Newspaper of The New York Herald, June 25, 1856, Page 2

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated June 25, 1856 Page 2
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THE CENTRAL AMERICAN QUESTION. Debate in the Senate on the Clayton Bnlwer Treaty. Ipeechct of Meurs. Clayton, Penree and Cass. THTTBOTAT, June 19,1856. Mr CuTTO*?Mr. president, 1 ask the indulgence of Ike Senate for the purpoae of correcting an error which appears upon the report of a recent parliamentary debate as which tho Karl of Clarendon took an active part. In lattice ia done to this country by the statement which his lordship is represented to have made. I am disposed to lsave all questions of diplomacy to the able Secretary of Slate who now manages our foreign affairs, and onr Minis lore abroad. Without any desire to interfere with them 1 bold it a duty, when his lordship, on the floor of the British House of I'eers, makes a statement erroneous and Injurious to us (which is republished in this country), to oorrect it. The effect of the republication in this country of mch statements as his lordship has chosen to make in Mreat Britain, is to mislead not only his countrymen bnt ?sine. Tbc statement to which I refer will be found re published m nearly all the im|icrtant papers of the United Slates and 1 am about to read it from the ycUwnal Intel kprrcr of the lCtb oust. ills lordship said :? With regard to the Central American question, your lord abtp* knew what were the terms of the ( layton Hulwer treaty. ] think it impossible that language could be more clear or more precise in us meaning than the language employed in that instrument. (Hear, hear 1 The treaty seta lorth that there should not he In future nuy colonization, anv occupation, any fortifying or strengthening of places not already in the pos Bcamon of cither country. I do not see why there cau be two mierpretations of us terms. If kthat were the language of the treaty?if that were ?sen a tolerably lair paraphrase of tho language of the treaty?1 should not have complained, but every who is not perfectly conversant with the treaty will be ?atonphod when 1 do what I intend to do?place that lan guage of his Lordship in a parallel column with the clause ?f the treaty id w he to g tie: very W*rds Now here are the real words of tho treaty:? The governments of the United State* and Great Britain hereby declare thai neither one nor the other will ever occupy, ?r fortify, or coionize, or assume or exercise any doni.uidii aver Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast, or.iny part of lenir.d America: nor will either make use of any protection which either affords, or may afford, or any alliance which either has. or may have, to or with any Stale or people, for ihe purpose of erecting or maintaining any such fortiiicauons. or ?1 occupying, fortifying or colonizing Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito const, or any part oi Central America, or of as suming or exercising dominion over the same. Now read these quota .ions from tho debate and tho treaty in parallel columns. Rnd see how the Brit: h .Secre tary of Affairs has misapprehanded, and so mis stated, in the presence of tho British public and" the world, the words of the treaty :? TREATY. LORD CLARENDON'S STATE The governments of the must United States and Great Bri- The treaty sets forth that tain hereby declare Cunt nei- there should not be in future Ihcr the en- nor the other will any occupation, any fortifying ever occupy, or fortify, or as- or "strengthening of pin -is nut *ume, or exercise any domln- already in die possession of ton over Nicaragua, Costa either country. Jtica, the Mosquito coast, or any part of Central America. Ho has first interpolated the words '-in future." There are no such words hi the treaty. In the next place, his lerd. Lip Las interpolated other words, wlii. !i entirely ehargt the whole construction and moaning of the treaty, to wit: "Flaces not already in possession of either coun try." These words are palpably aided by his lordship . for the purpose of su.-taining his own construction of the treaty, which all just men nui-t feel could not possibly be supported by its plain language. It is by these means that his lordship makes it appear that Great Britain is not bound to abandon j laces ??already in her possession." If this report of the noble earl s speech bo correct, as It is published in the English papers, it is an outrage upon all propriety, requiring no further comment from me. What 1 think mot extraordinary is, that such just men as the Fair 1 of Elgin, a descendant of the Bruce, and Earl Brey, both highly honorable and very able men, who made ko comment that was not worthy ?f their position, and whose language was most amicable towards us?I say I think it most remark able that men of their high intelligence should have hoard bw lordship thus grossly misrepresent this treaty be tween the two countries, and made no attempt to disabuse the House of Peers or the British public by referring to the language of the treaty. His lordship proceeds thus to speak of the treaty:? It was Intended far a specific object: first, the construction of a canal, and then it* maintenance free for the u?e of the world prohibiting any encroachment on the part of the Culled Flutes and Great Britain, which were the contracting and eua rntitteing parties, but nil it* provisions were prospective; and there l* certainly nothing in it which implies that we were to give tip Honduras and Ruatnn, or to evacuate or alier ?ur position in any respect from what it was before the con gluslcr. of the 'reaty It is impossible that the very able man? Mr Henry Kulwcr?'who negotiated the treaty on the part of flrcat Britain, could have taken upon himself^ without Instruc- J Moil*?even without the knowledge of his government?to abandon any portion of British territory or British interests. Here wc have for the fir.-t timo a new argument to shew that the treaty did not give up any existing British feUerevl in Central America, becauso ssir Henry Bulwer was to able a man that he could not have doue it without the knowledge or instruction of his government. Then be says ? And so far from having done anything cf the sort, he ma le a| proviso, widen was acknowledged by XIr. Clayton, fLff tretnj ?h< uld not touch Honduras or oL'-ict any of its dependencies. When Mr. Buchanan came ever to tnis country we heard, for the l rat time, thai there was an entirely new Interpretation to be put upon the treaty. It was no longer to be looked upon as a prosf dive arrangement, but one for the evacuation of Bri 1Mb territory: ar.d we were told we were to blame, and were the cause?1 will n t say of a quarrel between the two co tn Wtes?but of irritation and complaint on the part of the United Ftales, because we had not tultilled the engagement* if the Ireaty by evacuating all the territory we possessed in tVntral America. I told Mr. Buchanan?w hat was the perfect tr uth thai thnt w as the trsitiroc I had lie,aid such ail interpretation put upon the treaty. He replied that, in his country, there Wit no doubt upon the subject The new reason now pivon for the British interpretation, that ?ir Henry I*. Bulwer was too able a man to have vio 1M*d h:s in- mictions, requires of me the proof of a fact which is incontrovertible, that sir Henry, who was in deed a very able man was fully apprised by me during the and before the treaty w i- signed, that the woril "Occupy " meant not only to ? tak-." but to "keep ?ossee-ion. " and, of course, that when Great Britain bound her-elf n' t to occupy any part of Central America abe was distinctly under-tood by us to bind herself not to keep any existing possessions she had then, as w- -11 as tot to make new acquisitions. I hold in my hand the ori ginal draft oi a private note addressed by me to Sir Henry ?t the 11th day < 1 February, 1S50, more than two months before the signature of the Convention, on the 19th of Arril. and a week after the first experimental jwjcl which *?;:?? s gned by us both, but abandon-.-1 because we could no t then agree about this protectorate. In this note referring to the clause in that prnjtt which boimd parties r.ot to occupy, fc'. I inrormel him, ?'our i 'jV, signed by v.s on tiie :id. which is to be eons It red as having never been made,' in case our governments do not approve it. did. in my opinion, bind both parties not to occupy?that is. take, or keep posses sion. ' Ti.e extraordinary precaution which induce 1 me thus to define an English word of so plain a meaning?a meaning acknowledged by every English author?now enables me to p rove conclusively that the British pleni potentiary perfectly well understood the meaning wc at Inched to the treaty, nnd he acquiesced in that intorpre ?stion 1 v making r o attempt t<> fb ry it. Fir Henry L. Bulwer will readily acknowledge this fact, the proof cf w hich I now adduce. because tins is th- first Sine i/.rd Clarendon has thus appealed to tho weight of kts tame to sustain himself. Here sir. 1 snv. is the draft in my handwriting of the letter wh'ch contains that definition. And here is the ?erbtk:ate, on the back of it. by as honorable a man .is there is in the United States, the present Attorney Gene ral ofti.e state of Delaware, who was then a clerk in tho Ftate Department, that this is the true original draft of the very letter which w as placed in the hands of the B; i teh Minister. He gays:? I do hereby certify that the within is the original draff of a private note addressed by Mr. Clayton. Seeretarv irf State, on the lith day of February, 1*S0, to sir Henry L. Mulw-.r, fr-stt whl- ii I copied the letter which I know wait sent to Sir ilenry en the same day ; ar.d further that the within draft was copied and that the w ord "draft" atthe 'op of the first page, Hi. tffe c:n..udiiig paragraph, are in mv own handwriting. GEORGE P. FISHER. Then we Drive the fact, incontrovertibly, that when tho British government bound tb< rtwelvcs that they would wed occi py any part of Central Americfi. I had given them go qn-ler-tand"di.