Newspaper of The New York Herald, June 7, 1856, Page 2

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated June 7, 1856 Page 2
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? to?l ?.od?, ?:?, tali. and ?v?n thnntfci *p4 ughl axng. To-asy ih manner, with a bright (an. The Aiab,? ha* arrived. i aimer ? trial - 'ill etinilane* to increase o lntere-d. It rea. sdeont cf the trial of kUdame 'MS?.-ge. 14 ><i Adolphuf lY.zelarenee is dead He *t? the ere el if up William TV. ax; I ihe eelebra'eo klrt. ..erdxo. THE SEW niBITfSE LEW. laperta.it Debute In the BvlUeh Parliament ?n tm w? m Maritime Policy of Europe. la ihe 11 nee > f Lord*, vi*j ?, lord CoinamK reeved a *e-ie? of reeo ntions reipee' Kg the eomme-ee ol aeatrale in time 01 war, netting forth that the 'gbt ol etpturing enemies' gxels in neu tral ?ee??~'n had b en aoispteJ be the moat eminent jari?t? of ail mrec. a* a principle of interna:/ >nal law and an tnheren: right of every belligerent power; that the abandonment of thi* right wan a serious injury. espesi ally to a pcwe> whose main reiianoe was in ita naval s--. Crioii'y; tha. Great Britain, thcngb occasionally waiv I ibe rignt cy sp? ido treaty, bad never sur reorerel it. bo', on the coarraty, ha 1 oenstan'Jy re hired to concede the principle which successive g.vern mecte had conceived to be identified with tae na tional greatnetr, and. litally, that the Honse deeply ?egret to find a piinciple ho ?trenuonily maintained hod been suddenly abandoned at the late confeiencee ?a Paris, wi:bout the previous anowiedtre or sanction of parliament by plenipotentiaries, a-eemoied t > dUcu-t the terve cf peace with Russia. In supporting tbeee reeolu. tione, the noble Lord entered et some length into a detail el tne renditions under which the maritime law of na tions Qed been exercised in previons tiiuee cf war, and argued the: the principle involving the right to search Her and conn scale the goide ol an enemy although shel tered by a neutral tieg, was sanctioned both by thetaeory nod practice of interna'ional Jaw, and that its surrender nad eerii.nsiv compromised tne naval supremacy of the United Kingdom. Besides being objectionable in fact, the change lately etfeo'ed was, he urged, yet more ques tionable in the mo e of ?s accomplishment, having neej antborusd by a meeting of diplomatists in silence and alwieet in seeresy, tehind the back of parliament, and without tht sanction 01 any oi the constitutional autho rities of the country. the Karl ct Clakkmpon said?The noble lord having due me ibe honor to meke particular allusion to me in the eocr.msoc-nient of his speech, I beg to tender him my beet acknowJebgments lor the kind tenner thai pervade.t his aliotfons, as well as for the tone oi good temper to which he has brought this question un.'er your lord snipe' consideration. Never wee a vote of censure pro posed a a more urbane -pirlt, or with mom polished wowrtesy. (3*iir, bear.) I shall one savor to imitate ?he exam ple 01 the nolle lord, by carefully avoiding the rotrodncion ct irritating topics, which It would ill be MMOoe me io import into this deba'e. and waien can no where t>e more oatot place than <n discassing a question of gre^t national importance. I trust, however, that I .D til be able to eonvicoe your lordships that the -eeolu trensof the noble lord contain statements nut quite c >n ?urten* w :h the fact, and that you would not be consult ing either the honor "r the interest of England in pledg lvig yourselves to the principles he advocates. Tco noble hid lays It down as a principle That the right i? seize eunmet' gocds under a neutral flag is so closely ?c terwuven with the law of Europe, and so ne:essary to our sa'aiy as a great maritime power, that it would no-, conduce either to fur dignity or the welfare of England io nurencer it. Bat it you affirm this dootrioe, you must do eo to an absolute tnd unconditional sense?yon must give it no liinitxtiea cither as to place or time?yon must aeeept It everywhere and forover. and this 1 cannot but tkio* would be a most nnwise and unjudtcious proceed Kg where mutation i? tbe visible law of F.jc/e'y, and where everything is changing around us. More particu larly wioJo it oe nowise aul irjudicious to take such a ?curie with re poet to a matter which the noble lord bimxei: admits has oeen reeeaedly altered to meet tbe exigencies of the times, and against which all tue great maritime pewers of the world have constantly and crn elriently proieeted. It is true, as tne noDie lord ob serve e. . ha' the nrst declaration announcing that the pw.de ol an enemy under a neutral flag w?re lawful prizi of war is io be found in the Voniolwo del Mate, a trea tise written In the Provencal toogue in the llith century. I think that we sbonld always bear in m.nd thai jur.sts are apt to state the law simply as it is, witaonc making ?Wierence to the law as it ougot to be; *mi. cipseq neat ly, we shall find jurists of the time of Urotius defending in* rlgtt cf belligerents to put women to drath tnd :o kill prisoners after surrender. (Hear, hear.) We can, however, no m*re reiy on jurists in defence cf such prac tices than on the opinions of eminent lawyers in this country who formerly supported by argument and autho rity r?m? oi the worst p.rs of our penal code. (Hear, hear.) The seb'e lord hes quoted the judgments of emi nent men in this country, more particularly on interna tional law; but I thlhx that we have no m.rs right to presume that their ocinioos would now be the tame on international lav, which Is founded on reason, justice and the common coment of civilized nations, than we have ?o suppose that the judges who formerly supported ?one cf tbe worst parte of our ceoal code would now maintain such opinions. I'pcn this subject the eminent men of former days would now, It they lived at this day. take into consideration the great changes of policy, 1 may sav of morality, which are constantly taking place, and which necessarily cany with them great changes in the intercourse of civilized nations. Nor can I altoge ther admit the principle laid down by the noble lord op poi tte, that we are justified in resorting to extreme mea sures In order to hasten a period of peace: for I consider all inch generalities dangerous and that by a rule nt that kind we might be justified in resorting to some of the most barbarous ussges. (Hear, hear ) Neither can 1 admit that in war we are to'oe governed by other prin ciple* than those which are adopted in the ordinary transactlr ns of life. War may b? mitigated by hnmamty. and a heavy responsibility weighs on t aoee who have tbe power to mitigate it, and yet refuse to do so. The noble lord, in his resolntions, says that all modern jnrists have been favorable to the pranciple he lays down: bni, since the resolutions have been laid on the table, 1 have looked Into the wnftings of eminent men of authority? such as Buhner, Kayneval, Martsns. Chit ty. raroessue and Wlaeaton?and all those writers con tended that. t*M principle laid down by the nobie lera was a relic of bxroarous times, and ought to be re placed by the principle of "free ships, free goods." It has been, and still is, the object of civilization to miti gate the a iseries of war. and to define and ex'end the rights of centrals. By land we should think it disgrace tal to seize toe p-operty ot neutral ana peacatul pa mens, bet that It! not the ease by sra and we even give licence' to hueaniers to seize property. There is no assignable reason tor this difference, except that toe acts committed by sea are less under obseiva' ten than thoee eommltte 1 by land: and the force of opinion is less brought to bear cn the termer. The present state ot maritime law is indeed little different from Its state in barbarows ages. The eariy age* ctpl?d It from the Romaa law, which was net the law of naikinp, but the municiple law of Rime, which 1 hey were justified in apolvieg te their own sub jects. Tbo=e, however, who oopied that law, and wish to applr It to neutral! appear to do that which tbey have ao right to do. Bell geients have au unquestionable right to blockade the potts of an enemy, and to prevent tie enemy being supplied with munitions o1 war, and ti? neutral* who break the blockade, or supply the enemy with munitions ot war may lawfully be intered with, because by 10 do.ng they asandon the character of neutrality and impartiality. If, however, they fulfil the obligation of neutrality, we hare no claim to interfere with taeo. Br the present law cf Europe, howeeer, we cannot deny that neutrals bdve a right to go to the parts of the ene my, which are not strictly blockaded, or of the blockade cf which a public and sufficient notice ha* not been given: and we cannot deny that they have a right to trtde there, except with contraband of war It is true we hav., hi.n erto claimed a more extensive right and delegated it to fcueanier*. whore only object was plunder; the only dif ference between them and pirates eoosist.ng in the fact that they carried a royal license. It is against the viola tion of the neutral Sag that neutrala constantly pro tested. and would, if necessary, always resist, having reason and justice on their side. The noble lord la h's resolutions says that the right to seize enemy's goods ia central vessels has been occasionally waived, and he <iuote* three treatise in whieh the right had been waived. The fist English treaty on record which contains the ptin eiple "free ships, free goods" ia that ot Westminster in 1664, between John IV. of Portugal and 'llirer Cromwell. In the 13d article of that treaty it was declared?That all the geods and merchandise of the said rep ublic or king found on board the ships rf either or tneir people or subjects shall remain untouched." This treaty was con tinued by the treaty of Whitehall of 1681?it was