary nor pri^perto ?U extcution. That it Is not necessary to ^h? l l tT nower is shown from the fact that th?t 522 Mto?r?l never used for this purpose, F*t >,? ripely and well executed wi'hout it. aoa hai keen roneaVdly a red to increase and protect slavery . ^?Kltion of Louisiana and Florida arseiitnplss of m? Ufe ?i'h >ut the exercise of this pretended necessary , incident Numerous treaties and oonveations SKC^e andciTilized nations, fron the founda S^oTvhe r.vernment. demanding and i^emng iudem itte. for ifju.ies to this species of Pjo^rty, is conclu live aga'nst this norel pretensioa. That it W J^y to the execution oi the power to wto-? *d?l ratof) snt ieffulatiom* rwpectiag tho territory and SoTerty Xhe Cai ed Stales," is p-oren from the Cot that sey en Territoriea have been gorerned ?!r CoD^ress and trained into sovereign fctatoi orftiitmit tS ?-xerci^ It i? not proper, because it neekfl to J?:U,tf7?.rL other P '<^ert?tp?= tram knt gr.e^ified, ?xpre-aed or Intended t )J tbe gran ? ?n . be purine in aTowed to be to limit, strain, **** eo and finally to erash out slavery ; whereM the grant traniemly provides for strengthening and protecting it- It is not proper, b. cause It \?Utesthe Hons of the Union? the erjuatity of the Slater. The ft?<e* of the Union are all PoMa^l?>Ur^L3toi! haa the same right as every other ?ate? no more, no ? "rv. fxercu^ of this prohibition violates this XT.nd rioTa?s justice, fey the laws of na'^ns ^ u ^ She States The reason for this, giwo by the mo?t ap SSSSSW^1 ^ ?<* *?'??d and * rewuie. ? {rnm ?n tmnkl narticipation and enjoyment of the common do SS a^mst ju^lc.atd^ht appropria^ itto the nnmber. Therefore, so far from being aneces and proper means of executing granted P?*??- "J.* .'r^SKf?Su.A?,. tor th^'c^nion defence, nor promotes the geae ST welfare nor tecures the blessings of U erty or our posterity but, on the contrary. It pats in Sst3iatei? ? ,s Zl^'^tndton1 & ilM ftmth do?. no wrutm Ui iaj We simply propose tbat the common Territortos ttern^U^l^tTh^'^ that the chsiscter of the domestic InstHution* of ^fW ?tate be determined by the freemen thereof. This ui loriee? this is constitutional equality. - But those who cla'm ihe power in Ombres i to exciade ?lav?TT fr< m the rerritories r?ly rather on authority .nan nrlnrisle to support it. They affirm, wl'h siigiuar Cnofance of or P want of tidellt'y to the fac v., that Co. lrrM< bas frrm "he beginnitg of the government, aei fT.mlv cirirried and repeatedly ?X'rcl?ed *.he power to barege siave'ry, and to ei.luee it from the ferrUort^ vCTnV*sP igaiicn of the subject has satisfied my own mind tt^t neither position is -astained bv a s ng e precedent I.xrluc*, of course, legislation protibiUng tie Afrir?n alavp trsde. and f hold 'he oriinancs of 1787 no. to be wi'hln the princip'e asserted. For the first thirty years of our history tbis general duty to protect this fT** ' went ecioally ?tlh every other was universally admitted snd fairly peribrmed by evry department of mt The act of 17OT w is passed to secure the deli very ap of fugitives from labor escaping to the noe i slavehoid lux Hates your navigation laws authorized their 'rani mortation on the high seas. The gorernment de manded and repeatedly received compensation for tbe owners of slaves for Injuries sustained in these Uwlii Stages by the interference of foreign governments. H pot only proteeted us apon the high seas. bJt follow^ mm to foreign lands, where we had been drlv?n by thf ^-.r. of the sea and protected slave property when thus cest even within the jorisdiction of hosile ra ini property of our people was pro tested axaiost the Incursions of Indians by oar mi i'ary power and public treaties. That clause ol the irMty ^Of Cheat which provided compensation for firop^rt? ^ Mrryed or taVen by the British ^ve^ment pUced slavery precli?ely tipon the name ground wl th otoer pro ?erty - and a New KngUnd man (?r. Adams) ab y aad lalthfallv maintained tbe rights of the slaveholder under It ot the Court of Ht. James. Then the g .vernmeot was administered aceordirg to the constitution, and 1 not ^a^ cording to trtont U now called " the spirit of the age. Those Wel?tor? looked for political poyers and public dntiss in the organic law which political communities hid laid down for their guidance ana government Humaeitv mong^s, othei-tical sociolUte who would up turn the morel, sofllal and political foundaionsofso^ ty. who would subs titnte tfie foUyof men for Um jri.dmn ?m fled, were then justly considered as the enemies or .ne bmirftB r*rm and an deeervtnf th# OOn tempt, if not ?serration, of all war kind. . . , , .. Cntii th# y?ar 1130. our Territorial l??l*.ati#n wa* marked hy th# ?nm?? fteneral ppirlt of fWroeM and jnrtioe. )fatw4thetancilnf th# constant aMiertionn to th# contrary hy jrentlemen frotn the North, np t# that p#rlod no aet ill trtr pa###4 by comntutional pow?x to pr#r#nt any eittera ef the PaK*d *?*?? ftanwiM with them to ?wr T?rriuw*?, aad tMrt r? s1?Im legal prvfclf for thie prop?Ky. Until ih?t Umm ?>? per ?ob? ?? rewMive mto all the TWrtt.riea gwMd or m qnii?<i hy 'he Unl'nd 8l?tw, exeept Um Northwest Terri t..ry, and we e tliere adequately p-*?tejte4. Tbe action uf CnBffT*?a in refcronee to the ordWancs of 1T8T does not cuntnvene this pi in nple. That ordiuanoe tm pssstti on tbe lath day ot July, 1787, before the adoption of oar prestnt C MillotioD. H purported on Iti hM to be n perpetual fane', between the State of Virginia, the pe> pie uf the Territory, and tbe tnen government of the 1'i.itwi States, end unalteraMe exoept by the nonstn' of ell the parties. When Congress met for the first tin"' under tbe new government, on the 4th o( Her b, 1789, it touud the government thus established by virtue ct this ordinance in actual operation.; and on the 7th of At'gust, 1789, it peined a lew making the ofH oee of Goveinoi end Secretary of the territory conform to the c natliutlon of the new government. It did notbicg more. It made no reference to tbe sixth end last section of the ordinance which Inhibited slave ry. The division of U at Territory was prw.ded for in the ordinance,* at each division, the whole ot the ordinance was assigned by C'ocgrees to eash of its parts. This is the whole sum ai d substance of the free soil claim to legislative precedent*. Ccn^recs did not assert the right o alter a solemn compact entered into with the former governnunt bur ga?e its consent by its legislation to i he governments ex'ab ished and provided for i ? tbe com pact. It tbe original compast was void for want ef power m the old government to make It, as Mr. Madison nap pored, Congress may not have been bouna to accept it ? ?t certainly bad no power ti alter it- From these i acts and piinciples it is clear that the legislation tor the Northwest Territory does not conflict with the brintiiites which I assert, ai d does not afford precedents for os tile legislation of Orngress against slavery tn the Territories. That such was neither the principle nor tbe I oUcy upc n which tbe net ot the 7th of August, 1789. was bated, is further shown by the subsequent aiti*>n of he same Congrecs. On the 2d of April, 1790, Cuogress, by a fat sal act, accepted the cesrion m .de by North Caro lina cf her wtstern lands (now the State of Tenne^OA with this clause in the deed of cessl n: "Tuat no i^gola tion made, or to be made, by Congress, shall tend to emancipate i-lavei" in the oeded Territory; and on the 2Ath ci May. 1"S#, passed a territorial biil?