-t,n< tly that they boun-1 them-:cl vo-, net cmly that they would not take, but that they would not keep pe' .on of the country which they already had. Now. ait'T all that, and certainly with the pcrtoct means of knowing there tilings, the Earl of Clarendon, ?whi!" profefng to throw, the whole blame on ourgovern ment o' the controversy between the tw j, tells us that he Is iitton -heil at the "n'*'w tnterpetration" which lie says Mr B ? hanan attempted to put on the treaty when he centendi -1 that the treaty bound them not to keep poasM iion of the coiintry alter they had agreed would not Occupy it. Tins treaty was exenanged on the two pnpers whicli Lave been published, long since, ntid sent hero?the first a declaration on the i?rt of the British minister, and the second my counter declaration. In order to secure tho evidence of that fa-1 at the time, and immediately after the treaty had been finally ozciianged between us, (wo Lad l-een up all night,) before 1 slept I made a memo randum which appears endorsed on the declaration a* published that, "thereon, [that is, on those two patters.) without any further or other act," the treaty was ex cLary-l. ? ?New, let any man take these two note*?th' r declara iJoti and my counter-declaration?and then see how fur they j' stify the unqualified assertion in ti.e speeih of the Earl cf Clarendon in the British House of Lords, that tho British plenipotentiary "made a stringent proviso, which vn ? uckr. wlodged by Mr Clayton, that the treaty should net touch Honduras, or affect any of its dependencies." But, sir, 1 do not propose to discus.s this subject. I have, ?n a former cccasion, fully shown that the declarations ?1 the neg' haters, at the time oi the exchange, were un derstood on both side* a* not in any degree altering or affecting the construction of the treaty, and that no one know better than th able minister of Great Britain: be cause he was by me distinctly apprised of It at Ihe time, that, if his declaration was Intended to effect any su h purpose, t was of no avail without the c.mseat of the So rate, winch he did not dee ire should be obtained or asked for Mr Cap*? If the Senate will hear me for a moment. I wish to sny a word or two on the matter mention ad by the honorable 9enat->r lr- m Delawaro. I read great amazement the si?t< mcnt made by I/>rd Clare? Ion. aud I brought it with roe this morning t* submit it to the .donate ?n some projicr occasion J did not intend to Introduce H but the honorable Senator from Delaware ha? intra duced it, and I shall now. in addition to what he has ea.d, ask the attention of tho Semite for a very short lime. The Senator tiM cor re- tly stated what wcall know, and what has been rotterated here lime aud a.jain, that this treaty con'a nod a provision that neither party should ?< any part of Central America. That was the stlpu tali on?the object, indeed, of the convention New every Englishman, from ono end of tl>e land to Ihe other, think.- that that engagement does not mean oc gyjuLiu W mil, hut UGttu ttv^wiuvc, lUt wlwi Jin? toed rays, in a treaty with us, she will not occupy any part of Central America, etjc rneana that sho will hold on to what she has got but wiU not acquire any more. Such is the universal opinion of the treaty in that country, out of the pretension, so strenuously urged, that it is prospective in its operation. So it is like all other treaties, lliat is, it operates on the future an t not on the past. As soon as it was r&nticd its obligations com merced. and neither could do an act or leave one undone required or prohibited by it, under tho prtttSM that it did not apply to the state of things then existing. 1 do not know that there is a public nun in England? I do not think one man has stood up in the House of lords or Commons and disavowed this construction. I hold in my hand a very liberal paper, called the Econornitt, cer tainly without any unfriendly feelings to us,but on this point it is as decided as l/ord Clarendon. This is what it says:? We sincerely believe that, as the differences of opinion re garrting the construction of the Clayton-Buiwer treaty began with Mr Buchanan, it will be found thai with his departure from England ihey have practically vanished. N? doubt Mr. Bin hanan always wrote in the name of the President of the United Slates, and might, therefore, be fairly supposed to ex press the views of his government; but It is nevertheless ad mitted by those best acquainted with the opinions of Mr. Mar cv, the Sccreturv of State, thut lie not only never tdeniihed himself with the disputes raised by Mr Buchanan, but even did uot hesitate, when opportunity occurred, to intimate that hut was rather Mr. Buchanan's question than his: and this, we are disposed to think, may account fer the fact that, since Mr Buchanan's departure from England was decided upon, no further step has heeu taken by the American government, even at the risk of being charged with want of ordinary cour tesy to a friendly State, by omtuiog to reply to an lmporlaut communication. That such should have been the views of Mr. Marry, no one who has read the correspondence as laid before Parlia ment will be surprised ; for if there be one thing more clear than another, It is that the concessions sought to be exacted by Mr Buchanan by kts interpretation of the treaty had never 0 much as entered into the heads of the negotiators who igued it. As to Mr. Marry, Otis dogmatic assertion, or rather con clusion. is purely farcical; lor the whole country knows, to reverse the expression, that it never entered into his head that any other interpretation than that occupation meant occupation, and not acquisition, had entered into the heads of the negotiators. Here is one of the most liberal r?rer? >n England, say lug that cur construction, namely: tltat "occupation," as the honorable Senator from Delaware says, correctly means "possession," never entered into the bead of a man in this country until Mr. Buchanan went to England. It is a species of national monomania which I should bo ash n it lied to And in ntty other country in the world. If Mr. Buchanan was tho first to teach his countrymen their rights under that treaty, it was another good act for which he deserves their confidence: but, from the moment the treaty was promulgated there was not an American who thought of any oliter construction but tho true one, and it would not have got a vote iu the Senate under any other impression. trmty provides in its terms that Central America shall not be occupied by i .tuer party. Wo all know it was sent lack tv> in hug Ian to Mr. Buiwer, with instruc tions not to exchang' the ratifications mil' -s accompanied with a declaration th it it- provision.-- did not include tho British i*es< -. iotw t the Belize and its dependencies. New. I desire '. ? know v. hat nml there w is of such an exemption, it the term - 01 th treaty did not include these possessions ? and how could liny include them, if this 1 ? w fungi' I n.t' rprctu: ??:. - th< true oin . tinttthe treaty < nly oj cratccf u) on the future t < previ nt the occupation ofnttura aaqnlsit ons; or. in other words, to prevent the neqi'.siticn of new territory t And tin- declaration was made, and then the ratification.* were exchanged. 1 should like to have Ix>rd 1'torewion, or any other man, tell me hew he reconciles his pretensions now w th tl.e course of the British government. That govern ment then thought that tho terms of the treaty em braced these jKsssess a sis, and secured their exemption by a gpiiial act. Now. the treaty did not touch them at all. for it operated only on the future, and they would thus have been protected without any additional act. It is difficult to thid in the whole history of national Intercourse an example of a similar inconsistency, not in deed to'call it by a liareher, but as true an epithet. But this is not all to show that tho construction now contended l'ur by the British government wigs then even thought of. * Three years nft r tho formation of this treaty, Lord Clan ndon sent t" Mr. Cramptou, to he laid before our go vernment. the ci py of a letter date '. April la, 1S53. from the British Advocate General, a high law officer, consult ed by the government in eases involving international law points. In that letter is the following paragraph:? I understand Mr. Clayton, also, to assert that, by the treaty. Great Britain "l as abandonned all dominion In the whole of Central America." which assertion Is. In tny opinion, incor rect and at \ariance with die fact. at as regards Bei.zn and its dependencies. If, indeed, this exception was not intend ed bv hir.t. Now. -ir, the Judge Advocate, In considering the ques tion whether his government " has abandoned all cio micion in the whole of Central America," says, in his opinion it is inconsistent with the fact, so far as rc*i?eit* Belize and its dependencies, which are the very posses siots excepted by the declaration or rider, and waich lie ?vM( ntly i < i iMw, by hb altoston to Mr. Clayton. as the tenure by which Great Britain holds those possessions, lie claimed no exemption on this prospective ground. But. sir, we have the testimony of Lord Clarendon him self to our cc nstn:cti"n oi the treaty. In a letter, datod May ff7, 186a, to Mr. Crampton, he says:? Btti (treat Britain has r.o where, in the treaty of April. lftSO. renounced, m r ever had any intention to renounce, tlie lull and absolute right wliicli she possesses over her own lawful territories in Central America, such as 'heir designation w is distinctly understood and declared by the negotiators of the treaty. line is I < rd Clarendon's own declaration, made years ago. in which he claims that the lawful territories of Great Britain in Central America include only such as that dosig. ration v?? declared by the negotiator..