recon firmed in 1703, and remained in force until 1810, when it was annulled by the treaty of Rio Janeiro, For 158 years, then, the invariable rule of our intercourse with Portugal was "free ships free goods." With France, in the yeer 1877, ws concluded the treaty of St. '.ermaln en lays, theftth article ?' which treaty declared that, "mer chandise of the enemies ot the moec Christian Flog shell ?ot be taken or confiscated if they are found on board the ablpe appertaining to the subjects ot (treat Britain, though the said merchandise mete up the best part oj the whole lading of the said hip*, but still with an exception to contraband of war,"' and similarly with regard to the merchandise of the enemies of Oreat Britain on board ths ships of the most Christian K:ng Tn?e <'.i[.uiation* wero Mm rale of our amicable relation* with France, as establish ed by treaty for the next 116 year* from 1677 k) 1793 we concluded with Fraoee five '.reeiieaot peaoe and three treaties cf commerce, and in every ine of they <except that of Ryswick. which makes do mention of the matter, and only lasted five years.) there I* an article which either expresily contains the provision that the bags o'. England and France should protect the goods of'h*ir re spective enemies, or whieh renews the treaty of f tri-eV which lays down that provision in the lullest manner That treaty Is to tills day ths bads of our commercial re Jations between Kngiacd and Spa n and France and r-pain With Spain our first treaty which recognised the rule o "fro# "hips free goods' was in 1666. From that time to 1798 we concluded thirteen treaties with bpatn, in every idM of which there Is an article to that effect, -r one r? newirtg a treaty which contain* it; therefore, for the 131 year* ending with 1796, the rale of our intercourse with t-pain, as established by treaty, was '-free !hip?. Ir*? goods." The treaty of 1814 ratified and continued al treaties af commer* which subsisted between England and 'pain in 1796. It is declared bv the 17th art-ele o' the eiinmercial treaty af ( trecht between England and France, that? It aball be lawful for all the subject! ol toe 'jueea of Ureal Krrata, and >1 tin m ?t <"hristian King, to ml' with their ship* tops with all maimer of liberty and security, no distinction be ng msde who are the proprte'irs of the merchandise laden thereupon, from the ulaer., ports and hsvrns of thoee who a-e enemies o: both, or <if either party, without any opposition or dUWurhanoe whatsoever, not only directly lr<m he places of tbe enemy aioremendoned to neutral p'.ace* bnt %>?> from one place belonging to an enemy ao another place belonglag to an enemy: whether they be usdar 'he jurisdiction ol be sami prince, or undersav era!. And It is now stlpu Ved. noncerain < ships aed roods, hat free *hlps shall also give freedom to roods, sad Iha*. every thmr shall be deemed t i be free and ? ? empt which shall b* found on h'?srd the shit * belong.ng to the bBhiec-sofei her of the cntifederates although ;he whole ad ng oraaypart thereof, ahou d appertain to the enemies of eiuier of laehr Majestic*. c-miraband goods Mng a;ways -r cepted. The 17th article of the treaty of comme-re of iTtrec'. ?u rtpMted verbal! in fn th? 20tb article o? th* 1 reVjr of Commerce of Vt rsaiiles, of 1786. This treaty terminated with the war of 17J3, heretore, from 1"~7 to 1793, the ail bat lav?ria.de rule of onr frleri ly intercourse with Fr?nee? tbe rule for a' least 75 year, out of 80 years of pease?was tha' free ships shoal 1 give freedom to goode. J'i* aor'by o'remark tha' by the ?: mwrci?l trewty of Dtrech* rf 1T16, wbiah continued io force, except during the penoon ol war, (or the aubfequsnt 80 yearn, the nuv rectn ef one per'y wsre e? titled by treaty to carry cn the erast-ag end colonial trade ot the enemtew of the other party. With Holland. we oonol?ded varioun treaties, kegisBiog aith the treaty of Bula tu 1697, all ol' wttieh eoutaiaeO the role, end there wera continue t down to 1780. In the Interval between 1661 and 1793, we were rti 'iiuei at war with France, seven time ?uh ""pain -nd three times with the United I'rrvinoee of Hci.e.d, and we terminated thoee ware by eix tr sailer with France, seven wkb -pain. and three w>'h lie I and, all of which recognised the rnle. Dnrtng the rame anoe wo ooncluoid with tho.e lower* and with Portugal eighteen trea'ies o? cjmweree? In all thir'y-fcur international engagement*?in all ot which, with the ex ception of the trea'y with France in 1687, and the treaty wMi Holland a 1784. the principle wee re; gnued that the ships of i Be party being sea ml sbould make the goods carried by tbtm (Ntttl also. I therefore do oot th*ak that tbt re can he anythirg Ineonsisteat with the honor and interests of this country io reoogoizlng at the eid ef this war a rnle whien we hare eo trequently re cognized during thelaet 1:5 years in conjunction with all tbe great man line Powers It is periec y true that these ergegeroente were frequently eioiated, and by none more flagran'ly ihan by ourselves In lb93 in conjunc tion with tee Dutch, we declared all the French p rte blockaded, and we leeer seat a single ship to enforce the blockade. We declared, by our deereee. that there should be ne trade between France and her eolonies. and we entered -r to a league wi?-h Russia, I'rnssia and the Emperor cf Werrsany to prevent any such trade beicg varnei or. The noble lord himself said must truly that the Fiench and Fxghih gi vernmeaf*? after the French Revolution, which in reaiity led to all the->e Infractions of international engage menu. and wi hout wh.ch all the treaties to which I lave -elerred would stilt be in force ? Lombired together and vied with each other, by order* n cocnc'l snd by the Be-lin aid Milan deerres, tn viol&t eg to their utmost a 1 the rights of jartice entries ol .n ernatit nal treaties. That was a prae ice which the do hi* lord has c imeeif eondemned. lord Coii Hester? l condemned paper blockades, ex cept as a retaliatory measure. The Karl of Oijiiumiioy?'The different measures taken by the Northern Fowere st ?ari:ua periods "bowthfi: anxiety to resent these violations, an iney ware consider ed. of in'ernational law. They concluded between theni -elves forty treaties, intbuty one of which the principle "free sbipe free goods'' was recgouei. The I nlted Slates immediately alter the Declaration of Indeaendenee concluded a treat* with Sweden, which still exists, and they also concluded a treaty with France, In both of which the principle was recognised. The Unite! States have r.iso concluded treaties wi'h the different States of South Ametiea. as they declared their independence, n allot which the principle was recigmzed, with this re servation, that it should be adopted ny roth belligerents. In ivt eon-He of the last two centuries one bundled and thir'y inter rational ergsgerren;* have been made between tbe principal powers or '.he wcr d, all of which, except 11. '.he rule "free ship* free gocds" 1* contained. What I deduce from that is, that in time of war, in the heat and animosity of wrr, men lay abide this principle, but wben under the influence ot reason anl judgment they never hesitate to denare that that should be toe ru e of civilized nations. And yet the first thing which your lordship* are called cn to do after the cjnc!u?ian of this war. is to pronounces judgment which shall condemn this on virsa'.ly acknowiecped principle, aud reverse the rnle we have always ohwrved in concluding treaties What was the state cl things wben tte war commenced ' It was indispensable that our co-ope ration wltn France Hhonid be as complete by -en as by land, but the pricci pi?i of the maritime law of the two countries were die metrioally opposed to each other. The French reipect enemies' goods on beard central vessels, but the? cm fi cate neutral goods en board ea-mlea' vessels, while we ccutifca'.e enemies' goods cn board neu'ral vessels, and respect neutral goods in enemies' vessels. It is need Ices far me to cilatw on tbe eorfuslin which would have existed If each Fewer hail continued to hold to its own principle. Ttere must have been tbe grett tsu oissentlona be ween the two fleets , all eo oaenulon wcuid ha. el ten unpois'hle. and the neutrals would have had tbe gieetatt right to complain of the different treat ment which they received from the French and English cruisers. Between tbe two there weu'd have been no loophole ot escape for them. The only rational ciurse was, 'hat etch should abandon its own system, and that tbe maritime code of the two Powers soou'd be assimi lated. (Hear, hear.) And now, my lords, let me ask. barirg one* waived these rights, was It pcssible for us to return to them' This ia not a question cf law?not even of international Jaw?tui or policy. Frery other1 ma ritime Power in the world his protested against our practice, and at the commencement or the war England was the only Power which upheld thr right rf seizure If your lordships ould he aware, a* 1 wae, of the anxiety of the neutTal Fowere at the commencement cf the war to know wnether we meant to maintain our old rule, you would under-taud tbe mpor'aoce of the subject. Almost daily inquiries were addressed to toe by the represents:.ves of trie neutral Powers, and though I oer'ainly cannot say that ihe maintenance of our i.rroer rule would have Jed to another armed neutrality, it wae quite plain that we should have s'ood alone m the world?we ahould have had every other maritime Power in the world against us, and most properly sc?became we should have been maintaining a law which was contrary to the public opi nion ot tbe world, which wae hostile to commerce, and as unfavorable as possible to a mitgation of the evils of war. We should net enly have st red alone In the woil 1 ? but it was quite clear that we should hare been at war not enly with Russia, hut with eveiy otner maritime Power in the world. Whenever there has been a war be tween maritime Powers K*gland ha* been a principal. The Fnited States, which have almost always been neu tral, tnd are naturally looked up to a* the protectors of neutral r'ghts, and your lordships will recollect the difficulties in which our matn enancs cf th: right iDTOived us with tbe United States in 1811. The tornege of the United State* was then somewhere atout 1 OC'O.O'/O tons, but last year it was no less ban (.300,100 tons. Would the Americans have quietly -ubmi'ted to the imposition of our law and practice.