Newspaper of The New York Herald, October 3, 1860, Page 6

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated October 3, 1860 Page 6
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NEW YORK HERALD. j&lll aORDOl BKNIKWi EDITOR ARTS PROPRIETOR. omoi n. w. conn op wajmao and ptltom bts. TJUR ?uk 4? bAmma JbM?i?al?wil?<lltaillb rUA of Ott wAr. Fottat* tampt a<* rtuWtd at nfmcriptmn DAILY MMMALDtow mil|Mr ?**. ft |Mr omuov. TUB WBMM.LT BBRAID, ?wr* Sato'-to*. ?< ?or as jmt annum, |A? Buroptan WJittm rrtrff Wfinerl mate por my*. M P<T annum lo aw* pari of Srmt Br%lai n. or II to aw* J?rt q/|A? OmMMW*. fcotA to toWwie tfcr I Btfcrtow on Uit Ut, III* and 11* of ?acA tomuA at tut "Vdu^fZtrrToBKBSPOifDBrrrB. ?MWi, aoR.-ttni /roni an* ouorlrr c/ OwteorU. </ W*. *" _ lAotollp paU /or. S9~ Oou fOKUUI OoBSSBrosPBSts **? laoaranj/ inim / w. rwRww _ Mil u.nV funcuuui Keucbitep ro Heal aia LsrrsnJ abb 1 **?* i*u unn Volmma XXV. .No. 1170 fmi'KKMKNTS TIfI> EVENING. ACADKVY OP Ml'SIC, Fourteacth r.reet.?ITALIA* On (U La Tlituli. JCTBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway.?Hamlet. WINTER GARDEN, Broadway, opposite Bond (treat? FiZlo?SuOCklJIU KXBTS. BO#KRT TIJEATRK, Bowery.?Moik m Caii rOB.su? Oou-is Tob?O'Flamcab AMD tub Faieiu. WALLACE'S THEATRE Broadway.?PLAnre Wit* Fibb. LAURA KF.F.NK'B THEATRE, No. 831 Broad way. Aileeb AEOOB. NEW BOWERT THEATRE, Bowery ? Oitab or Lin? Cai-tais's Not a Mist? Wablock or the Ule.v BARNPM'H AMERICAN MUSEUM. Rroadway.-Dny and Brenlnjt Joeara abo Hit Bbbti.bbk - Liwbu t'oaioti bibs. Ac. BRYANTS' MINRTRELB, Meohanbs' HaU.in Broadw\y. Brauaans, Boaes. Dabces. Ac.?Scebu ai Fbalob i. NIBLO'B SALOON, Broadway ?Hoolit A Campbell's MtBlTEELt IB KTHIOrlA* SOBCS, BOELJKtUUE Da?C??, AC.? VlBCIMA MtllT. OANTXRBUBT MUSIC HALL, 863 Broadway.-SosOi Dabces Hcauuucas. Ac. TRIPLE SHEET. Haw York, WrdRiiday, October 3, 1880. Th? News. By the arrival of the North American at Father Point and the Canada off Cape Rat e, we have Ku ropean advices to the 23d alt., four days later than the account* received the Glasgow. The news is important. The report of the de feat of the Papal troops, under Lamoriciere, by the Sardinians, is confirmed in every particular. The battle took place on the ltith nit., and lasted eiz hours. The greater portion of the Papal army, including the Irish brigade, capitulated. The ac tion is regarded as a decisive one. The war is vir tually at an end. Ijimoriciere. at last accounts, was besieged and blockaded at Ancona, but it was thought he would not protract a useless struggle. Garibaldi had demanded of Victor Rmanuel the removal of Cavour and F&rini from his Cabinet, and a foare of thirty thousand men to garrison Naples. The King, however, without consulting his Ministers, declined, declaring that he contd not comply with such strange pretensions from a man wbo-r successes seem to mislead him. There would appear to be an almost irreconcilable breach beta eon the revolutionary leader and the King. ft i.- stated that a manifesto by the Pope, an nouncing his determination to withdraw fromh'ome, had already been prepared. There were reports in I-ondon of unfavorable news from China, but nothing authentic had trans pired. It will be remembered that the first news of the British disaster on the Peiho was received through Russian sources, and the intelligence re ferred to in probably received by the same chan nel. The funds, both in l-ondon and Paris, had im proved slightly on the receipt of the news of the victory of the Sardinians. In other respects finan cial and commercial affairs remained without mate rial change. Our Washington despatch contains news from the city of Mexico to the loth and from Vers Cru* to the ltth ult. Miramon. aided, as it was believed, by the Spanish Minister, had rallied a strong body of troops to his aid, and would now be able to pre sent a formidable array to the advancing (literal forces. There wa? greet excitement throughout tl# city yeaterd.iy, but mure particularly in Wall and \m *an Strepf*. caused by the announcement of the failure of the Artisan*' (tank. The scene at the banking house, and the causes of this financial disaster, are described in another column. The action of the directors of the Chicago and Iiork island Haiiroad, in pronouncing it inexpedient to declare any dividend at the present time, added to the excitement and led to a general depreciation of securities at the Stock Exchange. # Mr. W. B. lindsay, M. P.. whose name has be come familiar to our readers in connection with the efforts of the British government to obtuin aome modification of ottr navigation laws, was en tertained with a complimentary dinner at the Tre rncnt Horse. Itostnn. on