>r the govern ment ot all the territory claimed by tne United States south of tie Ohio River. The description of this territo ry inclosed all the lands ceded by North Carotin*, bnt it embraced a great deal more. Its boundaries were left Indefinite, beoause there were conflicting claims to ail the test of the territory. But this aet put tne whole country clalmea by the United States south of the Ohio under this pro -slavery clause of the North Carolina deed. The whole ac ion of the first Congress in relation to slavery in the Territories of the United 8 safes, teems to have been this:? It s ;quio oed in a government for tbe Nrrtbwest Territory based upon a pre existing anu tlavery ordinance, created a gove-nment for the ofcuntry seiied by North Carolina la oouformry wi'h tbe pro-slaveiy o'aure In her deed, and extendel this pro slai ery clause to all the rest ot thi territory claimed by the United Stages *outh of the Ohi) river. This legisla tion vindicates tbe first Congress from all imputation of havU'ir established the piece lent claimed by tbe frieudi of legislative exclusion. The next territoral act which nae pa-ced was that ot tiie 7th of April, 1798. It was the first aet of territoral legislation which had to rest solely upon origin*! primary constitutional power over th? subject. it established a tfcvemment over tbe territories included within toe boundaries of a line drawn due east | tiojt the mouth of the Yazoo river to tbe Chattahooohie river, then down that river to tbe tDirty first decree of sorth latitude, then west on that line to tue Mums sippl river, then up th? Mississippi to the beginning. This terti'ory was within tbe boundary of the United states as defined bv the treaty of Pails, and was not within the boundary of any ot the States, Tje charter of Georgia limited her boundary on the south to the Altarn\h?, river. In 1763, after the surrender of her charter, ber limits weie extended by the crown to the St. Mary's river, and west on the 3lst degree of notth latitude to the MiSfl'tlppi. In 1784, on the recommendation of tbe Board Jul Place, her boundary was again altered, and that portion of territory within the boundaries wnl lh I have described , was annexed to West Florida, aid thus it itood at tie Revolution and the treaty of peace. Therefore the United States claimed It as common pro i perty, a-d In 1798 passed the act now under review for i its g<.?erum?nt. In ttat act she neither cla'.med nor ex erted any power to prohibit slavery in it. And the question came directly before Congress; the ordinance of 1787 in terms was applied to this Territory, expressly "ex cepting and excluding the last article of the ordinance," which is the article excluding slavery from tbe Northwest Territory. This is a precedent directly In point, and is against the exercise of the pow?r now claimed. In 1802 Georgia ced?dber ?e?tern lands. She protected slavery in her grant, and tbe government complied with her i Etr^3DEthe United States aciuhed LouUlana from | 1 .be whole country at the Ume ire ?^r?d prohibited the foreign and domestic -lave* bM?iB ^ . Territories, but gave the protection of Its la#8 to flave owner" em iirratic g tbitber with their slaves. Upon tho adX ion of Louisiana into the Union, a new government ?m establish ed by Congress over the rt*t ot the eou^try under the name o' the Hissouri Ternto; 'I' il^id U the Sum fS? ??&? v.r5s"',i its law- ucrgniied and protected slavery at the time of Se^uffi The United States extended the same *~ueh ww the fiXZy'oT I territorial legist! in until the year lv.'O. Missouri had appUed for aam^ion intj thtt fnion. An Attempt was then made, for the hrst time, , to impote reductions upon a "???? S^JS^aS^Jr into the L'cicn upon an unequal looting wltn ner waver ctatt-e aid to Cf iu pel her to mould her institutions, not acco r d 1 ng t n! he will of her own people, but according to ?? toniV of a majority In Congress. Tae attempt was JZ r VtlltU and resulted in an act providing for htr admission, tmt containing a cUm? iSS forever in aU the territory acquired from Fr?n? > onttwe a^#J?3,^??SBr5,% ' other leading and distinguished men of the day. It w*? j carried by most of the Southern MpresenUtive , ^ i in?*i mtih a small number of Northern votes. It was * I det^ure fiVm p'indple, but it (avored of justice. Sub j Feanently , upon I %TgvZlb^ 5S-& 0fVx.S the same Hue toabieeby the principle of' division again attempted to L the Lie line It was almost unanimously re t'VfZ & III V^wnSU'es -their representatives, by a'laigs Majority, insisted upon abeolota ^^iUon^t^ the total exclusion of the people ot the Southern States fri m the whole of the common territories, unless they divested themselves of their slave property. Thereiult ssgj'sfcas: ;g.r&gf iy i.?.a Si y?? "?"? ? *? p~<J. scain upon the "rock of the ^institution. ^Tlie law of 1864 (common'y known as the Kansas Ne aarwssS P3Cf.;w I I have endeavored to show, is j , eoual" that it is sustained by principle, by au I fhnritv and by the practice of our fathers. I I trust I believe, that when the transient passions of the day shall have subsided and reason shall have "J""8** her t ominion it will be approved, even applauded, by t? coUertive bod?' the pV * PW*? o? our WifnYn^^(fyouir*cahn consideration of the second point in my lectufef iVm fuUy persuaded that evenKlnhould succeed in convincing your reason and truth 1 t.Ka'1 have no aid from your sympathise in this ' work vet if the principles upon which our social system is loenled sr<- sound, the system itself is humane and 1 just, as w* 11 as neoeeeary. Its permanence is based upon the idea of the superiority by nature of ths white raoe ^er Ue African; that this superiority is not transient and artificial but permanent and natural; that the s?me Dover whicb made his skin unchangeably Dla-k, made Sim infei ior. Intellectually, to the white race, and in* ,,abie of aD equal struggle with blm in the career ?r P[? ?re?s ana civilisation: that it is necessary for his preser ve- ion in this struggle, and lor bis own Interest, as well M that of the sec.e?, of whi,;h he U a member, that he v/?m l? a. aeivant and not a freeman iu the llntmnon wealth I have already stated that A'ri T IT, stUMd is the colonies at the com mence ncett vf the American Revolution, the param >uot Jf...fthe crown with or without the c intent of the clones, had Introdneed it, and it *? t?r?o?en wi'h ber framework of society, especla \j in th Southern .-ta'es. Tbe .jueetion WUt not presfnted '>r ,.ur rterUi'n whether it was Just or b?roclal U> th? a'iI'*d or a4vwiug*"us to oits tear him awav iy tree or fraud from bondage in his <"" ^untry and p ace him in a Mk? conditio; in tn Chilstisn world had long befo'e seUled os. At vbe final overthrow of Britieh "thorityln he Mates onr ancestors found seven hnndwd tkwwndAM cms am<r>K them already in bondage, and eonceutrate-l, from our ciimate and productions, Aieily ln^? KJKJfu slavebol !li)g htates. n became their duty to esUblt h governments lor themselves They brought wisdom, ex ricnc?, learning and patriotism to the gre*t wor . hat >li?-y sought was that system of government wnwn I wouM secu e the g eateet and most enduring happiness to the whole aoulety. Thoy Inuorporated no Utopian ' the< ries in their syrtem. They did not so much concern themselves about what tights man might possibly have iu a state of nature, a* what 'igh's he onght to hsve in a state of society. They dealt with pstfti cal rights as things of compac1:, not >.f birthright; loth* Concrete , nnd not la the abs tract. The/ hwl, maintained and Inoorporated Into th?lr systems as fundament\l truths, that It was the right and duty of the State to define aid fix, a* well as to protect and ie fend the individual right* of ouch members ?f the (Social ^ n.pact, and to treat all Individual rights as subordinate to the great Interests of the whole society. Therefore they denied "natural equality," condemned mere gov ernment* > f men necessarily resulting therefrom, and established governments of laws ? the re lure Iree, sove reign and Itdepen' ent republics. A very sllgkt exami natl .nofonr State constitutions will show how lUtle tae> retai led vague notions of abstract liberty or na'.n ral equality In fixing the righta of the white race as well as of the bbek. The elective franchise, th? cardinal feature ot ' ur eys'em, I have already shown wa? granted, withheld or limited according to their ideas of public policy and the interests of the State. Numerous re strainte upon Uu supposed abstract rights of a mere nu merical mejorliy to govern society in all case*, are to be fonnd planted in all of our con?tifuti<jns, State and fede ral: thus affirming this subordination of individual rights to the interest* and safety of the State. ... The slaveholdlng State*, anting upon these principles, UBdiiif th* African J? ? staTer^, on St to t? treated with political powar, Inca pable m itwiMi of securing (Mr own ktpriMN, tt promoting the public prosper! j, (MrjiWI their con dition as slaves mod subjected it to leg* I ciittnl Thare are abunrant means oi aacertaLukig the ?Hue'* of this jk'Hc v on the Mftva aud on *oc im'-y aceewtibla to nil who ?