-' :-hould re, no your lordships think, have allowed anv ration cn earth to inflict serious injury upon u* in carrying out a law which we do not recognize? 1 will read to yi ur lordship* tbe note of Mr. Merer, acknow ledging ibe receipt of the order in council, issued at the commencement ot this wari? r WAKTXZ.ST OF ("TITE, WaSHISUTOX, April IH. 18S4. The UBtanlgBeg, secre-sry of sus'e, n?s had the honor to receive tbe note of Mr. Pramptnn, Her Hrtuaonlo M je* ?'? envoy hxiraerduiery Bid Milliter Plenipotentiary, ot .ue M >?t , acoompai led bv the declaration of Her Majesty the 'juetn of the United Kingdom of Great Hr tiln and Ireland in regard 10 the rule which wlii tor the presem be ooeervcC to wardi thoie Powers with whom she is at peace In the Mining war with Kurala. Tte uadergtgned has submitted those communicat ing to the President, ana re--sivo<l hie direction to express t j Her Mxjec ti '? government h ? eatiafactlru tnat the prinelp'e that "tree ships make tree goods," which the Uni ed States have si long ard ?o btrenucua.y cortended lor as a neutral right, and in whirs some of be leading Powers or Huron i have concurred, ia to have a qualified sanction by the practical ob<ervance of it in the present war bv both Great Britain and Prance -two ot 'be trost powerful t adoni of anroce. Hoiwlthsianalrg the sincere gratification which Her Majes tv's der'aratlon has given to tbe President, it won d have Ntrn enhanced if the ru e alluded to naa beea annouoc ed as ore which would be observed sot only In the pre sent. btr. in everv future war m whith Great Britain shall be a psrtv Ibe .ncondiiioca: sanction of this ru'.e uy the British and French governments, together with the practical < iiservance ol it in the present war would cause it to be hencefirin rvoogn'zed through iut the civilized ? rid as a general principle of intematior ai law lhls government, tronu ,'s very comtaracemeit. baa labored for its recognition as a neutral right. It hag incorpor'ad It in tntny of Iw treaties with lorelgD Powers. Francs. Russia. Prussia, and other na tions nave, in various wars fully cinctured with the United Ftates ip regarrtsg It as a sound and salutary principle, in all respects proper to be incorpoiated inlo 'he law ot nations 'the same c insldsrauon which has Induced her Britannic Ma esty. in conenrrst ce with ihe smperrro: the French, to pre sent it as a cr Dcasslon in ihe present war. the desire "to pre Mrs* the c nunerce of neutrals from all unnecessary obitruc tlon," will, it is presumed, have equal weight with the bed! geronis in anv future war. and satisfy them ihst tbe c'alms of tbe principal maiitime Powers whileneutra! to have it rec g rlzsd aa a ru e of intertatlonal law are well lounded, and riiould be bo loLger ( untested. To settle tbe ptiiolwle tliat "tree ships mske free gods," except articles contraband of war, and 10 prevent it from be.ng ca.led again in questk.n from any quarter, or under any clr cumstaicea. the Uait*d states are dentraus in none with other Powers in a declaration that it shall be onserved by each here after as a ru e of International law. The exemption of the propertr of neutrals, not contrabaal. fr>m seizureani cent!(cation when .anenon board an enemy's vessel, is a right now generally recognized py the law ol na tions. The President is pleased to perceive, from the deslara uon (f her Britanrlc Majesty, that the course to be punned by ber cruisers will not bring It into question the present war. The undersigned is directed bj the President to state to ber Majesty's Minister to this government that the United Slates, while claiming the full enjoyment of their rights as a neutral Power, will observe H e strictest neutrality to wards each and all ibe belilgecents. Tbe laws of thii country Impose severe restrletl?e**not ? nly upon Ita own citizens hut upun all per sons who ma v- be resident* within any of the territories of the United Mates, against equipping privateers, receiving c im missions, or endstlsg men therein, for the purpose ol tab a g a part in any foreign war. It ia not apprehended that there will he aov at empt to violate tbe laws; aui ahomd the just expectation of the President be dlmppnlnted. he will not fail In hie duty to uae all tke power with which he la in vested to en ? torceobedicDOe to them. <>inatderations ot iatereit and the obligations ot dutv atihe give assurance that the citizens ot the United States will In no*ay compromise the neutrality of their country by participating hi the contest la which the prin cipal Powers et Rurope are now tiihappllv engaged The undersigned, Ac.. W. L. Ma ROY. I most say that I think that that is a very moderate and a ssry dignified note. But II that were the state of things in 1964, I would ask your Isirdshipa wnetber we have any reason to suppese tint there wiU be any change now?that civilized nations have retrograded?that hu manity has disappeared or that anything has occurred to render lew s ringent or less obligatory the motives mhicn imposed upon us the necessity ol passing the order in Council of 16641 Those who know the mode in which that order in Council was received by most of the oeu trsl Powers, must at once admit how important It is, and bow dangerous it would be to do anything to chee- the t: endiy fssling wbieb was then created. But we have never yet exper meed what the application of ou' own doct ines to ourselves would be. ,-uppoae that France and the United States were engaged In a war in which wo tool no part, and tha* a F rench ertuaer stopped * Liverpool (hip in the Channel with a greet quan tity of merchandise in her, and the cruiser be ng too small to take the merchandise on board, tooi. the vessel Into port to uni>-ad ber, what should we think of a law which sanetioned such t state of thing* f CHear iu-ar i Believing, then that it would be quite impossible to revert to our f' reier policy, we thought that it would be wise and politic, and exne iient, when we were uncer no compulsion, and our motives could not he rais uoderatood, to meke thai, declaration In the hops that we should -hereby mitigate the evils of war. and should con ciliate a friendly feeling among the neutral Powers and I ibink it must be admitted that tbe law ol nations, which s founded upen the juj na/urit, and the communis conossetzi gentium, preecribedand justified tbe dec aration which we made, (Hear, hear.) Vonr lordships are called upon t>r 'I s resolution to express ynnr regrei that ihe Plenipoten tiaries assembled at the Congress of Paris should have am on need the abandonment of this practice without tbe k nowledgeand censemtr.f tbe Parliament, but if tnere be any princip eofour constitution which is more generally known and more universally admitted than another. It is the right ot the Crowe to conclude trea.iee withother coun tries without tbe knowledge or consent ol Parliament; aed for th;s, among other good reasons, tha' if yon irad to secure the sanc'ollt of Parliament before you wia .e a trsa'y. von never could mage a treaty at all. Flo you think if the articles Of this treaty, or even the has's upon which it. Is founded, had been submitted to Parliament, 'hataav such t'ditv wonM ev? r have been signs | c?n "oil your lordships t) at it vis not a very easy r,s"er to ae* mpllsh, eren with a dozen negotiators but if a thousand bad been calk-! la, with the addition of the datiy newspapers, it would have been qutte impwaible. (Bear.) 1 have (tad to your lordships' a Ket o' the va rious t-eaiwH which have been entered into by th.s eoun try, renouncing that very principle; and with regard Co no one of them wan (he sanction of Parliament ever asked, or the prerogative of the crown ever called In ques ion. A? to our right to oonciudn aucb e treaty, I will read to vour lordships what I am eure yon will con sider a very high authority. I*ord BtoweU eayv:? Purltsmei t tee real] j roihiae w> do wlih the matter. TLe cr~wn, which decleree geuiral boeti'iUea, can tmn their opo re Hoc. aa i again it le indubitable that the king miv. .f oe p e??e?, give an curmv'ibertv 'o Import-ha may by hie pre rogative of deelarlns peace and war p ece the oocntrv >f H >1. lane in a ata'r 01 amity or. u fortiori, he may exempt any m divdual ir< m a mate oi" war. (Acton's Hepor', 318 ) Moreover, when the order in Coo noil was pinned, tte sense of Parliament was takea by an honorable and learned gentleman, a member of Doetors'-oommons (Dr. I'hilJimore), who asked the other Home of Parliament to reeolve that to surrender or renounce this right would be inconsistent with the honor and security of this ciun try. A'ter a short debate the House of Commons was upon that occasion counted out, which shows how little the Honse thought thai the sanction of Parliament was repaired. Your lordships are further called apon to ex press your regret thst A p.'ineHle so long and eo sfenuouily maimalued should. In ilie recenicnnfrrences at Parte, have been suddenly a van ooned, wtihmt'be previous sanctloo nr hnow.sge of Parlia ment, by plenipotentiaries assembled for lie purpose of rtts c ussii g ise trrmson wturh utate wiia itusaia mi*h: becoa eluded, and ihe ali'ajs of ihe hast satisfactorily adjusted. Now, c f coarse, 1 am 'he last person to compU n of '.he ensure being uiads as general as possible, or that all the plenipotentiaries are included in a resolution which, 1 ptcume, was inteided to impute blame to Lord Cowley and myself, but I think tbet yoor Lordshiss will have rome cifhcultj in p'aetog upon record your regret that all the plenipotentiaries should have renounced a principle to whfh their governments objected, without the sanction of the Parliament of Hreat Bri-ain. (''Hear.'1 and a laugh.) In pursuing the coarse woich we have done in Patis we have adopted precisely the course which was token in Yienne?to which the noble )crd referred?when all the plenipotentiaries agreed l?