}, New; I defy Into f r any man to 6n0w'6nl in that treaty de-ig'tut ing the British possessions in f'eniral America; and the only reform ? t" it is found in tho rider or declaration ac companying the ratiricntiou. In that, the negotiators do clared that the Belize and ,ts dependencies wore ex empted Ironi the treaty." And I/ird Clarendon, in this letter, claims to hold those possessions, not by vir tue of any prospective construction, but by virtue of this express declaration. Ixird Clarendon has now di-covered that Mr. Buchanan was the first to announce that the terms of the treaty took effect trom the ratification, and were to operate U)ion everything included within the words of tho treaty, and not specially exempted. Wbeu he expressed this astonish ment he must have forgotten that his government and himself had previously put the natural intcrpretat.on upon the treaty's* we did. I read, with surprise, this account of the debate in the House of I'eers, in which he said :? When Mr. Buchanan came over to this country, we heard fcr the first time that there wn= an entirely new Interpretation to be put upon the treaty. It wax no longer to be looked upon as a prospective arrangement, but one for the evacuation of Bt ttiah territory, and w were told that we were to blame, and were the cuuse?I will not say of a quarrel between the two countries, but of irritation and complaint on the part of the United States; because we had not fulfilled the engagements of the treatv bv evacua-ing all tho territory we possessed in On tral America. I told Mr. Buchanan?what was the perfect truth?that that was the first time I had heard such an inter pretation put upon the treaty. He replied that in his oountry there was t.o doubt upon the* subject. Now, sir, listen to Mr. Buchanan. In his letter to Mr. llarcv, dated January 10, 1864. ho says:?"After that wo had a disctirfcive and rambling conversation, embracing the Kuatan and Belize questions, and Clayton and Bulwor treaty, and several other matters whieh I do not propose to detail. In the course of it be stated distinctly that this treaty was, in their opinion, entirely prospective in its operation, and cul not require tliein to abandon any of their J* s sessions in Central America. At this I expressed my astonishment, and we discussed the point in an ear nest but good nature! manner." However surprised Lord Clarendon may have been, I have no doubt but Mr. Buchanan will be much more so, both at the d>-< in ration it-elf and at the .strange inconsis tency of which it is the proof. But. sir. hesideirthe two grounds for holding posses sions iu O ntrnl America?the declaration of the u"goti ators and the prospective nature of the treaty?lord Cla rendon has more recently discovered another, by which his government is justified in holding on, showing conclu sively that th? y are determined to adhere to their claim, while they will net be found w anting in reasons to offer for rt. In Lord Clarendon's letter to Mr. Buchanan, datod Pepton.hcr ffg. 1865. after maintaining that the treaty did not "interfere with the state of tilings existing at the time of it- conclusion," he says:? If it had been Intended to do so, 'that is, give up ?h"lr poa ?ession., ther" sun be no question but that, fn conformity with what the undersigned believe* in he Die universal rule In re gard to in-iruini nts of this nature. It would ha ve contained, In specific term*, a renunciation, on th" prfrt of Graai Bri-aiu. If the possessions and rights which, up to the conclusion of the Convention, she had claimed upmalntain, and suoh renuncia tion would uot have been left as a mere mailer of Inference. I kr.ow nothing of any such rule. Lord Clarendon, in the enunciation of it, is'his own expositor of lite law of nations, and 1 reject the authority The rulo with honest men and with himest nations ,s." that if they enter into a ?tipulation to do an act, or not to do one, tiicy are to con duct themselves accordingly, w ithout trying to get rid of ibeir engagements by saying I did not undertake to do sometli l.g else. A p<xircode of ctluca, tins, for the foreign affairs ol a nation. 1 was plea ed the other day M the gentle fgenteel, I might say) hint to France and England which tuo l'rnei detit gave In his mc-cage. on the -object of acquisition of territory. The governments of both of those countsto*, and lally U England. I.ugp been a good ileal exer cised at our gra-ping prop' lisity; and the English journals see. in tlr<- recognition ol the exs-ting government ol Nica ragua, another proof of our extension. They arc almost riispo-id to make it a question of war: and yet, utr. it was but in conformity with the principle ujiou which we have acted <iin e the time of General Wash w. i gal '? htm, as shown not only by Ma fsorteeiUnn nut by Ms tahnNM male to Mr. Adet. the French Minister. Thi* principle Is, to ?eceg /.e every c/?/?? hi goverr tnent which is rc-ogtn/ed n its own country By virtue of this rule. Mr. Rush was u tilled in hi* recognition ol the new government ir franr e after the ovcrtui w of Loui Bhillpi?e. The I're ddent might well remind loth Franco and England of iholr love of S' qui tion, and of their continued practice i f it the empire of the one appr aching tho Great Desert '?1 Africa, nnd of the other reaching tho confines of Hiu rtosi.'iii. But it a continued subject of reproach in tho Eiigli-h journals. that we have ?< quired territory, nnd, like the I'hnri-ec. they say. Wc nre more virtuous than our neighbor-, and not likcthntgreatgrasping democracy ncpis- the Atlanti'-. whi' h ?? all that it can get. There arc three or f"< r w ay* of acquiring territory?by en quest, by purchase, nnd by mutual arrangement. Wo have never acquired n loot' we did not pay for. Even with respect to Mexfi o, she dro ? u- to war; and though we conqiierc'l lir-t. v purchased afterwards But there is stu another method of anr, ? ation. which is by fraud ?by firvery, indeed: and by smh a jroevs Eng held her first title t" the gr-; i kingdom of Bengal. The fact is a historical one, and well known but tins Is not a had time Pi advert to It when prole -ions of extraordinary virtuo are made before the world. H.-tory Is written for example?lor examples to be followed or to be shunned. The episode to w ho ii 1 advert be'ongs to the latter class, and not to tl.e li riner. lord CUTS was at the head of the ttlflurt l.rit.-h i -tablmbmert in India. A war br4tn out wi'h the ; abob of B< ngal. Cltve made a treaty with the gen -ral of I n army for tl.e deposition of his m ister and for putting lura on the throne as the tool of the Lngll?h. There was an ingngcment entered Into which Cllve dtsliged, and did not want to put Into the troaty; but his arrangement co ild not be carried into effect unless tho op|ioslte party thonglit it was there. He, therefore, had two paper* prorir" I? one white and one red? and he so contrived it that the one .csyu-g out Ung vm ibjur-i, dhU tit; otugr left tmaigned; tnd by that deceit the proalte fir viola t ed, but the object ?u attained. I/Ord Cttre's colleague in the negotiation, Admiral Watson, refused to be a party to the arrangement, and Clive forged hie name to the treaty. This mode of acquisition nae been condemned Line and again in England, and the transaction character ized as it deserved. Put I never heard that it was pro posed by anybody, moralist or statesman, to redress the wrong by giviqg up the country, or by any other com pensation. Mr. lhuacB?Mr. President, I intended aome time ago to ask the indulgence of the Senate to hear me on the subject of our British relations, or some portion of them; but a long indisposition detained me Prom the Senate at the time when the subject was under consideration. For obvious reasons I do not desire at present to renew the feneral discussion, but with the permission of the Senate, propose to make a brief statement relative to the most important point, if not the only really difficult question, in our negotiations with England respecting the Clayton - Bulwer treaty. 1 do not remember to have seen what I am about to state, presented in any of the despatches of the Secretary of State, or in the correspondence between l.ord Clarendon and Mr. Buchanan. It will be recollected that lord Clarendon, in one of his letters to Mr. Buchanan, claims lor Croat Britain the island of Ru&tan as one of the dependencies of her Belize settlement. Now, 1 have seen, n a work of authority, reference to an official letter from a British minuter quite inconsistent with that claim. In November, 1836, Sir George Grey, then the Secretary of Mate for the Colonies, addressed an official Utter to S. Cose, Esq.. who was connected in some capacity, I be lieve, with a great corporation, called the "Central Ame rica Commercial and Agricultural Company," to which important grants had been made by the State of Guate mala?in which letter the limits of the Belize settlements and their island dependencies, as claimed by Great Bri tain, are definitely Mated. These limits are thus stated:? From the Rio Hondo on the north to the river Rarstoon on the south, and as fur west as GarLotts Falls, on the river Be lize. and a line on the same parallel to strike on the river Hondo on the norih. and on tin: river Saratnou on the aoutli. The British crown claims also the waters. Islands, and quays, lying between the coast shove detlned and the meridian of the caste most point cf Light house Reef. This letter wob published in full in a pamphlet, or book, putput by or for the company before roeutiouod, entitled *A brief statement of the important grants con ceded to the Eastern coast of Central America Commer cial and Agricultural Company by the t'tatc of Guatema la," published In 3*39. 