**k >b? truth. We say iu win .om I* vindicated by its results. and that under it, the African la the slaveholdiug State* in found in a better p si1 Ion tbnn he has ever at tained in any other age er conn try, etcher la bondage or lieedoan. In support of this point, I propose to trace him rapidly from hie earBaat binary to the present time. The utouumfotM of tbe ancient Egyptian-* carry hiu? back to the moriiiiig oi time. Older tllaa tbe pyramids. tttoy furnish tie evidence, both of bin national identity and bi* social dig t adatlon, before hi tory began. We flrat behold him a slave in foreign lands. We 'hen find the great body ot his race sWres in tbeir own oat ire land, aa<l after thirt> oenturiex, iLlwmimated by both ancient and modern civilization have pwed over him, we sti 1 find him a kiave of savage masters, as lnoapable as himself of erec attempting a tingle step in eiviilaatiou; we find him there stil),without government or la wa or protest! )n, with out letter s or aru or indu?ty, with <ut religion, or even the aspirating which would raise him to tbe rank of an iddatoi ; snd, in his lowest t>pe, his almost only matk of humanity is tbat he walks erect in the image of tbe Creator. Annihilate his raoe to day, and you wiij find no trace tf bia exis'euee written naif a soore of year*? he would not leave behind him a single mouun a*, inven tion or bought, worthy of remembrance by the huuian family. In tbe Eastern hemisphere he bas beta fuued in ail ages, scattered amoni? tbe cations of every deg;ee of civilization, }?i iuft u r to them all? always in a servi e eondition. Very soon the oisco^ery and settlement ot Ameiics, the policy of the ChiU'ian world bought Urge n?mber? of these people ot their savage master* aud vonntrynien, and imported them into tlw Western worri. Here ? e are enab eo ta view them under different ?cd far inure favorable condi ions. In Harti, by the ea eouragen eat of the Wench government, after a long pro bation of slavery, they became free; and, l?d on by the conduct and viior of the mixed races, aided by over powering numbers, they mss?ac-?d the small num ber of whites who in habited the bland, andraoceededtotbe undisputed sway of the fairest and of the West Indm islands, under tbe highest state of cultivation. Their eon dition in Ilayti left nothing to be desired for tbe most favorable experiment of the raoe, for self government and civilisation. This experiment has now been fjr sixty years, and its leiults are before the world. Fanati cism palliates, but cannot conceal the atter prostration ot tb<- race. A war of races began on the very moment the fear of foreign srbjugation ceased, and resulted m tbe extermination of tbe gteater number of the mulatto** who had rescued them from the dominion of the whi'? race Revulutions. tumults snd disorder hive been the ordicaiy pursuits of tie emancipated blacks. Industry t as aimist eeaaed, and tbeir stock of civilization has ' teen already exhausted ; and they are now scarcely di. - | tirguishable from tie tribes fi cm which they were to. n in tbeir native land. More reoently the same experiment 'bas been tried in Jamaica, utder tbe auapices of Kngiand. This was one if tbe most beautiful, productive an<! prosperous of the British colonial possessions. In 1838 England, following the (aire theories of her own abolitionists, proclaimed the total emancipation of tbe black race in Jamaica. Her aims aud her power have watched over and protected them; not only tbe interest*, but the absolute necessities of the white proprietors of the land compelled them to offer every inducement and atimuUnt to in dustry; yet the experiment stands before tbe world a confessed failure. Kuin has overwhelmed tbe propiietore: and the negro, true to the instincts of his natuie, buiies himself in ii th, and slo.h, and crime. Here we can compare the African with himself in buth conditions? in freedom and in bondage; asd we csn com pare him with bis race lu tbe same climate and following the same pui suits? compaie blm with himself under the two di tic ient conditions in Hay'i and Jamaica, and with his race in bondage in Cuba. And every comparison de monstrates the tolly of emancipation. In the United States, too, we have peculiar opportuni ties of studying the African race under different condi tions. Here ye find blm in slavery: here we find him, also, a freeman in both tbe slavebolding and non-slave hoJdiig States. Ihe best specimen of tbe fiee black is to be found in the Southern States in the closest contact witb slavery, and subject to many ot its restraint*. Upcn the theory of the anti-slavery men the most favor able condition in which yo a can vie* the African is in the non-elavfbolding States cf this Uii n. There we ought to expect to find him displaying all the capacities ot his race tor improvement ana progress. With a tem Serate climate, with the ruad of prog'oss open beiore lie? among an aativ*, industrious, ingenious and edj eated people ? surrounded by sympathizing friends, and mild, just and equal institutions? if be taili here, Rarely it can be chargeable to nothing but hinuelf. He ha* bad seventy years in which to cleanse himself and bis raoe irom the leprosy of slavery. Yet what is his con dition here to-cay'r He is free? he is lord ot him-elf; but he Cids it troly a "heritage of woe." After this seventy j ears of education and probation among themselves, his infeiioiity stands as fully a confessed fact ia the nnn slavebolding as in the slaveholding States. By them be is acjudged unfit to enjov the rights and perform the duties oi citizenship. Denied social equality by an irre versatile law cf nature, and political rights by municipal law, incapable of maintaining the unequal ?'.rugg!e with the supetior race, the melancholy history ot his careo' of freedom is here most usually found in the records of criminal c. urts, jails, pool houses and penitentiaries. These facts have hud themselves recognized In the most conclusive manner throughout the Northern States. No Uwn or city lt State er coin ages their emigration; many of ihem discourage it by legisKtitn. Some of the non slaveholding States have prohibited their entry into their boideis. under any circunsianbes whai>-var. Thus it ........ ipeot met vt lufciiMltjr of the iace li equally admitted everywhere ia our country. But ?e treat it differently. The Northern States admit it, ai d to rid themselves of the burth<n inflict the most cruel injuries upon an unhappy race: *hey expel them from their borders, and drive them out of their boundaries or into their poorhousea, as waaderers and outcasts. The result of this policy is everywhere apparent ? the statistics of population supply the evidence of thiir condi ion. Ia the non-slaveholdiLg States, tbeir actua. increase daring the ten years preoeciag the last census was but a little over one per cent per annum, even with the addition of earancipated slaves and fagi lives from labor trom tbe South, clearly proving tbat In this, their most favored condition, when left to themselves they are sca-cely ca pable ol maintaining their existence, aud with the pros pect of a denser population and a greater competition for employment consequent thereon, tbey are in danger of extinction. The Southern Stales, acting upon the name admitted facts, treat ihcrn differently. They keep them In the , subordinate condition in which they found them, protect them against tbemsslvea, and compel them to conttioute to their own sad the public interests and welfare; and under our system we appeal to tacts open to all men to prcre that the African race has attain ed a higher iegree ot comfort and happiness than bis race has ever before attained in any other age or (ountiy. Our political system gives the slave great and valuable lights. His lite is equally protected with that cf hLs master ? his person is secure from assault against all others, except bU maeier; and bis power In this respect is )>l%cea under salutary legal restraint. He is entitled by law to a hone, to ample food and clothing, and exempted from "excessive" labor; and when no longer capable of labor in old age or diieoje, is a legal charge upon bis master. His family, old and yonng, whether capable of labor or cot, from the cradle to the grave, have the same legal rights. And in these leg*l J ro visions tiey enjoy as large a proportion of the pro ucis of their labor ae any hired labor in the world. We know that their lights are In tbe main faithfolly secured to thtm; but 1 rely not on our knowledge, bat submit ?ur Institutions to the same tests by which we try them of all other countries. There are supplied by