> that memorable declaration or which they affirmed flat the slave trade was a scoutge which had too long desolated Afrtce, degraded Europe, and afflicted humani se, ai d that measures should be taken lor its repression. If we had confined ourselves within the strict Unties of our mttributioDS we should have left unsett sd many im portant matters, which, although they did not relate to our quarrel with Russia, it was most desirable should be arranged. If we bud acted upon that rula not a word woule have been said about Italy?not a syllable would have been ottered upon the principle of mediation; ami yet I oelleve that by the discussion of that snbject we have opposed a rew and not insigai leant object co war. (Htar, bear.) Bet Ltrd Cowley ard myself dll nit heel a'e?of course wilh the consent cf her Majesty's government?to eflix our signatures to a declaration which charged a policy that *< believe! it would be impossible, as well as against the interests of Lag land, to main'air?taking tare, at the same time, that France renounced a principle to which we had always objected, 'bus placing our maritime law exactly on the same foctiig, and giving an adcittonal security for .he maintenance nt ottr alliance, coupling It, moreover, with that provision with respect to pri'ateeriog watch wfli be cf tbe utmost benefit to a commercial nation like Frglind, lor i entreat your lcrdshlps to beur in mind that the provisions contained in the declaratiea must te taken in their entirety, both bv the c intruding parties and by the Powers which may be invited to aocede to them; and I say that the abolrion of privateering is more tban an equivalent for the abandonment of a claim which I kuow it to be impossible to sustain. (Cheers) 1 beg joc to remember that the abolition of privateering?which is little less than licensed piracy or bucaniering?the tiuitful source of iniquity and misery in their worst form?is offer g-eater importance now than at any former period. When the merchantman and the privateer both depended upon the wind firthtir power of motion thsy were comparatively up m a foou'ug of equality, and if the former were the faster sailor sue could escape from her enemy. But the greater part of our commeroe being still carried on in sailirg vessels would be absolutely at the mercy of a pri vateer moved by steam, however small; and 1 think, therefore, that the abolition of privateering will be of toe utmost ar.vantage to a commercial community llkj that o'KtglkDd. i ('hours.) Moreover, when we have given up all our protective nutlet and are rapidly Increasing our foreign imports? whsn we have abandoned our mo nopoly ot the colonial trad'?in short, when we have re noutced all those pretended rights and clains?each ot which has been in turn a British pallidium and bulwark ?(a latgh)?I think we may teconetle ourselves to having given np a privilege which ws could not maintain, thereby doing mnch to mitigate tbe miseries of war and bring about a cordial feel irg among nations. (Cheers.) Without tronbling your lordsnipe with any further observations, I can only say In conclusion that, it 1 hare shown that the most eminent jurists have not been in favor ot the prin ciple contended for bv the noble lord opposite; that that principle may safely be renounced because it cannot be msintaii td without serious injury to England and in volvirg us in bcstili leg with other nations; that Eng land has not only ocoasionally waved, but even form ally unequivocally, and without the sanction of Parliament, abandoned it; end that there was nothing new or Irregu lar in the proceediogs ot the British Plenipotentiaries at Paris; then I trust your lordships will concur with me in rejecting the resolution of the noble lord opposite. (Cheers.) The Earl of Carnarvon supported tne resolutions, anc strongly condemned the polljy of crnceeslon on whicn the government had acted in abandoning a 112at which ought to be maintained as a protection ag sural fraudulent neutrals. The Karl of Barrowiiy contended that Eogland had en(Tered more injury from the practice ot privateering tnan it had been able to iiflist by tne same means. He de'ended the coarse of the government. 'the Earl cf Hardwicke thought the effect of tbe article of the convention might prove very disastrous lerta' .e.-; a* an Englishman he i egret ted that conditions so dero gatory to the honor of tag'and ehou'd have been accepted at l'arls under French influence. The Earl of Amiemarle could see no distinction between an enemy's property on neutral territory, which oouit not be seized, and in a neutral ship, which made it lia ble to sefzare. Tbe law, be believed, was what G.-otius and Vattel stated it; but it was not justice; and when they wrote th?Te was not an Anglo-Saxon people on the western shores cf the Atlantic, numbering almost as man; millions as that cn the eastern. It had not been proved that any injury would be sustained by th> aboli tion of the right ot search. On the contrary, foimer at tempts to etloice it had greatly injured the commerce ot this country, and France had had to pay a mihi n sterling to America as an indemnity for losses eaussi I by the French exerclie of the right ef search. Hs to aghc the convention an advance in eivllizatiod. flesh mid vote against the resolutions. The lit kb op Arcyll said the policy of the government was fully approved by the commercial interests ot the country, cn which its naval mprsmacy was founded. The more he considered the subject, the more firmiy he was convinced they lest nothing, ana gained much by tbe present convention. The principle of the right of search had been con ested by many eminent jurists, and no jurist had asserted that the right was just andeqnita b.e. Tbe law of nations was made by the practise of nations, and that aid net allow the seizure of an ene my's property on a neutral territory. The right ot estabiish'.rg a blocaade was sufficient against all tue na tions with which war was possible. England gave up a right it never could fully exercise, and retained every power required to carry on war effectually. The Earl of Iierby protested against the course of tbe government, both for what it had done, and tne mode of doing it. The convention, they were told. us ?i> meyj, bat it bad the force of a treaty; it was asserted that tbe ministry, taking advantage of the forbaaraaoe displayed towards it. had gone to Tarts for ene avowed purpose, and. without notice, without the knowledge of tbe public, had done something far beyond it. The con vention ot Vienna, condemning the slave trade, was In accotdanee with a strong feeling in England. Could tnat be said of thla convention f It was an aban donment of the naval supremacy ot the country, and, had its terms been known, would have bten generally denounced and rejected. A rignt that had always been considered the n 8i* of English power had been abandoned, and Eogland had not even taken the lead in what was called the work of hu manity, the declaration was proposed by the French Plenipotentiary, Eogland had tollowed in the wake of Franoe, and the nation was completely surprised by the sudden announcement of the concession. The right so abandoned had been strenuously maintained by Lord North, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Grenviile and Mr. Canning. These were not ancient aathoritlee, tnoogh they lived in day* when England was not afraid of standing alone. He denied that the old jurists merely stated what was tbe law of nations on this point, and had not dsftnded it, they showed why the rfgut ought to be asserted. By giving it up England lost the power it possessed, and would not gain the friend ship ot those it attempted to conciliate. He contended that without this right the mere power ol establishing a blockade would be insufficient against a powerful enemr; he should rejoice to see the practice of privateering abolished by the consent of all nations, but be would re ject the abolition as a concession from the nations of Europe to England, which had the least to dread from tLis usage; the consent of America they had aot obtain ed. If he stood alone be would support the resolutions, and give every Peer the opportunity oi recording his opinion o' the policy of this convention, against which he solemnly protested, as derogatory to the honor of the country, inconsistent with its interest", rod fraught with danger to its lutnre greatness, power and safety; a convention which he could only dca, nate as the humili ating Clarendon capitulation of Paris. AJtsr a law worcs in explanation from the Earl of Cla rendon, Earl Grey thought the best way of testing the value the right of search was to ask how It had worked. It had bsen found almost impossible to ascertain what was the properly of an snemy In neutral ships. The diffi culty fblt in the war of the Trench Revolution was ex treme: but with the present development of commerce tb? system would In practice he intolerable. The right was always so evaded that it was worthless as a means of injuring the enemy and to make it efficient they would actually be compelled to make war with tbe whole world. They should look at the question unin fluenced by feelisgs of national pride and as sober ststeimen. Thia he thought the Earl of Iisrby had not done In the eloquent and effective commonplaces of his sj^eeh. The attempt to enforce the policy of which th's right was a part had caused the greatest disasters both to England and France; the war S'apoleon declared on comm-ree by his Berlin decrees, etnoroiled him with Rus sia, roused the hatred of (lermanv sgainHt. him, and was the ultlmats cause of his rufn. He approver) the conven tion, a? based on a better snd more humane policy. 1-arl Guaryillb read a letter from I.ord Campbell, re peating his former opinion that the mode m which the c it ventlon bad been agreed to was perfectly constitu tional. Is rd Cot'hr-tkr replied, and the bouse divided; there (pieared, for tbe resolutions? Con'ent fifi Proxies 45 ?102 Not centent , 88