Monday evening last. It was a private, and doubtless a very pleasant affair. Mr. l.indaay left Boston yesterday after noon. and will arrive in thin city this morning. At the meeting of the Board of Huperviaors yes. terday Inspectors of Election were chosen for all the wards except the Eighth. Eleventh. Eighteenth. Nineteenth aud Twenty-first wards, the committee not having determined whom to recommend for these ward*. In another place will be found an interesting ae count of the taking of the oath of fealty by her Im penal fbghnesa the Princess Donna Isabel, hcireas to the Brazilian throne, an event of considerable I importance to all the parties immediately con < ? rned. The day open which the ceremony took place was the birthday of the Princess, who ha? jnat entered her fifteenth year, having been horn on the 29th of Jaly. l"4d, and is ronscqm ntly nearly four and a half years younger than the illustrious Prime ?(Wales, born in November, 1*11, who is now ac tat ng the Northern limit of the great American continent, while hi* fait cousin la canning a little senestlon and an object of observation in the (tnuthern. One might really agree with the orator in the Clumber of Deputies who, in addressing the Emperor of Brazil on the al?ove mentioned un a ?ion, said Uiat, while "in Europe. the Europe of monarchic*. monarchy was tottering, in the Ameri ca of republics monarchy was taking stronger ' root." The kales at eottoa yesterday embraced about 1, 00 a f ooe bales, rioo.rg with steadiness oe the basis of lOVe a 10',c. tor middling uplac is The receipt* since j the 1st of September last (at the portal bsv?a resche I about in 000 bales, against ITO.OCO ta 1*4? ac 1 141 0(0 la 1*4* The exports bare raarbed 4.1.000 bslse. ago net "2.000 la IV# and 44 OCO la 145* The stack on hint am nnte-i to 2*4 000, sgatDft 100 000 ta 1*49, sal 1*4,000 la ISM The flser market opeard wttt aome irregularity, bat grew flrmer aa the day advaaeai, sag rWatd w.iti a food demand, chiefly for eaprrt, white *ntes wers larger. Wheat was heavy, far common grade*, sot firm tor red and sruber W estern with IVee nslea here sat to arrive. Onm was firmer, with nalea of pr ree Wrntera mined al flSn a T0r , and rnnad ynllow at Tic. Pork wwlna buoyant, white sales of saw mens were made at IIS iv, att* as. tad aew prima at 111 *T >, a 114 75 ffngnre wera Heady aa I is fair demand. with mien of about 1 300 hb ta aad 10 b-nea. at rsten gives ta soother eelumn Oow-e wa^flrm while ?alee ware limited Ah Invoice, oomprtsteg 74 casks of new rice, waa aoid at 4*?e ? so l 40 do old at 4 V a ?',? freights were steady, and trembly active to laglM ports. among the engagements were 40 000 buabe<* of ' wheat lo Liverpool, ta bs'k.at 1! ,4 a lf\d tad to *>agi at tad., had 14.000 bbia. flour at la 0d. Wbeat to I ?>.. < on wm takes at lk.Sl, in ship's bag*, aad Soar at * BuptuloD of thi Arttitu' Btak-Com. mtMtmeot of Politic e-Coninttrclal trim. Tie city wu thrown into considerable panic yesterday by the sudden announcement of the suspension of it*- A?ii*a:i?' Bank, from which institution the Oty Ch?ml?erlain, Mr. Piatt, j (who is also President of the bank,) withdrew the city funds, and deposited the same in the i'ark Dank. It has been known for some time that the Artisans' Bank was in some difficulty, and it is a fact significant of the tim^- that its troubles did not arise from any legitimate com mercial cause, but from purely political cir cumstances. This is but the beginning of the politico commercial crisis which is the certain conse quence of the present disturbed condition of the country?the uncertainty of the future prospects of the confederacy in view of Mr. Lincoln's election, which seems to be accepted on all sides as a foregone conclusion, and a fear of the disruption of our whole system, com mercial and political, of which evidences, too strong to be doubted for a moment, are fur nished every day in the Southern States. It is a matter of grave consideration that even at this early period?before the issue of the coming election has been put on trial practical illustrations of the direful conse quences of republican success should be pre sented to us. But. as we have said, the suspen sion of the Artisans' Bank is but the commence ment of a revulsion which we fear is about to be felt ail over the country, if the conservative masses do not rise up in their might, and at the ballot box in November next lay the foul spirit of sectional despotism which Mr. Seward is heralding throughout the country, and which Mr. Lincoln is pledged to eathrAe at Washington in the event of his election, Uke another Lucifer in Pandemonium. The panic of yesterday is but as a spet k of