our pobUe st&'ds tice. They shew that our slaves are larger consumers of animal food tb an any population In Europe, and larger than any other laboring population in the ("nlted Status; and thai their natuial increase l? equal to thai of any other people. These ate true and indisputable tests that thair physical oosjforls are amply secured. Inlt00th?re were less than >even hundred thousand slaves in the United States; in I860 tbe number exceeded three and a quarter mlllkns. The same authority shows that their increase for the ten years preceding the last census was above i twenty-eight per cent, or nearly three per cent per an num. ' an" increase equal ? allowing for the element of foreign emigration? to the white raee, and nearly three times the trte blacks of the North. But these l?g\i rights of the slave embrace but a unall portion of tbe privi leges actually enjoyed by him. He has, by uclvertal custom, the control of much of his own '.line, which is applied at his own choice an<l convenience to the me ch/'Cir arts, to agriculture, or to some other profitable pursuit, which sot only givos him the power of pnrchase over many of tbe additional necessaries of lite, bnt over many of i's luxuries: and in numerous cases onat.jj him to purchase his freer om when ha desires It. Be sides, the nature of the relation of masV and slave begets Idneness, Imposes duties aud tooures their performance, which exist in no other relation of capital and labor. Interest and humanity co operate in hat mony tor the well- ieing o! slave labor. Thus the n.ons'er objection to onr Institution of slavery ? that it ''epiives labor ef Its wages ? cannot stand the lest cf a truthful iuvestlga'.loo. A slight elimination i if th? true tleeory of wsges will fai'h?r >>pu? Ha hila ry. I nder a system of free labor wages **? umi>>miaiil in money. the rcpie entatlve cf prrrinrti wiiii unssilln ptodoct? their se.ves. One of your own most ulstHiguJlny etatestren and patriots ? 1'reildent Juhn A<isms? ?4d that the d'fTerebie to the flave was "Imagine' ''What matters It (said be) whether a lamil'.ra empl ylng tea latx rers on bisbrni gives t Lem anuuall) as much mr.ney as will buy them the aecetsa/ies of life, or gives them those recess'itles at shorthand?" All experience ha* thown that, if that be the measure of Ubor ft is aeier for the laborer to take his wages in products thin in their suppoeed pecuniary value. Therefore, U we |.?y U the necessai i4l arid benefits of ltf ? more than uny given amount of pecuniary wsge* will buy, then our laborer is paid higher than the lab-.rer wh' receive- that amount ofeages. The most enthettlc agricultural siatiatlcs or Fsglaii'l, ?how '-hat ibe wnges of agriculture and un skiilfd labor In that kingdom not only falls to furnish the laborer with the oo? forts of our slave, but even with the necessaries of Jl'e ; and no slaveholder c >uld esiupe a con viction for cruelty to his slaves, who gave them no more of the reeassities of life for their labor than ihn wnges paid to their agTienlt oral laborers by the n<.|,;?men and gentlemen of England would buy. t'ndor their system, has become less valuable and !e*? eared for than no mefMc snlmals ; and noble duses v ill depopulate whole districts of men to supply their places with sheep, and then, wlfh intrepid audacity, lecture and denounoe Air.eriean slaveholders. The pent conflict between labor and capital, nnder free cmpetition, his ever oeen how the earnings of Ubor and capital shall be divided betw?en them. In new and spartely settled couitriei, where land is obeep and food 1? easily produoed, and eiueitlon and ittelllgence approximate equality, labor can ^uciespfully struggle In this warfare with capital. Hut this is an ex ceptional and temporary tondition of society. In the Old Wot Id this state of thi>g< has long fin j? p/t*scd away, and the conflict with 'he lower grades of labor hss long si nee cessed. There the compensation of unskilled labor, which first sueeumbe to capital, u rednc?d to a point scarcely adequate to the continuant* of the race. The rate of Inereaae is se^rce y ene per cent por annum; and even at that rate population, until recently, was con sidered a curse. In short, capital has become tho mas ter of labor, with all the beneflts, without the natural burthens of the relation. In this division of the earnings of labor between it aa 1 caplUI, the Southern slave has a marked advantage over the bl'lah laborer, and uftaa ?|Wl to the free laborer of the Worth. Here, aga in, we are fkrnUned with au thentic data from whtcu to reason. The census ot 186? sbtws that ob eottoo estates of 'he S?uih, walch la teo ehief branch of our igiicokui# Industry, one- hi f ot tfce aiable lands are ?nna?ily pa' ua<'er foxl croo. Itig hall i? usually wholly consumed on the brio by the laborer* and neoossary animals. Oat (if the other half roust be paid all the necessary expense* of produo'ion, often including ad ditional supplies of food beyond the produce of tbe land, which usually e^ntla one-third of the residue, leaving but onethlrd fur net rent. The average rent of land in tbe old> r non-i-laveholdirg States is equal to one-third of , tbe grotta product, and it not unfmi uently amount* to one half of it tin England it is sometimes even greater,) the ten ant from his portion paying all expends of pro duction, and the expenses of himself and i unity. Then it in apparent that the laborer or the South receives ai ways as much, and frequently a greater portion of the

produce (f tie land than the laborer in N?w or Old Bug land. Beaides. here the portion due the elave la a ch*rg,? upon tho whole product of sapital. and upon tbe oapiiai iueJf. it is neither dependent upon seasons nor snbjeet to accidents. and sortrtvsa his owu capacity for labor, and even the ruin of his master. But it is objected that religions instruct lou in denied the slave. While it is true tftat ieiiglowi instruction and pri viltg* - si e not enjoined by law in all of the States, the number of Slav* a who are in connection with the different chinches abundantly pre ve tuo universality of the erjoy ment of thts* privileges; and a much larger number of the race in slavery eujoys the oon-oUtions of tellgion Iran the efforts o the combined Christian world hare ec?r been able to oonvert to Christianity out of all the millions of their countrymen who remain U> 'heir tati?e land. Yet the slave, and ot those connected with sla mj, aie constant thetcea of aboil lion ceuuolatiou. tfbey ate lamentably gieat; but It remains to be shows that thiy are greater than with tbe laboring poor of Englano or any o her eountry. And It is shown that our i-ltves art without U.e addiumal stimulant of want to them to crime? we have at least removed frosn them the temptation and excuse ot bunger. Poor hu man nature la here at least spared the wrenched late of the utter prostration of lie moral nature at the first of its physical wants. Lord Ashley's report to the British Parliament chow* that In tbe capital of that empire? perhaps within hailing of Stafford Boose and Exeter Hall? hunger alone dauy engulphs its thousands of men and women la the abyss of crime. It is also objected that rur slaves are debarred the benefits of any ecucation. This objection is will taken, at d In Dot without fo ce; and for this evil tbe slaves are g*t atly indebted to the aboii'.lonlsta. Formerly, in some of the ahaveholding states it was not forbidden to teach slaves to read and write; but the character of the Utera ture sotigbt to be furnished by the abolitionist* caused these Hales to take counsel rather of their passions than tfce*r if anon, and to lay the axe at the root of the evil. Better counsels will in time prevail, and this will be re medied. It la true that the slave, from his protected po litico, has less need of education than the free laborer, who bas to struggle for hinueif in the career ot society jet it is both useloi to him, his master and society. Th? want of legal protection to the marriage relation is ?l+o a irultfnl souicc ot objection among the opponents of sin vejy. The complaint is not wtthont foundation ? this is an evil not yet remedied by law; but marriage is not in consistent wi>h the institution of slavery as it exists amorg us. and the objection, therefore, lies rather to an Incident than U* the essence of the sys tem. But, in truth and fact, marriage does exist to a very great extent among slaves, and is