1'rtxles f<8 ?158 Majority against the resolutions f<4 T " Hosse then sojourned. Ctatral Amtilrao Policy of ? ngltnd?Wlli the location be Settled by Arbitration. [from the 1-cndcn Post, (o?;Tal.) tlay 19. J The situation of atfars La Central America, to whi*k we hare felt it to be oar dn'y of la'e to call rah io attest! in. appeal e to be watched with the ltvelieet latere*t at Washington and at New York. The character, the pro jeo'.s, and the chance* of euicrs* of General Waiter a-e eagerly discuised by all cla*see of |>)litlclao?, and rtfn In tbeS-naie be ban found aile and energetic supporters. While, on the me band, .oe inp eite government hr.s hithei'o repudiated all connection, direct or igdtrec:, with that pe~sonage, there are no wanting locators at Wathington woo p'tMdy express tbelr admiration of hie conduct, ana Identify th-unielve* with tue ooxsl ana hazardous enterp'lte in a hie h he is engaged. While I'reeident Fierce affects to rega'd him a* >. tree booter who bae set the law* of hie country at defiance, hie admirers represent htm as a man o! the roor. ea lightened and comprehensive <i?w*. who is de>tined to eonquernnd to pacify all Central America and eventually to aniei It to the great tranaat antic repuoiic. That the Utter is the ultimate ohject which Waiker has in view is more than probable, aad the uninterrupted success which he met with in Nicaragua was precisely of a na ture to encourage ruoh higa expsctali me. Laudiog c a the shores of that State with a mere handful of loltow ers. he in a rsmartably short time mads himself i s master. The principal route which how connects the Atlantic with the Pacific was in his hands, and hi* sac cess, of oeurse, brought followers from all quarter to hie standard. But war is an ascertain game at all times, ai d more eeoecialiy each a war ** that waiob his reckless ambition has kindled in Central Ame rica. He can only hope to hoid bis ground by maintaining the prestige which oe won last year io Nicaragua, lint that he has a ready lost. U is uiffi ;ult, trom the ocnfiicting statements that have reached ns, to ascertain the true poaiiicn o! affairs, but that Ills nusca upen Ccs'a Klca has not hi herto proved laccetsful i* abundantly clear. Since he commenced hoatililies with that State we have details of three different engagements. Ae to the l?sue of the first, there is no question. Oo that occasion OjI. SchlcssingeT was oimpleiely defeated, wi h the lots of aboat cue-half of his followers. In the two subsequent encounters both fides appear to have olaimed the victo ry; but ia ibe latt Walker, who eommauded la person, leit one hunrred and fi.ty men on the field, and he was compelled to retreat .mmtdia'.elj after the battle. We most tear in mind, toy, that this action was fought nponlthe territory ot Nicaragua, and not upin that of his enemies, that the lattsr should have thus successfully attacked him od his own ground ia a sigiificant fast which says little either for bis generalship or for his ohanoea o ultimate euseesa. Ia the meantime, m? learn 'hat troops are advancing to the -?cere of action from the th-*e States that lie to the north of Nicaragua. It is said that Honduras, Guate mala and San Salvador are all r?solvei to m?ke common cause with Cotta Rica ag?iast Walker and his filibuster - ers. We trust that this in elligence may prove true; lor fuoh a coalition would, at the present juncture, have **ery chance of sucsesr. Walker's followers ure both dispirited by (efeat, and disgusted with their coin', because he has failed to fulfil the promisee under which they were ioduced to join him. He engsged. it ap pears, thai each of his ?iuntryraen should have two hundred end fifty actee ot land as soon as they sst foot In Nicaragua. inptead of acy snch prorlsiin they find themselves hemned in en every sids by resolute enemies, who regard them as pirates and out laws, and treats them as such whenever the fortune of war gives them an opportunity of so doing. We need not he 'urpriecd tbat, under these circumstances, a serifs of atrocines unknown in civilized warfere have been com mitted upon both sides. Lriscners have been put to dea h in cold blood: and it is said that women, and even children, have been brntally ma?saered. We cannot ex peer, from the nature of the struggle thus commenced, that these horrors wl 1 dimmish as it progresses: and nr. therefore earnestly trust tha' the joint '[forts of the Central American States to expel their lawless invader* may be crowrnxl with speedy success. Shoubl they /ail, we can only loot:for 7icio and still more dangerous complications in that quarter. Meanwhile, a serious duty devolves on the government of the Unl tea States. It has sxp-esely and emphatically disavowed the proceedings of Walker. It did prevent the sailing ot bis first er.petition from Iran Kraucisco. Get it now give an additional proof of its sincerity, and of Its desire to restore peac* to Central America, by taking prompt and effectual means to prevent the fa: thsr embar kation pf recruits for Nicaragua. That these have arrived at Gieytown in ship loads during the the present year, is an undoubted fact. That tbey should have sailei trom American ports with the knowledge otthe authorities, is hut too probable. We are aware of the laxity of the American law with regard to such matter*, but we believe that if the government is sincere iu i s desire to nut down filibusterism. it has the means of doing so in its own hands. It is impossible that vessels freigbte 1 with armed men can leave the outp.irts unknown to the authorities. The government at Washington t?ok very good care to prevent recruiting In any shape for the B 1 tish armv during the late war within the limits of the States. Let it show the same amount of vigilance in preventing American citizens from j fining General Walk er, and we shall quickly see peace restored to those coun tries, which. through the wild ambition of that man. have been filled with bloodshed for the present and are threatened with anarchy for the future. [From the London Post (official) May 23.] The statement of Lord Clarendon on Mondav night, re latlve to the alleged interference of the British govern ment In the affairs of Coita Klca, was entirely satisfn; tory. He said that since Waiker had main btmsef mas ter of Nicaragua, the fdj lining States oi Antral Am?ri:% had made many urgent representation* to the Ministry of which he is a member tor assistance and protection. These States naturally apprehended that the success ot that adventurer would lead, aooner or later, to an attack upon their independence, an anticipation which lias been already verified, and they were anxious that B-tt%tn thcnld interfere to prevent aDy such attempt. Lord C'a retd'n stated tbat to all these representations a deaf ear was turned, on the ground '? that the British government hadnotbitg to do with the affairs of Control America, altbrugh they were sorry for the attacks mods on Nicaragua. They also said that they bad the more reason to deplore those attack* because the property ef British *ubje<-'s had been, not only endangered, but sacrificed, by Walker, and therefore they should be very glad tbat bis buccaneering enterprise should not he ried farther; but witu any Interference with the affairs of Central Ameriea they were determined to have notning whatever to do, and that all their action would be limit ed to sending just such a naval loroe to the coast of South America as would be sufficient to protect British interests and British property." He further stated that it wai not true, aa bad been alleged ia the American papers, that arms had b?en supplied to the government or Costa Rica, although some correspondence had taken place on the subject, and that government had a claim upon the coxsideratiOD of the British nation on account of the fidelity with which It had always observed its en rriffATr.Antii We leeri), moreover, from Lord Clarendon's spes ch that the government of the I'nited States has expressed Its entire disapproval of Walker's proceedings, end its ear rest desire to see tim and his followers summarily eject ed from Nicaragua. In a recent interview with the British Minuter at Washington, it appears that Mr. Marcy spok to this rffedi and he added, what is but too true, that the progress ot fillbusterism in Central America had cast an imputation upcn the good faith of the Cabinet at Wash ington which he was amious to remove. So far, nothing could lie more satisfactory than the sentiments of the American Secretary as expressed to the British Minister, and forwarded by him tj his superiors. But. unfortunately, these sentiments differ so essen tially from the statements which we find put forward in American journals, that we are indueed to doubt whether. In this interview, Mr. Marcy expresied the true views of his government, although we do not doubt that he ex pressed his own. Indeed, it has been broadly stated that there is a difference