1 find it quoted in the work culled "The Gospel in Centrist Antorica," by the Rev. Frederick Crowe, a British missionary at the Belize. By an inspection of the map given in this work, and also of tire map of Central America, prepared by trdor of tlio Fenato at the Coast hurvey office, it will at once be seen that Routau. and all the colony of the Bay islands estab lished by Great Britain in 1830, lie to the ca-1 of the me rid tan. thus declared by Fir George Grey to be the eastern limit of the dependencies of the Belize, ard that, tlierc tbi e. as late as November, 1836, these islands were not claimed by the British crown. The ohi missionary, in the chapter on "expansive limits," in which he quotes this letter, adds:? Fince the time when this was promulgated the expansive Propensities ol this settlement have by no means diminished and it is perhaps, dtffieuh to predict at wfcat time it may he expected to have reached its full growth, or where unto its ui meusions will ultimately extend. Orme's work was published in 1850. ami wo now see that he did not misstate the capacity for extension of the I clize settlements, which are now said to include Roatan and the other Bay islands. 1 think it quite manifest that this claim to Roatan. as a dependency of the Belize, is utter y untenable. Indeed, besides the disclaimer neces sarily implied in Fir George Greys letter, may be m.-n LoikmI the fact, as stated by the same author, that when In 1830 this island was seized by the commandant at ;ze, and remonstrances were presented on the rurt of ti e fedeial authorities of Central America to the British government, the seizure was "disallowed." reference to this is made by Mr. Buchanan in one ot his letters to 1-ord Clarendon, and I do not find that Ins Lordship ever denied the fact. How. thou or when, did it become a dependency of Belize1' By what nghtfdl authority, by what act of even doubtful pro] ricty? No answer can be given but one. which will scarcely be presented by the government of Great P-i tain, which looks with so much disapprobation upon tiio list ot acquisition, and thinks the greatest error of the American nation to be the filibustering propensity which cads a portion if our people to help themselves to" foreign lands, and prompts our government to wiuk at such at tempts in the liojie of annexation.j Notw ithstanding these disclaimers, the authorities ofthe Belize.again seized Roatan in 1841; and that ai t has not been disavowed, though the seizure was made bv haul ing down the Honduras flag, and intimidating into submis sion the single sergeant and four or five Indian soldiers who maintained the possession for Honduras. Great Britain cannot pretend any title, founded in an act of merely superior power, without ligiit. And, indeed lord Clarendon seems to have changed his groun 1 by averring, as he did in a later letter or statement that Groat Britain had ncqutred a right to those islands by the voluntary settlement of some of her subjects in Roatan These voluntary se.clementa are the same, I presume which were made by some of the white population and emancipated slaves who went from the Grand Cayman alter the ?ct of Parliament which enfranchised the ne groes of her W <-st India jiossessions. But. surely, this voluntary settlement by British sub Ject.-. w< old tot give even a shadow of'soveroigntv to the British crown. As well might it be said that a settle ment mate by Bahama lishcrmen, or turtle catchers on one of our Eforida Keys, would transfer tlio sovereignty from the 1 nited Mutes to Great Britain. But I forbear further remark. The Female of the United . tales has no authority in the conduct of negotiations and, ct the present time particularly, 1 am unwilling to Biy anything which may seem to be prompted by a spirit of hostility and ill will to a country with which there are. on both sides, so many reasons lor presort ing not merely a formal amity, but cordial and sincere g'ood Tbe facts I have mentioned not having fotutd a plate in the various statements ofthe negotiators, I have desired to place them on the records of our debutes. Mr. O-mos?I Intended, when 1 first rose to-day, to make h me comment on the remarks of the Eiari of Cla rotidon in rep ard to his proportion of arbitration. He tells the House of Peer:?and it is calculated to have its J elb ct i.pen the Br itish public, and I suppose In this conn try, too?that lie has offered to refer the whole Central American question to some imiutrtinl government of En rope and of course ho expected to throw on us, if Mr. Marc y refused to arbitrate, the responsibility of refusing sa'd " a<^ustme11' l'lc controversy. Here is what he I then said, that however clear the terms ofthe treaty might appear to me, to call in a third party, an impartial judge, to doteim.i.e what should he the Interpretation of the irestv would be the fairest course to pursue, between governments as between individuals. I also udded that we certain!v had no wish to possess territory In Central America; that we" did not desire lo extend our iulluence in that part ofihe world;that we XCMJWlr','o F10 cm<T '",0 8"cl1 engagements as would satisfy ithe I nited States, and even our own peoplsaat home upon that score; that It was, therefore, indifferent to us who was called In lo arbitrate; that we sliould be prepared to abide by the decision, whatever It was: but that to do what was not ctmumplated by the treaty, because we were told that acr tain interpretation was put upon It w hich we could not admit, a c^"rse Jf ! ove government should propose to another, and to w hich, certainly, no independent government would submit. (Cheers.) I therefore proposed?what is by no means uncommon in such ease.,?that the matter should be referred to arbitration. To that proposal, although it lias bc-n ?o long before the government ot the United States, we have, i'ilir- ' t'tved t.o attsw or; and therefore, upon this question t't !l.n wteh to enter further: because I am convluc d tha< wi hen the subject really cornea to be considered in the Culled Mates?when the public opinion of that country Is brought to V; rjtp0r> ,ui, "b"u all other political questions?when the American people are made acquainted with our assurances as 1,0 d,, slr,! "ir>" nd our territory or our lufluenoe in < enirai America, and as (oour sincere wish lo enter Into en fr ?'dhgient to satisfy every reasonable man. our oU'-r of accommodation will not be refuged. (Hear. hgfcr.) Now. sir, when tbo Secretary of State has such heavy responsibility as is devolved on Lim in reference to this question, and acta as ably and fairly as I think he has, I hold it to be my duty to sustain him. 1 fully approve of uic course which he has adopted in reference to this mat tcr, and especially his refusal to arbitrate that part of ^controversy which relates to the construction of the I know very well, sir, that a nation whkb, under ordi nary circumstances, refuses to consent to arbitration uP?n itself a groat responsibility. Under such cir cumstancen. in order to nvoid this last fearful extremity it is the duty of nations to refer controversies. 1 am witt ing to concede that: but here the terms aro not equal. J/Kik at it, and see what it is that we are to refer. Ijook and see what w ill be their condition If tlio decision should be against them, und what w uuld be ours if it should be against us. hir. the pos'npe through the Isthmus is a necessity to us?nn indispensable necessity; we must have it. or give up our possessldhs on the Pacillc; but how is it with them'' II they retain the entire control of Hie Isthmus, they can ? time ol war cut us off from all our jwasessioiis on the I Iaciffc coast, and?11 trade with tw'o thirds of the globe. ! Tin y have nothing to Mo compared with what we must kfo by an adverse decision. A decision against us might be ratal to us. A decision ngainst tticin would affcot them but very little. It does appear to me, I any again, asf have said before, to be an insult to commou sense?It-Hs an Insult to the common sense of this nation?to contend on the plain words ofthe treaty, that the povernmeat oi' Groat Britain did not intend to give tip any substantial "Merest whatever which they had iff Central America. I"thmk hio man ought to refer the question whether ni- hat, bin oofit. lii.n shirt, or his house, is his rightful J ss--ess ion. We would do better to fight at onco for what Is so plainly ours, and so indi-qiensablc to our existence ?tar better than to refer the | ropjiety or that existence to other-, and eepei .ally to such as might tie glad to get nd or us. a European monar. h Las no' great Tove for our lorm of government; nor ha- lie any great dosire to pre sort e us anytinp we may doom indispensable to our in tegrity and i mon as a nation. If we could ion.-cut to refer such a question as that, wo should he 1 o'uid to refer any oth< r que-tion which any foitun fiai'On ihould cl.on o t' - 1 know very " "? ':r. that the chances would he fifty to one for a do ' - in orr lavor, If the men who undertook to decide It should he honest men. But we have had some lessens on this subject of arbitration. We referred tlio Arm Mrong claim to Louis Napoleon?as clear a claim in my judgment, as was ever preferred by one nation against another and the result was a dccieion against us. I bate another objection to arbitral,out of this deocriii 1 ei. It ;s im]*s ihle to enforce the award unless tho Ifoing i-arty voluntarily submits to it. if a docl-ion should be made agHinst England in r< forence to this con troversy she might take the v- ry same course which she has adopted in order to retain p-v-session of the Bay Islands?misconstrue the agreement, and say tho award Is not binding. We ourselves did not consider the award