encouraged and protected by their owners; and it will be found upon careful investigation tlut fewer children are born out cf wedlock amcrg t laves than in the capitals of two of the most civilized oountiiea of Europe ? Austria and France. In tbe foimer one-half of the children are thus horn; in the latter more than one- fourth. But even in thin we have deprived the slave of no pre existing light. We found the race without any know ledge of or regard for the institution of marriage, and we are reproached with not having as vet teoured them that with all the otter blessings of civilization and religion. To protect that and other domestic ties by laws forbid ding, under proper regulations, the separation of fjami ies, would be wise, proper and mi mane, and s>me of the s'avehold'ng States have already adopted partial legisla tion tor the removal of these evils. But the objection is far more formidable in theory than practice. The acci dtnts atd necessities of life produce infinitely a greater amount of separation in families of the white than ever happens to the colored rac?. This is Vue, even in the United States, where the gtneial condition of the people Li prosperous. But it is still more marked In Europe. The lcjustlse and despotism of England towards Ireland have produced more separation of Irish families, and sundered more do mestis ties, within the last ten years, th?n Africin sla very ha* effected since its introduction into the United States. The twenty millions of freemen in the United States are witnesses tf the dispersive injustice of the Old World. Ihe general happiness, cheerfulness and con tentment of the slaves attest both the mildness and humanity cf their treatment, and their natural adapta tion to tfceir crnoi ion. They require no standing armies to enforce their obedience., while the evidences ol discon tent and the appliances of force to repress it, are every where visible among the toiiisg millions cf the earth. Even in the Northern States of this Union strikes and labor unions, atd combinations against employ ers, attest at cnce the misery and discontent of laboi among them. England keeps ono hundred thousand sol diers in time of peace, a large navy, and an innumerable police, to secure obedience to her social institutions; and jib j fieri force is the sc-'e guaranty of her BOsial orCer ? tbe inly cement ol her gigantic empire. 1 have bile fly traced the oendi lion of the Afrioan r?se ten ugh all anes and all countries, and described ltfoirly and truly under American slavery, and 1 submit the pt. position 1* tully proven that his poritlcn in slavery among us U superior to any which he has ever attained in any age or country. Tbe picture in not wi.hout shuie as weil as light. Evils and la perfections cling ti mv> and all ot his institutions, and this Is not exempt from them. The conoition cf the slave olTer - great opportuni ties for abuse, and these opportunities are frequently used to violate humanity ana justice. But the lawn re strain these abuses and punish these crimes In this as well as in all O' her leiationnof Ufa. And they who as sume It as a fundamental principle in the constitution of man that abuse is the unvarying concomitant of power and crime of opportunity, subvert the fouodatiot s of a!l private moral* and of every social system. N wheie do these assumptions tUd a nobler refutation than In the general treatment of the African race by South <?re slaveholders: and we may with hope and confidenoe B?**iy , leave to them the inioval of existing abuses, nnd such further ameli^pticns at may be deam^udd by justice, humanity and Chrlatianity. The con dition cf tbe African, whatever may be his lnte iest*, may sot be permanent among us: he m?y find bis exodus in the unvarying laws of popula tion. Under the conditions of labor in ICngUnd and the continent of Europe, domestic slavery is impossible there, ?nd could not exist here or anywhere else. The moment wages decrease to a point barely sufficient to support the laborer and bis family, capital cannot afford to owl labor, and it must cease. Slavery in England oease 1 ! i obe to this law. and not from any regard to a ^erf* and humanity. The increase of population in this coun tjy may precucethe same result, and American slavery like that of England, may find it* euthanasia in the gen' >?1 proatratlcn of all labor. The next aspect in which I propone to examine thi riuettioD, In tin effects upon the mate.-ial interests of tte slavtholding States. Thirty years ago slavery w m afs&iled mainly on the gTound that it was wasteful, unproductive and unprofitable labor. Home years ago we were urged to emancipate the black* In order to make them more useful and productive members of socie ty. The result of the experiments in the West India Islands, to which 1 have before referred, not only disproved, but utterly annihilated this theory. The theory was true as to tho white race, and not true as to the black; and this hin^lo fact made thoughtful men pause ani ponder before advancing further with this folly of abolitionism. An inquiry into the wealth and production of the slavebolding Suites of this ('Dion demonstrates tbat slave labor can b* econo mically and profitably employed, a*, least in agriculture, and leaves the question in great doubt whethei It moot be thus "employ ed in the South more advantages \j than any other oescription of labor, 'lhe same truth Wilt be made manifest by a comparison of the production > of Cuba and Brazil, not only with Havti and Jamiiei, but with the free races in the similar latitudes engaged in the Ktme or similar productions in any part of tbe world. The slaveboldirg States, with one-half of the white popu lation and between three and four millions of slaves, fur nish al> ne three-fifths of the exports of tbe republic, con taining twenty-three millions of people; and tteir entire products, including tvery brunch of industry, greatly excced those per capita of the more populous North ern States. The difference in realize! wealth in propor tion to population, is not less remarkable and equal ly favorable to the slavebolding States. But till* is not a (air comparison ? on the contrary, It is exceedingly unfair to the slavtbddirg States. Tbe question of tnv terial advantage would be settled on the tide of slavery whenever It was shown tbat our mixed society w nic e productive and prosperous tban any other mien society wiih the Inferi >r race free, instead of slave. Tho ques tion is not whether we would not bo more prosperous and happy with there three and a half millions or slaves in .Africa, and their places fil ed with an equal n' nber of h?rdy, intelligent and enterprising citizens of tbe supe rior race, but Is simply whether, while we have them Mporg us, we would be most prosperous with them in frecoom or bondage. With this bare statement of the true Usee. I can safely leave tbe question to the facts al ready referred to, ana to those disclose-! in the late census. But tbe truth l'self needs some explananati >n, as it seems to t>e a great mystery to the rppouents of slavery bow the system it capable at the same time of in creasing tbe comforts and hjppineas of the slave, tbe profits of the master, and do no voience to humanity. Its solutiun rests upon very obvious principles. In this relati >n the labor of the country is united with and protected by its capital, directed by the educated and Intelligent, secured against its own we k ress. waste and foUy? assce. ated in such form as to give tbe greatest efficiency in production, and the least om>, of n alntenance. I'ach individual free black laborer is tbe victim not only cf bis own folly and extravagance, bat ot bis Ignorance, rrisfirtunes and necessities. Bis Isola tion enlarges bin expenses without Increasing his com forts; bin want of capital increase* the price of e> ory ihlMf he buys, disables bin from supplying his wants at fav< rable time-t or on advantageous terms, and throws him into tie hands of retailer* and extortioners Bat labor uiited with capital, directed by skill, forecast and Intelligence, while it Is capable of its highest pro duction Is freed from all these evil*, and leaves a ma gin both for increased comforts to the laborer ani ad<li tlnal profl's to capital. This is tbe explanation to the iteming paradox. Tbe opponents ef slaverv, passing by the question of material inteiests, insist teat its eifects on tho society ?ebere it exists is