of opinion between him and the Pre sident upon this very point. The latter, it is eaidl, being willing and anxious to recognise the government oc Walker, and the former being opposed, at least for the piesent, to so hazardous an act. We must also bear in mind, with reference to the declaration of Mr. Marcy, thai if his government were as anxious to restore tranquillity to Central America as he professes to be, they have the means in their own hands. It they really desire to put an end to Walker's mischievous career, let them stop the recruits who are every day leaving the United States to take part in the struggle that has now commenced. If the law will not allow them to do tbie, the sooner they alter it the better. It Is Impossible that, while it remains as it Is, they can re main on terms of amity with their neighbors. The atti tude, or rather the variety of attitudes, assumed by the United states towards Central America at the present time has exposed them, as Mr. Marcy has trnlv stated, to suspicions of the most unpleasant kind. We have offered to refer to arbitration the disputed Interpretation Of the Clay ton-Bui wer treaty, and a most unrea sonable delay has taken place In replying to this simple proposition. We wish to see Walker and bis compenions expelled from Nicaragua, and Mr. Marcy informs us that this is a consummation no less earnestly desired by htm. In contradiction of this view of the case, we have ominous rumors of the Intention of the cabinet at Washington to recognise that adventurer as soon as it may appear expedient to do so. Then w? learn that while on the one hand recruits are leaving the ports of the United States by hundreds for the scene of action, American vessels of war were, by the latest accounts, employed, along with those of I ranee and England, in blockading; Greytown. Conduct so un dignified and so inconsistent may be the result of very profound policy, but ft is certainly not calculated to inspire eonfldenoe in the American go vernment. It is now time, however, that its sincerity with reference to Walker should be tested. It Is time that the anarchy and bloodshed for which he and nis followers are responsible, should be pat an end to If Mr. Marcy desires to put a stop to tbis disgraceful state of things, let blm co-operate with the British go vemment for this purpose. We hare already stigges - I ibis course as the most satisfactory that could be adopted, and wo are glad to perceive that this view has also been expresied by Lord Clarendon. Nor Is it at all probable that any armed lnterven'.ion would oe necessary. The expressed determination of the two governments to put down all buccaneering attempts upon the independence rf the Central American Stales would at once convince Walker of the hopelessness of his enterprise. But will President I'ieree commit himself to this wise, straightforward course ? The antecedents of his admfnis. tratlon lead us to entertain grave doable upon the sub ject. He must not offend the Houtherb democrats on the eve of an election: he must therefore and await the pro gress of events. Meanwhile Walker appears to be en trenching himself at frans a, on the like of Nicaragua; while hie enemies are closing in upon him from the North as well as from the South. The txmely intervention tf th* two qrvrrnments, therefore, would save mw h unnecessary lAooilshed; but for the reasons we ha>*' stated, vie do not an ticipate se> peaceful a solution of the present struggle. [From the London T!m?s. May 23.j The contest of Costa Rica with Nicaragua and General Walker's filibusters Is cf Itself a forcible comment on the present state of the Central American '|ueetlon. Thrown back upon thetr own weakness and confusion by tbe mutual jealousy ol the two great Powers, tbe small rtates of ''entral America bare ceased to afford due pro tection to life and property, and thu subjects of the two great I'cwers themselres suffer in the general disorder. Thus, stern and solid fkcts are compelling that very alli ance of the two Towers which diplomacy i delaying and impeding and, while men are arguing and disputing tbe de jure question, the de jacto Towers of the two grea*. Northeru Amernsn governments neem likely to be sgMEtntl to the i-ceue of dlitifbgntp as a ct"e o.' simple recesetty, I*ud Clt-eudcn concluding hi* speech the oihei even,ngwitb the remt h that *' under tae cir cumitkiicM, there could be no be'ter plan than for th* government of th* L*nited States end tns'British gav ernmeot to combine together lor the promotion of the property cf the citizen* of both countries." Ntvei < o facts administer a sharper rebuke to diplo macy thin they do in the present icetince. For six year* t?s the g< yernmen'. of the United rtate* b'ro tr gulDg the question of British '.ght to the least iragmeut of Influence on Central American ground, and tne mere vicinity of a British settlement to the Central Ameri:ai c ant hue b??n protested sgiinst with a scrupulru* jea losiy. Well, we have humored our neighbor*' suspi cions. We have icrupulounly abstained from all acts which imply British authority in Central America, and when one of our naval cfl.cere enforced on a refrattory American vessel the harbor due* authorized b? the Mosquito government, and paid bv all other vessels, we did net support him. We said we had nothing to do with g ivemment in Central America, and that the Mosquito government must collect, its own dnei. So Central America has been left to itself and has now been quite lndepeurept, as regards the two great governments, for some tears. And now what is the re mit with respect t - the prospect of any real independence to those States ? While governments have been hanging back, individual enterprise has been forward and auda cious. A citizen of the United States has possessed him self of the government of one of three States. General Walker overawes by an army of lillibusters the native authorities of Nicaragua, and invades Cos '-a Rica with the Kiearsguan Hag. Thus, two Central American /States are at present thieatened with an American domination, not owned Indeed or recognized by the United Stats* govern ment, but still, in lact, American. General Walker is nut forward by his own press a* the future regenerator of Central America. 1 he star of destiny Is in the ascendant, and It sends 'crth a bright and glorions train, pointing out a brilliant fu ure for Central amerlca. Coeia nice will be the first iijoln the pro cession, beeping e'en to a new and lively marcn. Tboagntiess ly has ?he entered die ring, acd her conquest will be as sure a* fbe coming day Am ment-iry succesiha* bsated the ima gination of her so dlers and swelled her aoticipatioo into un wonted proportion*. The " msn of destiny" is at the head of the Nicarsgsa troops, and era the Costa it loans are aware he will be un?n them with the avenging sword and ibe deddly rille, to wipe out all tlsa ters and sweep away every foe There is no such word ae tail with Genera) Wa ker, and the brave troops under his command are all oontident of the vleto ry. From this time forward then wfll be no halting, no ho'd ing up, no rest for the enemy, until bin country is overun and bis caslial bow* to the IIag of Nicaragua Ooata Rita has taken the sword, and the sword shall be her portion. Dree not such a state oi things as this call for a speedy settlement oi the Central Am?r;een queation and the dis pute between the two governments/' What real difficulty is there in the way of such a settlement i We have ex pressed ourselves ready to give up the Mosquito Preteo Urate as soon as ever a sufficient guarantee can be given for the sa'ety oi that Indian tribe to wMcb our honor is committed. One p int ot disagreement, then, mny be eonkicersd as already disposed of. With tespact to our occupation and colon'zatl .n of the Bay Islands, we are wllliDg to submit that to the arbitratioh of a third Pow er. A petfectly unoljectioDable way, then, of settling the other pcint of dispute is provided, after which the quarrel is over. ' Did Mr. Buchanan object last year to arbitration on the ground "that It would be difficult to iind au impar tial umpire, as we bad gone to war with their arbitra tor, the Rmperar of Russis?" Well, that objection, at any rate, is no longer of force. We are not at war now wi h the Knperor of Russia, and therefore he Is at liberty for the purpose of arbitration. Tne United States cinnot suppose that he will be partial to our side of ibe question: and thece'ore, if we are ready to rceept his arbitration, they can have no otjec'ien. A power so recently our autagonlst in a severe and sanguinary struggle, and now smart ing with the sense of a humilia leg peaoe. will not, at acy rate, be too much disposed to favor our interests; r gid justice, as It is all that, under any circumstances, we ought to expect from any umpire, is all that we can possibly expect from such an umpire. A war under such circumstances is impoisible; so long, at any rate, as the American government retains any respect for European public opinion, and does not abandon itself to the vio lence and prejudices of sn interior party in the United States, with whom jealousy of England triumphs over every consideration of policy and justice. Or will Mr. Buchanan ray again " that there is nothing to arbitrate." anl that "he dees not consider It a ques tion for arbitration''" But such a position as this is plainly untenable. In a dispute between two powerful and Intelligent governments, it never can be allowable for one side to say that its own case is so clear and self evldent that it will not submit to arbitration, bat will have its own view simply yielded to. Thla is to assnme the whole question. Of oouse, the United States govern ment thinks itself in the right, otherwise it would not dis pute these points with as. But that is