vapor in a tropical sky foreshadowing an approaching tempest. The political crisis at which we hare arrived is not, as in many former times, merely the turning point of fortane for this political party or that: the question involved is not whether this set of politicians shall command power and spoil or the other set, but whether the whole fabric of the Union is to be levelled; whether the consti tution is to be ignored; whether the commercial prosperity of the country is to be demolished; whether we are to live at peace as brethren united by a common interest and a single des tiny, or to drag out a miserable termination to the American republic in internecine warfare. Such are the questions depending for solu tion upon the result of the present contest. We see the first symptoms of danger in the ex citement which visited this city yesterday ; and this Is but the beginning of the end. If the blaok republican party should be elevated to power, and the programme of Lin coln and Seward be inaugurated, we will see the banks at the North suspending, the mer chants smashing up, the factories closed, the shipping rotting at our wharves: and in the South the consequences may be still more* serious: the railroads thrown into disuse, and civil strife raging over the fair domains of that beautiful region. Let us take heed in time; let the people, forewarned bj the evidences of coming trouble around them, leave the politi cians to pursue their tortuous course of mis chief, and come forward in mass to save the country from the disasters which menace it by the election oi so me conservative man to the Presidency. Tut Mr !??" ??>! rr\.\ XouiNSTroxs?Tint Star oi Mozart Hstx J\ tiie A-oMuvr.?The re cent action of Mozart Hall as regards the coun ty nominations is judicious and in the spirit of conciliation. There was great confusion as to the county nominations, but the fog is clearing away, and we are now beginning to see more clearly. The Mozart Hail Dominations will sweep the city, for it is the centre of the con servative union movement against the revolu tionary block republican candidate for Presi dent It owes its position to being first in the field for nationality against sectionalism: for last year it fought and conquered under the banner of the Union and the constitution, against the irrepressibles and recreant free soil Taamany Hall, led on by the semi ami slavery Journal of Qmmtrc*. it signally defeated them both. The best thing decrepit old Tammany can now do is to strike off three or four of the no minees from its ticket, and replace them by the names put forth by Mozart Hall. It cannot hope to carry a single man; and the only way to save itself from being drowned in the waves of the cooing contest is to bold fast by the skirts of the rigorous young democracy of Mo rsrt Hall. Nothing can exhibit it* imbecility more strikingly than its rejection of a tried and able man like John Cochran, in the Sixth Con gressional district. As might be expected, sucli a course excites general indignation among the people who are only waiting for an opportu nity to cr.ah out the nuisance. Its days are n, mbered. The next election will probably be the last of it Its only cbsnce of surviving for another year i? its adoption of the ticket of Mo zart Hall, for then everybody will not find out how weak and effete the old corrupt bag has become. But let her stanl on her own merits, and dewn she goes under the weight of her cor ruption, nevor to rise again. As for the republican party. It is in such a hopeless minority in this city that the leaders hare been merely resting upon their oars, in the expectation that the conservative parties would dispose of them.-elvss in fratricidal strife, like the Kilkenny cats Now that that hope is turned into despair, and that union has become the order of the day. the repub lican journals are frantic with rage, and ridi cule fusion much after the fashion of the fox who cried ?cur grapes.' to the ripe and clus tering fruit of the vine which hung beyond his reach. The Bell and Uverett party amount to nothing They are only a few politicians without followers, and the whole concern! small enough to be contained in the breecbet pocket of "Boobj Brooke." Lastly, as regards the Breckinridge men, there ought to be no auch party; it is ridiculous in a county elec tion. All sections of conservatives who want to be on the winning side must attach them selves to Mczart Hall, as the centre of conser vatism. It was the original nucleus of nation ality in this city, and is now a great party. It has the prestige of auccees, and its victory of last year i.