to demoralize and enervate it, and render It incapable of advancement and a high civiliza tion. and upon the citizen to I'ehaKe him morally and intellectually, t-uch is not the losson taught by history, either sacred or profane, nor the experience of our own past or present. To the Hebrew race was committed the oracles of the Mest Blgh. Slavebolding prtasts administered at lis altar, *r>d slaveholding prophets and patriarchs received tin revelation* and taught them to ih'ir own and trans mitted them to all other get eratlons of men. Tho bigi tst foim of ancient civilization' and the noblest develop ment of the Individual man are to be found in the an cient slave holding oommanwealth* of Wreeotf and Itcme. In eloquence, in rhetoric, in poetry and painting, in ar ch llectftie and sculpture, you most still go and search ?Mid tbe wreek m4 ruma ef their genius tor the "pride rf *t<w j cowl and the perfection of mjrmuttr,'' IB4 the language wd literature of both, (temped with la mart tiny, pew en to aaiiighe wit a the th>ugQt anil the speech oi all lands and all oeuturie*. Bat I will not multiply illustrations. Dut domestic iUtw; neither en eer leu cor deteriorates our race ? that It U no. Inconsistent el h the highest adranoement of men and society, ii the leason taught by all ancient, and onffrined by all tcode'n history . It* effects in strengthening he attach* eni et the dominant raee to liberty was e'oijueot ly npiefnd by Mr. Bark*, the moot accomplished ani philosophical statesman England ever produced. In HU ipttch on conciliation with Amen.*, he usea the follow ing language: ? "Where this la the oase, those wno are lice are by far the moat proud and jealous of the' free dom.... 1 csnnot al*?r the nature ot man. fbe tact ii no i and these people o' ihe Southern States are much more strongly, and with a higher and more stuboura splrp, attached te liberty than those to the northward. Buehweie all the ancieat com mon wealths? snob wer-i onr Gothic ances'ors, aLd suoh, lit our day, were the Poles; and ??ch wtll be all masters of tUfw who are a *t slaTf i tcemselvis. In bueb a people the hautrhtiuesn of domination o> mbines itself with the spl it of freedom, juf till en it, si o lenders It, invincible." No stxmger evidence of w. at prog ess society m?y make wlh donee Me slavery eould >e (5e?ire^ than that which the p esent condition of the siaveholding St* tan p* ten's. For near twenty yearn firelgnaad doaes'ta i ntmtes of tceir institution* h?v<> Stored, by pno do h| etch, in excito disc ?otrnt am 'ng the white r*j?, rd ir ?urrecthn am ng the black. Taese efforts have baaen the national government to ItH toundau.ii.s, ail I urst tbe bonds of Christian ur.ity tmong the e iuicuet I the Uiid, yet th? object of Uieir a'tark ? these ii'm ?have soa'cely felt the shock. In survey tog th? Wh>i? civilized world, the eye ree*s not en a Jnglaspot wit re '11 c asses of socitty are so well contented with aeir hoc' t fvs'em. or have greater reason to be so, tfian thes.avh Id iigbta'es of til- Union S'sbility. progress, oraer, peice, content, proepeilty, reign throughout our bo'dwrs; n >*, a ? ingle mldier Is to 'dund in our wi lely eitvmled do main to overawe or protect sociey. Toe det>l e for or ganic chang* nowh< re manifests t' self. Within les ihsn seventy years, out of five feeble colonies, wit"' ess than one and a hair millions of inhabitants, have eme-g~d fourteen republican States, e n'alaing nearly teu mil Ikn* ( (' inhebi'ants? rich, powerful, ed cited, moral, r? fined. prosperous and iappv; e?cn wi-h republican go vernments adequate to the protection ?f puihe liaety and private rights, which are cheerfully obeyed, sup ported and upne d by ail classes of society, vv ith a noble system of internal improvements. penetrating almost every neighborhood, stimulating and rewarding the industry of our people; with mo ai and intellectual, surpassing physical improvements; with clurohes mjio 1 bouses ace c lieges daily multiplying throughout the limd b irgiotr education and religious lnstruc'lon to the houses of all tbe people, they exhloit a spectacle which cLalierges the admira'ion of tue world. None ot this (j. eat improvement and progress has been ai'.ed by tbe federal g verninent; we have neither sought (mm it p \> tection for our private pursuits, m>r ai>proi>rlatina* for our public improvements. They have been effec ed by the uraided ir dividual efforts of as enlightened, m >ral, energetic and religions people. Such is our social s? li tem, and such our condition under it. Its political wi ? dom is indicated in ite effects on society; its morality Dy the practices ot the patriarchs and the teachings of tue Ap< sties. We Fubmit to the judgment of th?civi'.izei woild, with the firm onmictlon that tbe ad ption of no other sys'.em under our cirvumstances woild hav-* ex hibited the Individual man, bond or <ree, lu a higher ae velcpemt nt, or society in a happier civilization. Ceatral America. We copy the following officla' documents frsm the Cen tral American papers:? REPLY OF TBE OOVERHlfEKT OF SALVADOR TO TUB NICARAGUAN NOTE OF THE 3d NOVEMBER L \ST, COMMtJNICA riNO TBE INAUGURATION OF A PRO VISIONAL GOVERNMENT IN THAT REPUBLIC OOJITKFBQl'*, Nov. 22, 1865. To tiie Minister or Fomuok Affairs f^r the Kbpuuuc of Mcaraoca? 1 have the honor to certify the receipt of your estim? ble off ciai communication, under date ot the M last., enclosing an authen ic copy of the treaty concluded tbe 28d of OcU ber last, between the forces of Granada aad Leon, ana giving notice to my government that iu conse quence of the stipulations laid down in the said couvan tien. the supreme provisional government of tbe republic of Nicaragua was in stalled on the uOh of the same uwoth in that city ? the high function* ef President having been ocn tided to D. Patricio Rivas ? an event which le*d* to* people to hope for the tranquil enj >yme.nt of the ble~s lrgs of peace, w'j lch they had bo loni; been sigiiiog for. TnePrtsicent of San Salvador, instructed of this orders me to inform you that as the efforts oi his S ate have been at vaiious times repeatedly directed to bring the parties wbo made war in tbat republic to an accommo dation, it must ueoessarily be very g atify lag to it to dad that at !asr the Nic&r&gu&n people nave a prospect ot en joying tranquility and of consolidating the happiness and proepeilty of thtir State. The government of Salvador entertain* the most a- dent wishes tbat Nicaragua may continue to enjoy those bsne flti, and that Pro>idence, wbica directs the destinies of nations, may accord her dayB of happtnexs aud peace, favoring at the same time the provisional Pre?ident with the necessary capacity to direct his government in the difficult circumstances in which the evenis of protracted hostilities must have plaeed that republic. I have been authorized to reply to you in the ab ve term-, and in rioirg so I have the honor to a?s-ire cbi Minister of Foreign Affairs of the hfgh es'eern with wbi h I am bis very respectful servant. ENRIQUE H jYOS Ministry or i oRMos Affairs of Honptrah, i Cohayacua, Nov 28, 1856 ) My government, convinced of the imperious necessity of asasrirg to the peopls under its oiiection peace an ' tranquillity, aid persuaded that in order to attain this inestimable good, the fundamen al basis lies in the noa> terabie relations of amity with the government of Nic> - rsgua, did not hesitate to take the measures it deems necessary for arriving at this aim, and to this purpose it has nominated as its representative near toat govern ment Sr. lie. Don Manuel Oilindres in order tbat tie may c< nclude a treaty of amity and reciprocal interest bet weou tmth cc.un;ries. My government does cot doubt but that yours will ac cept this arrangement, as it has sufficient proofs of its friendly sentiments, and that it will receive the said Sr. Colindiee in his character of representative near the gov ernment of Honduras, being itself disposed to recipro;ate tbe ariangen ent. Please to bring th!s to the notice of his Excallency the Supreme Director of the republic, and receive again the aasuianoe of my particular es eem and com ideration. JcHB ME/. A. Ycwaras, Dec 9, 1855. To thj MiNinra for Forhton Aftairs of the R?punuc of Nicaragca? Sir? You will have been Informed, by an official dis patch, tbat the supreme government of tbis S'ate has ac credited me as its public agent near that of Nicaragua. I do not doubt but that