its own opiniao, and no more. Opinion most bow to the offer of a fair judgment upon the question, otherwise all justice between nation and nation and between man and man is a", an end. In civil justice each party thinks itseli in the right, but the two submit to a third party, who iB the judge and in international justice the principle is the same, for when tbe two parties or governments eannot of themselves arrive at an agreement they mast go to a Judge or arbi trator. unless they settle tbe dispute by arms, which is to Bettle it, not by justice, but by force. Does Mr. Buchanan thick the language of tas Cleyton-Bulver treaty " so plain and explicit" ag not to need arbitra tion V That is tbe very reason why he ought to wish far an arbitrator. If the case Is so clear on his side the arbi trator will of eonrse see it, and decide accordingly. The Sound Dues. The following is the protosol of the Danish proposition for the redemption of the Sound dues, to which the gov ernn eniH of RuBiia, of Sweden and of the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg have given their adhesion: ? lhe government of hie Majesty the Kmperor of ail the Rnssias and of his Majesty the King of Sweden and Nor way having adhered to the propositions made by the government of his Majesty the King of Denmark relative to lhe redemption, by purchase, of the Sound and Brit dnes, the delegates of their said Majesties, as also the delegate of Denmark, in the negotiation on the dues have agreed to make a present deslara ion, by the present protocol, of the different points arrived at that by that negotiation. Although the government of his Royal Highness the Grand Duke of Oldenburg has also adhered to the said propositions, the delegates of his Hoyal Highness in the negotiation on the dues could not take part in this act, being absent frcm Copenhagen. The delegates of his Oanish Majssty, in recapitulating the proposition* which he made In the conferences of the 4th cf January and the 2d of February of the present year, states them as follows:? Denmark renounces the Sound and Belt dues In con sideration for a compensation of 36,000,000 of rix dollars (ligsmvat) on the following conditions:? a. The 1 purchase shall iociude all the Towers Interested iu the enmmeres and navigation of the Sound and of the Belts. Ihat the abolition of the does may become obli gatory, the purchase must be agreed to by all the Towers represeatel in the present negotiation, Denmark reserving to itaelt to treat separately with Towers not represented. f>. The said sum of 36,000,000 rix dollars shall be con sidered as on pensation for dues on shipping as well as on cargoee. Toe dues on shipping to be regulated ac cording to flag; the dues on cargoes to be divided by one hall on imported and the other half on exported mer chandise by the Sound or the Belts. The payment ol the quota which, according to table N. B., presented la the conference ol the 2d cf Febru ary, will fall to the lot of each Tower represented, will be assured to Denmark in such mincer as will seem to It satisfactory. Iu ths conference held on the 4th of January last were present the delegates of Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Franse, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Truasta, Russia, and sf Sweden and Norway. At the conference of the 2d of February, in addition to the abovenamed delegates, the delegate of his royal Highness the Grand Ddke of Oldeubnrg was present. The delegate of hie Danish Majesty repeats the deslara tion already made by him In the Conference of February 2, that, accordmg to the precise orders of his govern ment, the sum Indicated above ie the minimum of the indemnity which I ten mark thinks she has a right to ask lor the abolition of the dues. Conformably to the principles proposed for the dlvi vision of ths eventnal indemnity the quota for which tba different Towers represented in the present negotia tion shall contribute to the said sum of 35,000,000 rix dollars are:? Rix-dollars. For Denmark 1,122,078 3.21 percent of 36,000,000 For Austria 29,434 0.08 " " For Belgium 301,466 0.86 ~jpami For Spain 1,020,016 2.01 For Fmnee 1,219,003 3.48 For Great Britain. 10,126,866 28.93 For Norway 667,225 1.91 For Oldenburg 28,127 0.08 For the Netberl'nde 1,408,060 4.0J For l>russia 4,440,027 12-69 For Russia 9,739,993 27.83 For Sweden 1,690,603 4.66 Total 31,692,776 The rescaining sum of 3,307,224 rix-dollare (alls to the charge of the Powers not represented in the present ne Satlaiion, inasmuch as It was able to specify those owcr* in table N. B. The delegate of Denmark declares, as expressly under stood, that the governments adhering to the propositions which he has made shall only be eventually responsible lor the quotum falling to the charge of each of them, as In the division indicated above. The delegate of his Majesty the Kmperor of all the Kuasias renews the adhesion of the Imperial Cabinet already expressed by him in the Conference of the 2d of February, as well as regards ths principle of the reden, tion as the mode of division proposed by the Danish g^t eroment. lhe delegate of the Kmperor at the same time declares that the Imperial cabinet coneents to contribute to the redemption of the Sound dm s for the quotum falling to the charge of Russia s.oeordlcg to the above Indicated division, provided always "that all the l'oweas repre sented in the present negotiation consent also on tneir part to the same conditions for the redemption of the Sound dues." T delegate of Denmark accepts this reserve, declaring It to lie conformable to the views of his own government. The delegate of bis Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway declares that his government accepts the propo sitions of the Dutch government, as weli as regards the principle of redemption as the amount of indemnity claimed by Denmark. The delegates of Russia and of Sweden and Norway point out to observation that the mode of payment ol the different quota must be the subject of a special negotia tion between Iienmark en the one hand ana each of the contracting Powers on the other, reserving It therefore for a private agreement to fix the method and term of payment of the quota tailing respectively to the charge of Rusaio and of Bweden and Norway. The delegate of Denmark adheres to this observation. finally, the same delegate hating pointed out tba1. the present negotiation Is temporarily stopped in consequence of a difference of opinion whioh has arisen between the Danish government and that of Her Britannic Majesty, that, consequently, the labors of the Conference on the dues might remain a long time in suspense, the length ol which it Is impossible to fix, the delegate of Russia de clarss, "That the adhesion of the Imperial government to tiie Dauish propositions! as defined above, ahall remain In full force nntil such time as tie Copenhagen Cabinet itself shall decJare tbe negotiation broken off, ar:< shall withdraw the rrnp s tlons It h*? mce." Tho df'tsnt-e of Dsn mark having sxpresiel the Hatiw faction with which he takes note of this declare'! to, end vhe rfc.egete ol "-'wedea end Nor?ey heviag declared thil he was convinced he won d be an:nori??110 make e simD ler declaration as acrn *s he should have received in structions which, the case not havlDg been foreeeen, could not have been given to htm before, tae preeeat delegates agree to leave toe protocol open for the eventne) adhesion ot the other governments treating with Den rr&sk fora i nal settlement <>ft ieSmndand Belt question. Done at Copenhagen, May 8, 1855. BtUHUE. TENUOBORSO, LAGBAHEtU. A letter from Berlin, apparently of a aeml-oflhiial character, In the Hamburg Gtrretpundeni, s'ates that the Ituss'an government h exerting itself to brto^ the negotiations on the qnes ion of the Sound dnea to a satis'act"ry issue be'ore the expiration of the time fixed by toe United States for the cessation of their treaty with lien mark which, having already beeu prolonged for two months, will finally lapse on <Jie 14th ol June next. At the present moment the situation ot affaire la?as the writer affirms?that, with the single exception of E> gland, all the mari time States interested In the question have a toe? ted toe proposals ot Denmark for the capitalization of the Sound duos. It ie incorrect to ruopuae lhrt England baa declined asoedlng to the term a offered, bgt it is true that the BrDish government have not yet com mitted themselves at all on the subj'cr, altbnugn mora than half a year has elapsed, during which tfcer have had full time to take the matter into tbeir serious consi deration, and to sound the intentions of other govern ments. Prussia has at length taken up tha question with energ*, and at tbla present moment negotiations with Denmark are beiLg actively carried en. It ie not expected that the United Slates will content to toy fur ther prccrastinatlcn. but that the queetion will really ome to an issue on the 14th of next month. The Secret Bmropean Treaty of the 15th ot April. The yord. the Russian organ at Brussels, contains the following artioie on the subject of the treaty of April 16:? The French Moniteur has confirmed the account given several days ago by our private letters, that Baron de Brunow would rfmain provisionally at Paris charged with a s|*clal mission. This nomination, and the delay which takes place in Rassia sending a definitive repre sentative to Paris, appear to excite the attention of the Solitital world. The delay io the arrival of the Russian lit ister who will reside definitively at Paris is by some connected with the treaty of April 15. We consider these political deductions as altogether que-lionaele. We ad mit that the treaty was not expected as a necessary event and that Its publication has caused some astonishment; but we are convinced that