of tho R'ii p of the Netherlands binding u|k?ii us when the sunmi- ion w as made of the question as to our north oar torn boundary. I say. therefore, that I do cordially concur with the secretary ot . late in the course he has adopted and unite with my friends from lh i.-ippi fMr. Brown], and \ermont [Mr Foot.] and Senators here that it weuldhe tiiiwortliy .4" ns to refer tin question of oon stmi' pen to any prince in Europe. J am pcrfn tly willing In n for the pee graphical question, whether the Island." the Bay Islands, are, or nr? not. dependencies of Is hzo. or whether they are. orar. not, adjacent to ancient ?na"1r- riow called Central j H ihair w:-h; hut I understand lord Clarendon, in big oorrespon oer ee, di-tinctlir to concede that these mauds arc Central American islands; and when lie concedes that in my Jic gmetit. he gives np the whole qti'-stion _As fojhc iT?6ja?ai # w Wjtotu'8 ] government in Nicaragua, I utterly condemn it, as 1 de precated such a course befbre lie adopted it We are just ly liable to all the animadversions of lord clarendon, and every other Englishman, for such a roll-degradation. I will not?1 dare not?defend it. 1 predicted fully Uic dis grace which nmuld attend such an act, and 1 have not been di>npp<^Krd. Mr. Cam?Mr. President. 1 hold in my hand a volume containing an account of the incident in relation to the acquisition of Bengal, to w hich 1 referred. 1 could not turn to the paragraph nt the moment, but 1 have since found it, and by permission of the Senate will now read it. It is the tenth volume of the Kdiitburg Jiei<iew, and is contained in an article upon the life of Lord Olive, by Sir John Makolm; and a most extraordinary incident it nar rates:? HI* advice was taken; but how waa the wary and sagacious Hindoo to be deceived! He had demanded that an article touching his claims should be inserted in the treaty between Meer Jafller and the English, and he would not be satisMi unless lie saw K with his own eyes. Olive lutd an expo ready. Two treaties were drawn up, one on white paper, the ^ - ... ... - In the f other on red?the former real, the latter flctidous. In the for mer, Omichund's name waa not mentioned; die latter, which was to be shown to linn, contained a stipulation in his favor. m "But another dlfllculty arose. Admiral Watson had scru ples about signing the red treaty. Onuchund's vigilance and abse " acutcnrss were such that the absence of so important a n inae would probably awaken bis suspicions. But Olive was not a man to do aiivthhig hv halves. We almost blush to write It. He forged Admiral Watson's name. The sequel is told in a few but impressive words :? The new sovereign was now called upon to fullil the engage ments Into which he had entered with his allies. A conference was held at the bouse of J ugget Kelt, the great banker, for the purpose of making the necessary arrangements. Omichund came thither, fully believing himself to stand htgh In the favor of Olive, who, with dissimulation surpassing even the dissimu lation of Bengal, had, up to that day, treated him with undi minished kindness. The white treaty was produced and read, Olive then turned lo Mr. Kerafton, one of the servants of the company, and said In Knglish. ?' It Is now time to undeceive Omichund." "Omlehund," said Mr. Kerafton, In Hindostance, " the red treaty Is a take in. You are to have nothing." Omi chund fell back Insensible Into the arms < f bis attendants. He revived; but his mind w as Irreparably ruined. Mr. Toombi>?It wsa not my purpose to say a word In reference to this informal conversation, but tho course which it has taken seems to render it necessary. I do not wish to be concluded by the petition assumed by sc vcral Senators who have addressed the Senate, and whose object seems to be to make up an opinion in the country. Diflt ring from the opinion which they seek to make up, 1 deem it my duty to express my dissent from one or two of their jioints. 1 concur that the evidence is very good that the weight of an argument on tho construction of the treaty is with the Senator from Delaware and with his country. Such has been my judgment; but 1 do not think the weight of the nrgumout is with him on the question of reference. There is nothing in this case, absolutely no thing, wbich|excludes it from any general rule for refer ring to arbitration international dilticulties. If it concern ed the sovereignty or independence of the country?if it was a right which we could n?t aifbrd to surrender at in y hazard? 1 would not refer it; but it is by no moans true that the Nicaragua route i#a matter of that impor tance to the country which wtmld warrant us in going and taking it by force. We have the l'anama route now guaranteed by treaty. There is another which tho ta nnic have declined, but which the country can probably g< t at any time, still more convenient. Besides, we have" a continuous territory from hoi c to tlie Pacific ocean, by which we aro able to roach our dominions on the Pacific at pleasure. I say, then, there is no principle which excludes this case from the general rule that in ordinary cases it is safest, and the best and wisest policy, when you differ on tbe construction of a treaty, and national existence is not concerned, to refer it to a friendly Power, and, therefore, I differ from the Senator from Delaware. 1 very much regret that the Senator from Michigan, in the present con dition of our relations with England, departing from the real controversy on which lie has so frequently enlight ened the Senate and the country, should make cltargos that Kugland committed frauds fifty years ago in her ac quisitions in the Fast indies. 1 do not think the time ap propriate?do no; think tho case good. I do not consi der it well calculated to promote friendly relations, nor do 1 see any good to result from such a charge at any time. Although 1 admit it to he a historical fact, I think that, at this time, nnd under the present circumstances, Eccli a charge from a gentleman who ha; Justly such high cc nsideration both in this country and in Europf, is bet ter calculated to produce evil than good. It is mere crim ination and recrimination. That she is a government of bad character?1 mean with reference to her ac quisitions of territory?I heartily admit; but I think this a very bad time and bad occasion to say ei. 1 entirely disapprove of the remarks of the (Senator fron Dc'awarc with reference to tho course of our gov ernment < u the subject of arbitration. 1 trust the gov ernment has not taken the steps which he supposes; or, If it has taken them, I hope it will retrace them. My ob iection to tlie treaty has been immovable from the begin ning. I consider it much more worthy of abrogation, at tho risk of war, than of nm reference. That the treaty was a bad one?that it ought never to have been made? that It ought to be abrogated, I feel a confident belief. 1 would at any time rather run the risk of to achieve a gnat natic nul policy by gelling rid ol it, than do so for the t urrosc of refusing an arbitration. Mr Cass? Mr. President. 1 have great respect for the honorable Senator from Georgia, or which 1 ain sure he must be aware, as well as the Semite; but I entirely dis sent fit nt hun as to the propriety of receiving Hie ro pronehes of the English people and press without de f? r.dirg the conduct of our own country or examining ti nt of England. There is not a ship which reaches ]?< re from Europe that does not bring us au ao ? cunt of t.nfi it ndly discussions in the English press and Parliament, and among the English people, reproaching u- for wlmt they consider our everlasting and iuordTnute d< the ier annexation. The very last arrival conveys tho I Infoi matien that our recognition of the gov-rnni- nt of Nicaragua is attributed to a determination to acquire that country and also Costa Pica, .*nd in fact, 1 believe, aii (vntrai America. Nov. sir, 1 do not believe in the j"ro te ty (1 sitting still, shutting our ears and our mouth to hitter reproaches, and w hen one rheek is struck turning 11,e t tlier to undergo the humiliation. The in.-tinete i f self-defence tci.rli us better, and tcacli us also to exam ine tlie conduct of other rations and compare it with our own when ours is judged and condemned. I think the President was right in the message to which I alluded, win n he refcrn d to the acquisition of France and Eng land as a conclusive answer to reproachoa directed against us, and a.- constituting au equal ground of offen-e cn cur jurt. Ardl think, also, that these matters involved in our foreign intercourse constitute proper subjects to he discussed in the American Congrc-s, before the Ame rican people. 1 do not bcijeve that such open and lroc discussion over did us injury at home or abroad. Mr. Cucvto.v?Six years ago the Senate decided in faver of the treaty of lk60, by a vote of 44 to 10, or more than four to one. The very ablest men at that time in the country, including the Committee on Foreign Relations, with Mr. King us their chairman, besides Henry Clay, Daniel lVebster. and other very considerable gentlemen like tliem. voted Tor that treaty upon lull consideration and discussion of all its bearings. 