your illustrious government understands as we.l an mine the ino tape usable necessity of adopting the usuil regulations which tend to c. nflrm the fraternal relations existing between two nations who have the same interests, and must have been animated by tbe same ideas. Peace having been almost simulta neously re established in both coui.tii??, tae necessity and the duty of preserving it muat be equally felt by both. Should it prove otherwise, tue last remains of ti taltty on whicb these countries can rely in their aspira tions for happiness and prosperity, will be annihilated, even without the honor <ff its having perished in the da fsnce of their true Interests; because the bloody wars which have afflicted us, and in wbicn one Ceatral Aineri can State unhappily assails an itLer, cannot be qua titled otherwL-e than as civil war ? tr>e worst of all calimitlex for a nation like ours, which has no as yet obtained a government Lthat suffices the public exigencies aad makes prevail its lights before the civilized wor.d. My go vein rent, therefore, firm m its noble p'oj/ct of assuiing tbe rejiose of the people entrusted to its care, and hoping to strengthen with your State the bonds of a loyal amity, bated on the principles of reciprocal utility has not hesitated to entrust me with the mission of which the minister of Honduras gave you notice. In order to continue my journey to the seat of tbe so men e gavei nmeot of Nicaragua, 1 want but the acknow ledgment of my reception and a sare conduct to render effective the immunities which the right of nations ac cords to pnblic ministers. Tbe populations through wbiob I will have to pasB mast naturally be under the In fluence of the warlike excitement which has lately per vaded the republic, snd I deem it necessary to have de livsred to methisrafe conduct. I pray you, sir, to give notice of this demand to tbe Pre sident of your State-, to communicate to ine his re?olu ti' n. and to receive the respecful oonsireration with Which 1 have the honor to be, your fai hful servant. HAXUKL COUNDiU',3. Rkpubuc of Nicaragua, Ministry of For. Affairs, \ Granada. Dec ^0, 1855. f To Senor Con Mantel Cou.vdrsm, OIBtial Age lit of the Bupreme Goveimaent oi Honduras near that oi Nica ragua:? To- day has been received 1>7 the ministry under my ' ebarge yrur cMnmunieatlon of the 19'h ulr., enclosing that ol the Ministry of ^tatc ofHotduras, under datu jt the -8th inst., which accrn.its you an represent* ive ol that supreme government to the reputilit of Nicaragua, in older tecomieto an agi*emei.t on lie llxeu and irri jia bie basis ior assuring toe fraternal relat ons ot both ctiun'ries, soUcitipg at tbi same time >nur a Emission aud a rsfe cenduct to render effc c'lve tne immunttius ac corded by the right of cations to public ministers. Having communicate'! the above to the Provisional Pre sident, he baa ordered me to ioloim you that, the ore sent aamimstratkn of Nicaragua pro'essing, as I d es, tbe principles of amity and g. od unders elling with all nations of the world, nn<l in partlculwr with the other re publics of Central Axerlua, is disposed to aJaut whatever representatives they may ch<*? e to send, proviilod they he competently authorized. In this rcspeci. Sr. Co indres can pursue hi* jouruey to this c?pit?l wherever he deems it convenient: and although I think the safe conduct you ask for unnecesaaiy, I send it to you in couipliauce with your desire. Ihe present opportutity is agreeable to nse, hecau-e it uinishes me occasion to sign myself, for the first time, y our nest attentive and obedieut servan*.. BUKSAVENfUfU SLLVA. RFrLY OF TH* MINISTER FOB KOREION APFAIRS OF NICARAGUA TO TH* ADPRUSS OF HR. MANUEL CARR AHCOHA, TENDERED IN THE NAME OF 8BVUKAI, CITIZENS OF OUATKMALA. Granada, Dec. 31, 1865. Fr. How Mamix Carrarcora ? I had the h< nor to i w ire and to communicate to th# I rc, visional l'iei>ldent the addremi you handed to mn on ?he 8th December, wherein, In the name of your M ow ei*lten?, jou congratulate the supreme government on <he peace obtained in Nicaragua by the triumph of demo cratic principle*. Tre l'ro?id<>nt instructs me to tell ym that he receive* with sincere pleasure the oongratula lli no you have presented to him: that as the dilferent sections <>f Ortrsl America must he considered as one family, Mc?r?gua entertain* no other sentiments in re spect to Goal* mala than those of the most Intimate fra lernltj ; it deelies f<r It. nothing hut the h easing* which make a people free and bapry: and Inspired by tli^^s Hen tin ents. the goTernmtnt of thin republic hope* ite con duct will me/lt the ealeem and sympathy of to.! good citl len* cf Guatemala. Wl'b the reply to your address It gfres me pi aiftre to aasnieyouct my e?leem, and to sign myself your re fpectful servant, BUENAVENTURA SELVA. The iMttcrn Oanuineltl Convent [Frcaa i ha Rio mond Dispatch, Jan 31 .1 This booy Mt at the Afri an ehuron. yeaterrUy ?| o'clock, u? number ol delegates Ming much ami tfi *11 ??? expected on the ooj*?lon but will no doub Increased to-oay by tha arrival of tha earn ihe church bad baan neatly arranged to rait tha < vention, a larga and nandaome pla Jorm being prapj for tha President, Vice treatments and Secretaries, I tha bodv of tha cbunh laid off (or tha various deli ti< n?, Virgiaia, South Carolina and Georgia being a ?d the west wing of the eburch; Arkansas, Lou Miat-i-sippi and he Eisi iot oi Colombia, tha oentral u aac North Care Una Florida, Kentucky, Tannaaaee, si nrl and Maryland tbe eaat wing. A', half pa-t IV o'clock, Mr. Richard 0. Morriss the meeting io ord-r, and, at tha requeat of thr Coma ee of Arrangements, nominated Joe. Mayo, Esq., Mayrr of tha oi'y ?> President, pro. tem the question being put, Mr, Mayo waa unanloaou eleotco and oa taking the caair, tnua ad uaoaed tha < T'O'ii b:? (?antlemen ? Id taking tbu place for a abort time, I the purpose oi aBaiMng au organlsati >n, I am not | peoiea to *ey anything relative to the objects of thia i Tt-niiwi . 1 w< u.n b? a nay to tha non-resident deli >n attaccano, tha1*, on tie behalf of tha ciiy of BK'bd, 1 tM dar '?hem a moat cordial welome. 1 1. hoaever, that the incleuiency of the weather, whith 1 i reveuted tha a'len'ance of many delegates who woi| otbeiwlae h?ve ix-en '.era, will render their viaita I sgreeaoie th*n we da^gatd .bam to be. 1 now take i ???at and am ready to tecelra any proposiUona far bu At?a hat may be desirable. Oil bfiai oi i ># C o.i. itfea ot Arrangements, Mr. Ml lirii w minatvd ?< hi-tm. Wm. R. Isaacs and Jamaa A. Col aidin aa Secrata'iee pro um; and tha question being pa be> we<? uu?nitD'> H? piec ed. Mr Mi,kk>h <h:n illeied the following resolution, wk whs adnpi4d: ? R-eni?ec, roat a o muilitee of fifteen be appointed! nomine' e pei menant officer* for the Convention. lbe q eet'ou w?s pa' , aid carried in the afflrmativ 1 tbe appotn ui'-nt of the c jnunittee, tha readll cf be liai ?f daUykiaa was oal.ed for and read aa f] lo?>: T A orth Carolina ? Messrs. Edward 6. Haywood, Waltl Omtu J B Oiob n aid M. P. Taylor. Muiyi una ? easr". W, R. Barker, Thoa. Fawoett, A. ! Bairn er an < Ireocti Tigb man. Lin mi ana? MiJDB.De Bow. 'ftxar? Means. Ibomas J. Green and W. L. Caineau.l M\ uwi?Hk. Tbop. t). Bay. f it hut ol GthtmCia ? Meagre. Robert Ould and J. Very, ? ? Geotgaiowo; Messrs. John T. Towers. Richail Wailnch mUb H Bill. Jobn A. Sinton and Tbomas Bj| ly, i f W?, hug <>n I i'ffinio ? Messrs. Henry C. Ward, D. Hume, Fend Maroeuy, CharDs W. Uli icoa. D. Funiiten, George .. Bit-ut A. W. Mot) i.ald, R K. I ving. Tiomis M. B tndJ rai t, W. W Foib'i? N. I). Morris, w. W. Perkins, Oeor; W. Sixi ?, Al- Xaudrr Monaiey, J. W. EppoH, Hugh J U J hn K, Vi ail, J. J Morton, H- A. Wood, L. Vaugbaij G. W Ricliaicroi , Austin Wiite, N. A. Thcnp^on, A. . Mni'b, *. A. Itoiii eon, W. t. Chandler, E. P. White, T U. er.ill, tha-. E Hans, Uyer Myeri, Jno. E. Doyld E. r Harm, F H Maya, Roit. M. Wiley. D. B, Lavua W. C. Hu- e,Wm. Kiuut-j, J. B'an iebarg N. Klnoey, Wm Kli'g Hci-lell M Chapman. F Gregory, Jr., Bolira Ctrioiian J. H Lacy. I'b mas Ma thews. J. P. Laitcb,^ W. Uo^b?, a er?U Mchaa, Kendall Griffin, E. G. Clay, w C SpottH Hei ry Cox, R. W Styil, Wm. M. Gillespie Oh as W Hussfil, C. V. Murdaugb, K. B. French, Yatts, W. J Hawks. John C. Page. Henry R. Johnson, 1 R. Haimar, Joo. H. lie Jarneite, Horace L. Kant, E. 1 Cnattbers, T Can lug ton, Wm Townes, J.G.Boyd, J| McI)onald, M B. Nowlin. E. D. Christian, F. B. Deaildl