the French government has given, as to the bearing and meaning of that comment, such explanations as will sot permit any one of the allien ol the 30th of llarch to retain the slightest isar concern ing it, or to entertain a feeling of offended susceptibility. The treaty is in our eyes only a kind of mutual guarantee, exchanged between the Powers which signed it. !Vecon sidered it from the first much less as an act directed against Russia than as a kind if consestlon made to Aus tria; and we should not be at all aitom^bed at its being confirmed that Austria had demanded ltfrnn her allies ot the West, as she is now demanding one of the same kind from Prussia. For us there 1> only one important treaty, that of the 30th of March Austria >s quits at liberty to congratulate herself on the treaty of tee 15th of April, which maintains her in a state ot alliance with' England and France; and as to UuBsia, she has no need ol a special treaty to keep her engagements of the 30tb of March, and in case of ncd to enforce the respecting of the-* wnioh each of the Powers hasontraoted in the treaty of Paris. SUDDEN RETURN OF THE BRITISH AMBASSADOR TO PARIS. [From the London Britannia, May 17 | Considerable excitement was created in political circles on Wednesday, la consequence of the sudden and hurried return of Ixiru Cowley to his post in the French capital. Intelligence of an important and urgent nature was un derstood to have reaohed the Earl of Clarendon on Tues day night, the vfl'eot of which was that the British am barsator started as early as four o'clock on the loll ow ing morning, en route for Paris. Al:hough most of tha leading political men were absent Irom town on their week's holiday, meetings were forthwith convened both at the Cailton and at the Reform Club, at which the communication received from the French go vernment was canvassed. As soon as parliament reas sembles, questions will probably be asked in both houses on the surject, and facts of a startling nature elicited. In the meantime we may state, from information oa which we have reason to place every re'ianoe, that the communication In question had reference to the secret treaty entered into between England, France and Austria, contemporaneously with the public treatv to wbiohthe other belligerent powers, together with Prussia, ar?: Krties. The Russian plenipotentiaries, it is understood, ve expressed themselves in terms of higa dissatisfac tion, and have specifically remonstrated against certain clauses of the secret treaty, which they conieiva to ba inconsistent with the spirit, if not the latter, of the treatv to which the ratification of their own government has just been affixed. To say more at present on a topic of so critical a nature, would obviously be precna tut. i The En?ll?h Budget. DEBTS OF THE WAR AMD TARIFF REFORM?STATE OF ITALY. In the Bouse of Common* on May 19. the House hav ing resolved itself Into a Committee of Ways and Means, the Chancellor of the Exchequer matte his tinansial statement. Be reminded the committetrthat in a state ment made in February he had satd that there was a dif ference between his estimates of the revenue and expen citure last year and thtir actual amount; it was not ne cessary, therefore, to repeat that statement, and he should content himself, he said, with stating that the re ceipts weie somewhat less, and the expenditure was somewhat greater, than he had anticipated, and that the result was a deficiency of ?3,660,COO. To eover that de ficiency he had submitted a resolution for a loan of ?5.000,060 in consols, and also a prooosition for funding ?3,000,000 of Exchequer bills, which had taken ef fect, end hsd been successful for its object. Since then the balance sheet for the financial year 1868-58 bad been laid before Parliament, and the Hons# had seen the result, which he thought it unneces sary to repeat. The expenditure in the past year, 1855 66, had been ?88.428 000, the revenue ?66,706 000. show ing an excess of expenditure over revenue of ?22.723,000, or, with the addition of certain other items, the Sardi- < nlan lean and the redemption of hereditary pensions, a total excess of ?23,936,000. To cover this excess there bad been raised by loan, exchequer bonds and bills, ?26,478.000, exceeding theetisiency by ?2,542,000, ana It was his duty to account for this sum, and to show how the exchequer had been benefitted thereby. The ba lances In the exchequer on the 31st ot March, 1856, ex ceeded their amount on the 31st of March, 1856, by ?2,651,000. showing a balance in favor of the exchequer of more thin ?100 000. The expenditure of the year which had eiapsed had been mainly characterized by its connection with the war, the civil expenditure having been but slightly augmented. The to til expendi ture fn the two j eart of war, 1854-55 and 1855-56, was ?165,120,(00; the total amount in two years of Kace, 1862-53 and 1853-54, had been ?102 032,000, ing a difference of ?53,188 000. The revsnoe in the two years of war wap ?126,200,000, and in the two years of peace ?108,818,000, an increase of revenue from taxa tion in tht two years of wsr of ?17,182,000. The amount > raised by an addition to the funded and unfunded debt was ?33,604,000; so that the total receipts In the twe years ot war amounted to ?50,786,000, as compared with two years ot peace. Adding the surplus income in two years of peace, the amount applicable to war expenditure over and above the sum applied to peace expenditure wan * ?66,772,000, and adding for the war expenditure of 1866-T ?24 500,000, the total excess was ?77,588,000. Having stated tbeae particulars, he obseivea that, although peace had been concluded, yet, for practical purpotee, the present year must be considered as a year of war. Preparations had been makiog lor operations by sea and land dnring tba winter and the early part of thie year; large contracts had been entered into, which were payable this year, as veil as the cost of thn re-transport of the Sardinian troops from the Crimea. Nevertheless, bo rejoiced to say that the government had been able to make considerable reduc tions in the estimates fir the army end navy, the origi nal estimates having amounted to ?54,874,000, and the revised estimates being ?37,316,000? a difference of ?17,559,000. Besides the expenditure immediately con nected with the war, there was a charge arising from the convention with Sardinln; and he stnted the circum stances under which he proposed to the House to autho rize the government to advmnoe a second million for pay ing the expenses of the Sardinian army. The estimated total expenditure for the current year, 1856-7, including the loan to Sardinia, was ?76,525.000, which would cover the entire estimated services for the year; but, as It wan difficult to make accurate estimates as to various Items of expenditure, he propored, by way of prudent precaution, to take, as a margin, a vote of credit for ?2,000,000, which would make a total of ?77,626,000. Alter entering Into c stalled explanations respecting the income tax aad tha customs duties npon tea, sugar, coffee, spirits and malt, he stated the total net amount of the revenue, as estimated, at ?67 162,000;. deducting this sum from the amount of estimated expen diture, there appeared an astimated deficiency of ?10, 373,COO, whioh the remainder of the produee of the loam of last year. ?1,600.000, would reduoe to ?8,878,000. I/Ooklng to the condition of the country and to the diffi culty, or improbability, of immediately realizing this ?mount by additional taxation, the government did not feel justified, he said, in proposing any additional taxes, nor did they recommend any reduction. They proposed to make no change in the existing basis of the taxation, but to lesort to borrowing, and thsr had, in the first in- . stance, invited tenders for a loan cf ?5.000,000, and their terms', which had been accepted by tne contractors, be should submit in th* form of a resolution to the com mi.tee. He had the authority of Raron Rothschild lor stating that the deposits already amounted to ?4,000,000 In Bank of England notes and gold, which, at tba rate of ten per cent reoresented a capital, ready to be advanced, of ?10,000,000. He trusted that tha committee would be of opinion that this loan had been effected upon terms fair to both the parties and the government. The loan woulfl not, however, cover th* entire estimated deficiency by ?1,873,008, to provide lor which he proposed, at a later iwrlod of the session, to ask for power to borrow, in Exchequer bends, if it should bs advisable, to the extent of $2,000,000. The present state of the Exchequer bill market did not render it advisable to increase the amognt of tho unfundeJ debt. At the same time, lie believed the tell in the valus of those se curities had been occasioned by temporary oircnmttanoes. The quantity ot outstanding Exchequer pills in the mar ket amount to ?20,124,000, of which sum the Commit* sinners for the reduction of the national debt held ?5, 000,000; to that the amount really in the market was no more than ?15,121.000 Comparing the amount of the debt at the end of the last war and at thepresent lime, he showed ihat the funded debt had decreased ?49,000,000, and the unfunded debt ?17,000,000, the total dimlnu iocr being ?66.(00 000, while ihe charge for the debt had diminished ?4.600.000. Having read a statement ot ac cruing liabilities on the one hand, and on the other av aceouni of the annuities and pensions that would cease or fall in ths course cf a lew years, be Justified the bor rowing in coneols. instead of terminable annuities; maintaining ihat perpetnai annuities were a form of borrowirg most convenient icr both borrower and Itndor. / An imp-e-?ion existed, he observe^ 'n some quarters, r that the (Dement ol a tnuMltion from war fo peace was i>