1 will slake their"cha racters for wisdom, and their opinions as statesmen, cveu againct the opiriotis and statesmanship ol the honorable Fenator from Georgia. 1 am perfectly content to abide by the decision ol the public, when that public shail knovv thc high standing and great ability of th?*sc gentlemen who approved and sustained that instrument. I would not court a eomi?irison ot tlie ten who voted against a measure, to supply the necessity of which not one man among them ever did, or ever can. suggest a substitute, nnd the forty odd who sustained and approved thnt mea sure, comprising among their number some of the most able statesmen and the most distinguished pa- ( trims that this or any other country ever produced. I .have been too long accustomed to hear oondemna j Hons of this treaty from a different class of men, to ro- ] gard them as at all now requiring any defence trom me. ; But, w ith regard to n matter more important for us now to consider?the abrogation of the treaty. Why, sir, wc j have it not in our {tower to abrogate it. Wc havo it in our power, if we choose, to declare by a solemn act or I Congress, or in some other way, that Great Britain has - violated the treaty; nnd then wc may. at our peril, take upon ourselves to refuse to cent ply with It ou our part, j Thnt would probablv lend to a war. Arc wc ready for it? 1 have said, repeatedly, ihat the British government has violated tills treaty, and grossly violated it. That is - my opinion now; it liafi boon my opinion ever since tlio President-sent his first communication at the beginning of this session to the Senate?his annual message; but, sir, I have studiously inquired what benefit we should gam by abrogation. If I could sec any 1 would consent to abide the consequences of declaring It mill to morrow, though a war might, and probably worth!, be the consequence of It. What benefit .can wo gain by such a course ? How will it placctus-in any' batter posttiw? The Senator has not attempted to point this out to us, nnd lie cannot do it. Thev have really refused to carry the treaty into effect., Fo.iar as It regards'them It is a dead letter. They say it'does not,! ojernte at. all on any atlstiug interest of theirs. I should be-quite willing to declare It null if lie would show us how wc ooc.ld gain any benefit by soil doing. Ho will n<>t venture to try that. What would bc'our )>ot4tk?n it we could and should abro gate the. treaty ? The British would Jlien, without any question, be !u {loaaeaeicm of the whole of ,G;ntral?Amcrl ca, or as.much of it as tbey desire. They?woro. really in possession of nearly .two third* of It, oertainly qf ,mnro than bslfof It (Mr. jhicbanon says of,)-nt. the time the treaty wiuMnadc-> Suite tllnt,'itJs, true, they have, cut^f some respect to the treaty,* withdrawn a great dcal'of their pretensions; but they etllhclaim all the country between the Farrtobti and Flbooti and the Bay Islands, and claim an indeterminate protectorate over tho Mosquito Indians, which Is very difficult to comprehend as existii g w ithin any fixed limits; for, Judging from the despatches of the British Ministry, iUis ouc thing to day and anolLer morrow. It the trinity were abro gated thev would claim all they claim now, and a great deal more. They were, irwe tiro to credit the desputchiO of Mr (Imtlield, on the very verge, at the time the treaty was made, of extending their |>rotoct<>rate?nay, they l.ud is inmouccd the extension of It?down to Bocca 1*1 Tore, and even within tho limits of Ntw Grannda. They wlthdrtw as soon as wc com menced an anxious hegotiniion on the subject; nnd if we wc were t? declare the trenty abrogated they might, and pri I.ably would, not only renew tlio claim, but in fact tlie w bole isthmus would be soon in their {losses fion That would he the effect of the wi-o {silicy recommended by the Senator from Georgia. 1 have said again and again, and incurred sonic censure for having said it as it appears trom some ntw simpers, that if I could he satisfied a decided majority of bith branches of Corgrcss would agree to enforce wl it is called the Mon roe doctrine In regard to this territory?if they would rmlly determine that Grout Britain should not remain in possession of th s country, 1 would be very willing tojolu them. But I havo raid, and say again, that I have no evidence that such a declaration would lie maintained. 1 would not myself bo w illing to maintain tho declaration as a general principle, btTt only in reference to this part of the American continent; and only In reference to that, as 1 consider we should be justified In taking such a cours in consequence of their having so out rngcootly broken the treaty. Would the distin guished gentleman from Georgia advocate the Monroe rtoetnne, and extend it to Central Ameri ca, after lie had abrogated the treaty? Not lie. Then ho would give np all the great, all the best passages across the Isthmus, to Great Britain. As to the Panama route, Great Britain is not bound to protect it by anything but the very treaty which he would get rid of. Tho only treaty which makes that neutral is the treaty with tlio insignificant State of New Granada- and the neutrality under thnt treaty extends only n- far as tho narrow strip enibrnted In the province of Panama, which Great Br tn n. were she in possession Of the adjoining Central Aim AM Rune Ol U>?lA fKikB, It* eb? wyuJd 1>? totted ?b9 be IVee from the treaty ol 18G0, would. !n of war with up, seise after less than a three days' inarch Ho wishes, therefor*, to five tip the who.e Isthmus to (.real Britain, ami he evidently thinks it (M'noimi ?( rtance to us. I soy, therefore, I can pee nothing but ml-'chlef to tho course he, and ethers who have expressed the s.ime sen timent* long before him, recommend. I will not detain the Senate on this subject. for 1 have, on a fonMr <*L'-a sion, fully exposed the imbecility of such a policy. But, in regard to arbritration: the honorable Senator from (itorpia snys he would arbr.irate tlie whole controversy. The Secretary of State says he will arbitrate the question of geography, but not any question so plain as that which the Karl Of Clarendon proposes to him, whether tho word "occupy" means what they themselves understood it to mean, as I have shown, and what every dictionary of the English language says it means. The Senator from Geor gia says he concurs with all the other members of the Senate, that the American construction is clearly right, but still he would refer it. I concur with him that, as a general rule, I would ra ther arbitrate than go to war; but not in such a case as this, unless the referees should be eminent and impartial civilians selected by ourselves. The British ministry have undertaken to put a construction 011 1111 English word which uo one dictionary in their own language will sustain. When the proof is overwhelming as to what was hennaningof the parties at the time, as it is here, it docs appear to me that it would be an insult to us to ask v.s to arbitrate before a European prince such a que.s ion as that. 1 could not have any confidence that they wtuld abide by the award, if made against them, as they refuse to abide by an honest and fair interpretation of the treaty. A government which is capable of so grossly outraging all the rules of interpretation as they have shown themselves to bo, in my Judgment would not hesi. tnte, if the awurd were made against them, to declare that they woold not abide by the award 011 some techni cal objection or other, and thus throw us back precisely where wc were before, still more seriously Jeoparding tho relations between the two countries. I uke leave of the question perfectly satisfied w 'h the wisdom of the policy of Mr. Murcy and the President iu relation to lhv> subject of reference. Our Laiicoitcr Correspondence., Pi., June 23, 1656. The niffrimagt to the Mucq </186f?Scute <f the Pilgrims ?Appearance of the Battle Field, <?c. Philadelphia was hot on Sunday. The thermometers were taken in and the clerk of tbo weather seized tho occasion to givo the Quaker city a dose that would hav< astonished Phadracli, Mcshach and Abcdncgo. even after their experience lu the fiery furnace. The glare of tho heat was so intensified by the marble porticos and tho everlasting white shutters which line tho streets of tho rectangular city, that nothing could approach it in power except the combustion of combined gases in tho com pound blow pipe. To escape annihilation I took my car pet bag and started fcr the region where that lino old gentleman, James Buchanan, lias for many years been teaching people, by bis personal example, to keep cool. All the speakers in the late Convention at Philadelphia told us that Pennsylvania is to bo the grand bat the field during the Presidential campaign, and 1 looked at the country with peculiar interest as I came along in a fust train. Nature was smiling in wheat fields, laughing outright in clover patches, and wearing a serene aspect in the green pastures by the side of still waters, anl it was difficult to realize that the ground will bo strewn with the dead, wounded and missing politicians on tho first Tuesday after tho first Monday of November next. The locomotive by which we were whirled along whistled all tl? way, and seemed ambitious of acquiring tho title of unpolitical engine, but whether it was blowing for Bu chanan or shrieking for freedom and Fremont, it was im possible to tell. It brought us safely to Iancastor, how ever, which is now tlio Mecca of the (still alive and kick ing) prophet of democracy. Lancaster