Jr , Iboix.asC. Thacks on, Tboa. Flood, W. J. Hawks Iboe. R. Pi ice J?? R An dei son, Isaac Davenpert, ^r. R Archer R. B. Haxall, Sam. J. Racharford, J. B Fer gui-on, Jr.. Wm. B' Isaacs, L. W. Glaaabrook, Wm. F I-u'ler. W. M. Elliott, H. W. Fry, Wm. H. MaclSarland Wyooban Ronertgr.u, p. T. Daniel and S. Fontaine. Mr. licKKK C^bbington moved that the convention ad journ until to morrow at 12 o'clock, so a? to enable gen tlen en on their way >o arrive and take part in the orga BZiiic n. The prei-eiit at*cndan oe is too small to transac' ai.y butin-aa, anc It otber| delegates did not arrive, h< ?bcuid look cn the a- aeiob;?gs as a failure. M>. J. H. Gibbo.n, if North Caro.ina, thought the Closi of the slim atti'n ancn attributable, in part, to a rumoi in circulation in the South of prevalence of amallpox it Ricbniond. atd partly on ace nut of the extreme aeveritj o tbe weatoe , whicu rendered travel very difficult. Hi did nrt b-neve that it ?aa for want of istereat in the ob jects rt the convention that prevented the Sauth Uig mlly reprt-i^n ed. H . wi. H. Macfaklam) suggested that In taking tb< ??te il tbe reFOiution tor adjournment, none of the Vlr ginia d- legation Phonic voie; and the propoaitlon beinf agreed to, llie 1'repir'ent put tbe qneation, an^ it was carried li the sffirma ive by tha f liuwing vote? Ayes 11, noea 8. So tha cjnvention adjourneil until to-iay, at 12 o'clock The Seaaon. [From the hashing' on Globe, Jin. 29 ) It 18 ban ly ne emit) to lefer to the authority of thai myth of the eea'her, Mr. E Murium, to show that wt have patted nh'ougu a co.d term? one that ha* hardl) mw rem ext*. iem-.ed in ibis regi n since tne winter a 1788, when ih? Cbrsapeahe bay wm cro^s-td in wagixA sndi . at previous atu er when, assorting to Vtrginii chronic em, it ?w cold en- ugh to freeze ??inter regtm d Trginom." At. i be raron time we feel under great obli gations to Mr. tienam, a- ?e 1 an to alt other BCieuttilj mm, lor their ]? gicai observations, and hare n< coubt that, if dll'geatiy pur ued and accurately record ed, they win fumieh material for a more acau.-ate know leoge tban ?e now have >t a subject that cones home t< eveiy man's bueinest and bosom ? the weather. If the weather as it !? commands our.attea^iun tne weather as it is to be is ot like importance. How loag i a this 'cold term" to continue? Is tt nn.iortanc in its financial anc loliticai view, an trell as in view of its effects upon out fruit cr pt. ? We b?ve good authority tor the assertion that the frost a* in ihis vir.inity d-? tiojoe v.nee, shrubbery and fruit ms. ihf observations of Professor Page on this flub ect are conQtmed by our own. Pr lessor Page writes *s follows:? The ii jury ?u<ie to ?ege ation by the intense cold ol this winter is already probably greater than has evet been known before in tnU latitude and locality. As s genera* thing, apiic t trees are so far Injured that Aw Will suivive the sh<xt. M\ own trees are eottrelv killed. The grape vines are severely ii j'tred; rose bushes and nuny Fbiub- that have |sM>od tour or five past winter* are liiJe-j ontnght; peach trees which made rapid' growths are much hurt. The Paulcmia imperiali* pro inked us a magnificent show ef flowers next spring, but the flower t>u? are frozen to death. These are enJy ? few exsm lee of the effects of the eold visible At thli ttroe; but what will be the state of things after a thawl The anticipation isglo< my enough. Fitm 'he Lcu'svUle Oouritr ot January 18, ws take the follow inc: ? Tiie Fkuit Kiukd ? We expressed onr apprehensions fever a 1 1 a) ? etnee that the recent excessively eold wea ther ban been suflicient to ki.l the fruit bads on peach tucs. Investigate ne made since have satUdei us that th?ee frath were well grounded; and w? may all make up our n ires to do wit bout peaches, apricots, plums and cLerrlee the roming -eason. All tbe peach buds we haw examine! were killed, and several of our fruit growert bsve to d us that their investigations led to the sanM^ conclueion. One gentleman, however, near i ha city, lr nndei the Jmoe sicn that but few of his peaches and cherres are injured, and this is the only exception we kave heard of. Throughout all the West and Northwest the thermo ? meter w?s low erotgh to produce the same effect as here. In Southern Kentucky at d Tennessee, and at the East, w t premise the fruit is will injured. ' ' Tbe Madison (Indiana) Banner publishes the follow ing:? UnttL Hill, Jan. 16, 1854. We lave bad news to report you respeiting the fruit crop Tbe peaches are all killed. Tae apricots, plains and cherries, I think, have shared the same fate. Yen re, wi'h respect. R. W. TODD. We learn from the Alton (Illinois) Courier that at a r eeting of the Alton Horticultural Society, on Saturday Ian', it was sta'ed hy Dr. tiall, others oonfirmlng the rtstesent, that on examination ot the fruit buds of peaob trees, in tkat vie nity, it had been found that the re cent revere eold weatber had destroyed the promise of a yield of this luscious fruit the coming season. In y < st erdey 's /t> UUigrm cr, Processor Page, of this city, states, that cn rhuisoay morniog. the 5>4th inst., ther n i meters in this city it dicated two or three degree* te'ow zero at seven o'cock; but at G rat ten Cottage, his le. idence, boith of the city, near the Montgomery turn, p I e ? ate, the thermome-er indicated fourteea degrees wove zero. Riding into 'be city that morning, h? en c< uttered a belt tf sold air at Boundary sfeet, which ifl b?1ow the hlil. The ootd. he sa y*, seemed to Increase as he appioatbed Pennsj v.inia avenue. On Saturday morniig he found that the thermometer in this city bad ncicaud ftrm d-g cee below zero at >even o'clock A. M. 'the diflermce in temperature he ween the two localities, only a ml e and a ha f apart, wan thirteen de g'te* or f-atur 'ay mon>iig, and on I'nursday morning it wih*ixt< en degrees 1h?r*tipcn be iiraw the conclusion that " if lieut. Marty s systtm of seteorologcal ooeerva ions had been in ojert ii d st this ttmc. it would have been highly ln teitf ii^finu important to trace out the limits ot thls( n ei ee ui.n lo?*a' old, lu<\ to letrn its true oause. Thi4 very maitid difference of temperatures shows the lm l>i r *t>c)- 1 f fca'betltig o Hetvations ' rom numerous and cca'^iec i btiervers, und hat to single report o?n be re liable ior eiiytntrg u.oie than the preoi'e situation of a ft i gle the i n>on e er. For lnstacoe, an observation at the i Bulb*. Men In?ti ute rr the Na;lonal t boervatory wil ot nt>e tl e umpe atute for the District of Columbia, or < tm u l.i. g'on c tiniy, nor even can an extendea relies ot obteivattonf at bo?e inftitutions furnish-tuf 1 citi>t e ?n>en's for re?uolrR the mean of temperature or Ui? linittd ertioty Five or six observers, at least, would te i (quired to give a reliable mean for Wash ing' on alone." It s'l'ke. us that 'he phonomena of tbe difference of 1?mteislute le'ened to ts owing to the difference in tbe tl?va'U<n sbvii e tide water of ib?! diffe. ent looallties which Dr. 1 ege indicated 1h<is, wi bin tbe city bouodaries, th?re le a ruccfxti t> of three pla'.eaus each rising above the other ?Ld in <he lowest of tbeee the co d was thff mot severe I'asfing lv unwary street, we have another ? lev at ion, and theie we find a more moderate tempera (ii'e. Thew i*er of this bss repesteoly noticed, during thd aet ihlrUen >ears. tbat 1 is teaches (In t.oe north part of the rt'y) weie desirryed by irost,, when the peach t:ees < n the l tgh rsr ge nor li ot the city produced abun dant crops lie niM. n was, that It was colder in the in ie depieesed than In the higher localities. Nkdimpxa l.YQifinTUKK^ -The Honpe recently pssftd s ri-st mttrn Mqiiestiiig the Governor to repalrim niedistely fo ??hirg' n. to look sfter the interests of 'b? yt m g Tenitory. A lew dsjs stnoe that body admit ted to his fe?t a taer.iy-xiverith membsr, from some d'sltlet ot lin.'-breefis atio It dians, whose election waa ui ntitlioiizid hv th G' veinor's prccltma lon. The i'< ui cil rwuftd^lo c "jcia'e with tke House whilst this oigsifted sr-f* cinvtiutrd. The Uouse, finding 'hat n thing couln be done, induced the No. 27 to re sign ?nd tow matters ne sgaln in no'i n. In on* Hf.ufe a bit! ha? j.ataed foT e ectiug a penitentiary at T< b, Burt ctunly. ti ls have been introduced into brth Hi ui m for i ear a dtten banking institutions fo J dlfftrcat towns and cities la the Territory.