has seen more strange faces since tho Cincin nati Convention than in years before. More Govern ors and members of Congress and honorables, more politicians, big and little, have visited it within a few days than would have como here in as many years if the "favorite son" of Pennsylvania had not been put on the Presidential course by tho political jockios. The co hcslonlsts who have an eye to the public plunder which will jingle out oi Undo Sam's pockets to the tune of $3(10,600,000 during the next four years, come down here to shake hands with Mr. Buchannu. and promise him their warmest support during tho ennvass. Somoof them who have now a linger In the pie desire to keep it there: those who have not been served arc smacking their lips in an ticipation of the least of spoils. The original Buchanan m< n arc on hand to assert their peculiar claims, backed up by credentials more or less convincing as to their le gitimacy. The Pierre men come to ajxilogizc for ever having thought of Ifim for a second torm, and all swear terrible oaths of fealty to Buck and Breck. Benjamin K. Haliet. ot Boston, United States District Attorney lor Massachusetts, chairman of the Committee on Resolutions at the Cincinnati Convention, was here a clay or two since to make matters smooth for the Bo-ton office holders, assuring Mr. Buchanan that when they hud fulfilled what they considered their obligations to Mr. Pierce they went in for Mm (Buchanan) with a hearty goodwill, and intend to support him with greater ze II than they ever did any other candidate. Anson Derrick, oi New York, was here with a couple of fi lends' and allle of his pnpers. He presents a big bill for settlement, liuving written several long winded lead ers in lavor of Buchanan from the start, and as his friends testified that those leadeis had a tremendous iathiencc uj er. mankind in general, this claim will probably be al lowed in full if But k should bippen to ho elected. A California delegation has hern here, consisting of Governor B.filer. General Kust and a Sir. Hiil. to induce "James Buchanan" to put a little vitality into the supple mentary plank of the Cincinnati platform on the subject of a road to the Pacific. They assured him that Fremont is unpopular in Ciliioinia, and that if they can only use a little Pin ific Railroad thunder tlicy can carry the State clean for the democratic ticket. The Fouth is giving in Its adhesion. Ron. F. IV. Pick, ens. of South Carolina, and Hons. T. C. I yon 'and IV. M. Churchill, of Tennessee, dined with Old Buck to-day at McMicliael's Hotel, with due ceremony, and did not fail to impress oijm.ii his mind the devotion of the Palmetto State and the fellow citizens of Jackson to his cause. It must have Veen highly gratifying to the old gentleman to meet representatives of the millitiers mid of the Mate whose Iron chieftain nullified the nulllficrs, fraternizing t< gethcr and pledging tlieir support to the common cause. What pledges he was obliged to give in return I know not. lie probably pointed to the Cincinnati platform, and reiterated the sentiment of his speech to the committee? that he is no longer James Buchanan, und henceforth will speak no word, hut let the platform speak for him. That is certainly a very convenient way to stave oil' all those who would den.and new pledges and engage hlin iu in terminable discussions upon his future policy. The old veteran Is looking well, but Is bored by visit ers, and at times wishes himself bofik to Kngland, where he was only, at considerable intervals, obliged to attend lord Mayor's dinners, and participate in "mutual admira tion" speeches with John Bull. Ill the meantime, the ex citement gives an impetus to business iu 1-anca.sler. The politicians who come here must jatrouisc the hotels, and the rich farmers in the neighborhood harness up the best wagon and come to town much more frequently than he fore. It Is becoming fashionable to dine nt McMlchael's Hotel, now that there Is occasionally a chance of meeting inp "(lid Buck" and n brace ofCongress men at die table. Buchanan has some ardent supporters among his fel low townsmen, (bic of them, who had worn out his coat and breeches in the pood CMN, harangued a crowd in front Of tho principal tavern this evening until, in Mo en thusiasm. lie fell down tijion tho sidewalk. Alter gather ing himself up he begged three cents of a bystander, and betook himself to the next corner grooory to finish his discourse uj>on democracy. Our Niagara Falls Correspondence. Niagara Falls, Juno '23, 1856. Arrkali cj Strangers?The Kansas Committee ho Bit in Aew York, etc., etc., <fc. This resort (rf the gay and fashionable world is just be ginning to fill up?one hundred and twenty-live arrivals yesterday. 1 find that the people who come now are not inclined to stay more than a day or so, as a thin house does cot give much life or music to one travelling for pleasure. I saw amor.g the arrivals yesterday >S. P. Hanecora, familiarly known as " Spike," who Is en route from De troit?where the Kansas Commission have been in session for the lost week?to Boston, where he is to subpoena six or eight witnesses to appear and testify at New York, w here the Commission Is to Elt on Wednesday next. They will then finish up their report, and be at Washington l>y Wednesday week. He deifies the intimation that the Committee came Lome because the 910,000 was all spent, and says they came home becauso tliey had got through in Kansas. "Spike" Is looking fine, and moans to do service In the Old Bay state for Fremont. 1 find tio cither distinguished arrivals on the books, if wc except some fi w Cincinnati delegates who have been West recruiting alter their arduous duties in the Queen City of tho West, and have turned up hcrcgoing homo. Wc came uear having a sad incident to record to-day. As a lady wns coming from the tower, In stepping down to the rock, coming cult, she slipped and foil. Sbe seemed to re-cover herself, but was slipping again, and still nearer the water, when a gentleman from Boston reached for ward and Faved her. A foot more, and she would havo reached the current and gono over. There were polo laces amor.g the ladies for a few moments. It seems that deriving such an Income as they aro from the Island nnd Tower, there should be more security allorded In passing to ami from tho Tower than there is now. They aro about to build a new bridge above where Che one now is, and more substantial than the present wooden structure. Arrival nt New Orleans of the UiiHccl States Minister to Guatemala. RETORTED EXPEDITION FROM GUATEMALA AGAINST WALKER. [Frem the New Orleans Delta, June 17.1 Hon. John I.. Morling, United Mates Minister lor Guate mala. arrived in this city a day or two since. Ho is at the St. Charles Hotel, and, wc regret to add. very ill. Mr Morling is on a visit to his friends in Nashville, but will first proceed to Washington to report to the govern ment concerning his mission. He re|sirti that on tho 23d of May, when he left, tho government of Guatemala had orderedltB army of two thousand men to invade Nicn regno, lor thopurjiosc of making war tijxin Walker. This would seem to givo additional substance and Imjsirtnnoo to the rumors alluded to in our last Nicaragua corrcspond once, of the 5th Inst., to the cfiect that Guatemala, Suu Salvador and Honduras were combining against Walker. But as Mr Moi ling left Guatemala on the '-'3d, it is very jioiFible thnt. in tt o time intervening between that date and the dole of our corrcsjondmee. Uioso governments, heard of the discon.lituro and despondency ot the tvita Kicsns, bad rc utuidmd llie quuU'Ji, Oar Havana Correspondence. Havana, -Jrao iq, igjq. C< al 9*pj>lyjbr the Span ith Sijtt&Ji'un at U-ra Oru??jVctaj f/im ttiearogva? Walia (la initio S'rrm^K?MaiktU, d Oml has boon scat to our w-ir -team-irs at Vera Cruz, to enable them to take |ewitio:i?if to light or to run awaj?as tliscrciion may dictate. 1 have seen a note which eatno up from Nicaragua by the Susquehanna, which show, tiint Walker is gaining strength, ami that lie will not ho ulouo or have to con tend against all tho .States of Ccutral America; ho is out of tho woods. Kilos as nsttal. Exchange?Now York, ?>i to lo.nnrt tlrm; I/ndon. 1 >' 1 to 2, dull, but the fooling much better than at the close or last week. Freights very dull; nothing done In the two past days. Theatrical and Musical. Nrmo's Gari>k\?The comic pantomime entitled "II. Pechaluinran," ono of the Ravels' best pieces, is to ho performed this evening, in connection with tho sparkling ballet styled " Flora and Zephyr," in which the (xtpuiar M'lle Robert executes a number of elegant dances. Young Jlcngler, tho wonderful tight rope performer, is also in lhe programme of entertainments. His astonishing feats* ccm almost miraculous. RrKTox'H TinUTHK.?llanagor Fl?ming appears deter mined to secure the good will of the playgo ng public by ihe presentation of old and highly j ?ovular pieces, with* casts that arc able to do tho authors justice. To-night wc are offered the five act comedy of " The Honey Moon,-' in. which Mrs. Fleming, Miss Kauuy I Van, Messrs. Pryjr ' Holland. Fuller, tho manager and oilier favorite artists an' I ear. " Beulah Sjia, or, the Two B'lioys " follows. Fkoadway Vakictifw?Tlio Wood and Maroh iuvenileo wlll enact the celebrated drama called the "i?lx Degrees I Crime," for tho last time this evening, consequently l.oso who contemplate taking their families to see this moral play must not lorget to avail themselves of proba 1 ly the last ojrportunlty they will have of so doing. Tho moral tendency of this piece cannot prove otherwise than beneficial to the yduthful intellect. Emimkk Hai l.?A grand mlscellanoous entertainment la to be given this evening, on the occasion of the compli mentary benefit generously tendered Mmo. Keller by several distinguished artists of this city. The programme consists or vai ions of M. Keller's greatest living illustra tions or tableaus of renowned Scriptural, historical amta allegorical paintings, unique magical experiments fcy Slg Adonis, singing and music by Mine. Lovarnv, Miss Duck worth, Herr Kta-pel, Ac. Wood's Minstiikis.?All who desire to enjoy a novel and very amusing performance, should sec Georgo in the "Mischievous Monkey with that Hlo-sed Baby." Tho piece is to bo withdrawn alter this week. Dtspklpoiik Gam.kry.?Tho "Martyrdom of Huns," and other line paintings in this gallery, are particularly worthy the attention of ali having a taste for the fine arts. An Appeal of the Chrgyiucn of Richmond, TO THE FANATICS, MADMEN AND WILD POLITICIANS OF AI.L rA'.Titfi. At a meeting of the ministers < i Die Gospel, in the city or Richmond, convened on Thur-dav, the 10th instant alter public notice, tho Rev. T. V Moore was called to the ( lmir, and the Rev. George Woodbritlge nppoiuted Secretary. The Rev. Dr. Smith, of Randolph Macon, being present Was invited to assist in their deliberations. The meeting was opened with prayer by tho Rev. Mr Woodbtltlgo. , The following address was then presented, and, alter mature deliberation, was unanimously adopted: T. V. MUORK, Chairman. Gtco. WooPFRirxiK, Secretary. Rrftohknanp Fkllow Citixkxs?The undersigned, min isters of the Gospel, of different Christian denominations in the city or Richmond, do not think that wc shall tran scend our proper sphere In addressing to yoit, respect fully and earnestly, a Tew conservative remarks on tho present alarming crisis in our national affairs. Our clerical profession, though it lias restrained nsfrom taking au active |?rt In political matters, has not quenched the ardor of our patriotism. Wc cherish, as our invaluable birthright, the liberty, civil and religious, secured for us by the toll, valor and blood or our fathers. Wo are fer vently attached to our national institutions, planned by the wisdom, and consolidated by the conservative spirit of revolutionary patriots. Wc love our country?our whole country?our country with uil its faults. We look upon tho Citizens of every State of the Union as our brethren. Of all the people on the fitcc of the earth, they have tho gr. atest muse to be thankful ami contented. The sun does Bot shine upen a nation so free, so favored, bo prosperous, as ours. We deem it our solemn duty, as patriots and Christians, to contribute in every lawful method to the peri>ctu&llou of blessings so numerous, eo various and so rich. We have seen, with painful solicitude, the agitations which have marred the pence and threatened the stability of our Union. Sectional jealousies and bitterness have, to a great degree, usurped the place or patriotism and brotherly love. Citizens of the same country, descendants of the sunn- race, Inheritors of the samo priceless privi leges, guardians oi lhe same beneficent institutions, aro set in deadly hostility against each oilier. The spirit o?' violence, showing itself in misrepresentation and abuse, . in the licentiousness of the tongue, and of the press, iu personal assaults, in insubordination, and in armed resis tance to the lawful authority, is rife and spreading in the country. The fiamos of civil wur re kindling in our bor de:s. As American citizens wo arc humbled, an I as ( liristians we are deeply mortified and grieved at till ? state of things. We have ?een that, in various parts of the country meetings are called, conventions are held, speechos aro delivered, resolutions are adopted, and all, or nearly al! are designed to agitate, inflame, excite the worst passions of the human heart, tnd add fuel to tlame that threat-sis to eonsunte the noble fabric of our government. Wo have rend no account of any meeting assembled for tho pat riotic and < hristian purpose ol allaying tho popular ex citement, awaking the conservative s|rtrit of tho people and invoking the blessing of the Most High on our rulers and on our nation. We be'ieve that God reigns in righteousness over tho rations (if the earth. His gracious and controlling provi dence has been eminently displayed in the history oC our beloved country. Our Revolutionary fathers ac knowledged the sovereignty ol"God; relied on His sustain ing power, and sought, by tasting, humiliation and prayer, to deprecate His wrath and to secure His guidance and pro tection in the unequal struggle iu which they were en gaged. Nor did they appeal to him in vain. By many wonderful interpositions He gave them the victory, and enab'ed them to establish a government which has been the admiration of the world and the hope of republican li- ? berty. From the auspicious dawn of our republic to this hour lie has been the guide, defence and benefactor of our nation. The perpetuity of aur natiunal institutions, and the prosperity of our country depend on Ilis blessing; and we humbly trust that He, who watched over our national infancy and nourished us to vigorous manhood, will not now forsake us. We are sure Ho will not. If by our na tional iniquities wc do not forfeit his favor and provoke His wrath. We regard the law of God ns the foundation of all hu man law. binding by its precepts all men, of every sphere and calling in life, and the standard by which all human actions should be judged; and we, therefore, earnestly deprecate all exasperating personalities, nil asperity and intemperance of language, all resorts to physical force for redress, as contrary to tho teaching or God's word, and as derogatory to that elevated civilization of which that word is the origin, the rule and tho safeguard. In view of these considerations, It seems good to us lo address a few words of exhortation to our fellow citizens. In the present circumstances, it is the obvious and imper ative duty of all to cherish a ]>atriotic, candid, kind and forbearing spirit. l et us sedulously avoid every word and deed which can tend to increase the public excitement and irritation. lit us give no countenanco to lawless vio lence, whether in low or high places. Let us seek by every practicable method to strengths and brighten the bond of fraternal union, which should embrace every citi zen of our favored Statee and Territories. And, Above all, let Christiana fervently pray to the Father of Light for his blessing on our rulers?that they may be wise, flrm,oon ciliating and patriotic; and for our people?that they may be peaceable, prosperous and happy. Wo are called indi vidually to self-cxaniination, tho confession of our sins, penitence, and a reformation of our lives; and by these methods. Tar more readily than by lierco discussion we avert the dangers which are impending over our beloved land. And now we entreat you, by every consideration of patriotism and piety?by the memory of our fathers? by the blood which purchased our liberties?by tho illus trious deeds of Bunker Hill and Yorktown?by tho his tory of the past?by tho millions, living and tinhorn, whose welfare depends on the preservation of our Union ?nnd, especially, by our religious prosperity, so greatly increased tinder our excellent govermcnt, to "fellow tba things which make for peace." In conclusion, wo earnestly request our fellow citizens to unite with us on Sunday preceding the fourth day of* July next, in prayer, secret, sociul and public, to the God of nations, that he would morcifhlly restrain tho angry passions of men, inspire our rulers with a moderate and pacific spirit, disperse the clouds overhanging our favored republic, restore the harmony which once existed among the Fiates of this Union, and enable us to transmit to our josterity, in their entlrennss, tho inestimable privileges which we have received from our ancestors. J. B. JETER, T. II. JONES, II. B. C. HOWELL, J- I>- BLACK WELL, J. L. BURROWS, W. A. SMITH, v It. FORD, M. D. HOOK, II. WATKINS T. V. MOORE, J. B. TAYLOR. I? P. LEPOUX, PLTTIGRKW, C. H. READ, J. K. POWERS, GEO. WOOBR1DGE, , ?. P. WIIiKJN, H. 8. KEPl'LER, J. II. BOYD. H. B. NEWMAN, ? W. H. STARR, J. PETERKJN. Melancholy Accident in Boston Harbor.? ovr Mkn Drowned.?A boat containing seven men from art boston was upset ou Sunday afternoon in the harbor, ocr Apple Is'aud, and four of the number wero drown ni. The bodies of John Forbes Thomas McCann, and John Goode. were recovered. The fourth, a native of Germany, has rot yet been found, The boat's crew were mostly blacksmiths ami machinists, and worked in net Boston. It is thought that a "cat squall'' struck the out. and it is miraculous that no more wore lost. In ad dition to the above wo give further particulars. John Forbes w as twenty-nine years of age, and leaves a wifo, buffio children, although the woman is on the verge of confinement. Thomas McCann was aged about thirty, and leaves a wifo and one child. John GooiTe, twonty eigbt years, leaves a wife and three children. Tho fourth, whose body was not rocovercd until this morning, was a voting Scotchman named Robert Mclntiro, aged eighteen, lie has no relatives In this country.?JJuion June 23. From Kansas. By the steamer Jos. II. Lucas, Just down from St Jo seph, says the St. I.OUtS Democrat of tho 21st inst., wo lent n that allairs in Kansas are assuming n milder aspect. Rumors of violence havo almost entirely ceased to bo heard. The parlies of firmed men that ran rlnt In the Territory, committing depredations on the ono hnnd, and defending themselves on the other, aro being dlsbandod by the energetic action of Col. Sumner, or ckjc skulk .14 reunite j w Its of tho country.