- the earneet and the pledge of its triumph this fall. W. H. Seward sad His Pilgrimage to K a as as?The Repabltcaa Candidate for 1864. Our readers will remember the melancholy proclamations of the Chevalier Webb and Mus ter H. Jenkins Raymond, from Sweet Auburn, loveliest village of tbe plain, with the first shock upon the nerves of Mr. Seward of the nomination of "Old Abe Lin coln" by the Chicago Convention. Thus we were told that the mind of our ambitious Sena tor had suddenly undergone a great change?a complete revolution; that henceforward party politics and the Presidency were as nothing to him; that Greeley's treachery at Chicago had left in the heart of his victim "an aching void the world could never fill;'' and that, in short, Mr. Seward, at the close of his present term in the Senate, would withdraw from the vanities of public life, "hang up his fiddle and his bow," and seek some compensation for his great po litical misfortune in joining the illustrious re tired list of such philosophical politicians as Martin Van Buren, John Tyler, Millard Fill more and Franklin Pierce. These were our first dismal reports from "sweet Auburn" touching the nomination of the Illinois rail splitter over the head of the great prophet and apostle of the republican party. But, as the elastic young widow recovers from the shock of her great bereavement, and soon falls into the good old way of resignation and hope, so we were soon given to under stand that Mr. Seward, though grievously wounded by the remorseless Greeley, still lived, and had no idea of giving up the ship. Thus the confidential Chevalier Webb indig nantly brushed away the idle rumor of the hour, that Mr. Seward would not be a candi date for re-election to the Senate, and gave his enemies to understand that he was not thus to be disposed of. The reaction had commenced. The fainting fit of the Senat^- had gone off, and with his first speech of his Western tour he doubtless caught a new and inspiring glimpse of the White Bouse just beyond the rosy vista of Lincoln's administration. Having made his appointed pilgrimage to Kansas, as to "the Holy Land of Freedom," and with something, as he tells us, of that hum ble veneration with which a year ago he had approached the Holy City of Jerusalem, Mr. Seward turns his face homeward, and after giving the Mlssourians in St Louis a scoring on the freedom of speech, he proceeds to Spring field, Illinois, the home of "Old Abe." The train made but a brief halt there; but the peo ple were clamorous for a speech from the dis tinguished Senator, who. after a little conven tional chat with "Old Abe," came forward on the platform and made a speech with a point or two in it worthy some especial notice. Mr. Seward said, " The State of New York will give a generous, and cheer ful. and effective support to your neighbor Abraham Lincoln. I have heard about com binations and ooalitions there, awl 1 have been urged from the beginning to abandon this jour ney and turn back on my footsteps. Whenever I shall find any reason to suspect that the ma jority which the State of New York will give for the republican candidate will be less than sixty thousand, I may do so.*' Here we have the admission from Mr. Sew ard that, although his confidence is unbounded in the vote of New York, our "coalitions" and "combinations" In the way of a union electoral ticket have frightened his retainer!, and they have been urging him to come home. This should encourage the parties concerned in this union ticket to persevere; for we shrewdly sus pect that Thurlow Weed is one of those watch ful sentinels who have been admonishing Mr. Seward to retrace his steps. But our enthusias tic Senator next observes that New York "will sustain your distinguished neighbor, because she knows that be is true to his great principle (the Irrepressible conflict), and when she has helped to elect him. by giving ae large a ma jority as can be given by any half dozen other States, then t/o? tcill foul that she will ask less, ex ict less, from him. and support him more faithfully, than any other State can do." This declaration that New York will "ask less" than any other State was made in the pre sence of Mr. Lincoln, and a private despatch on the subject informs lis that this was the espe cial point in Mr. Seward's speech on the occa sion. We construe it to mean that be does not ask to be appointed to the Cabinet of "Old Abe." but that be is looking ahead to the suc cession. From New York, at every stopping place all the way out to Kansas, the popular receptions which have marked this pilgrimage of Mr. Seward have been sufficient to justify him in the belief that be is in reality the idol of his party, and that the way is clear and smooth before him for the high reward in 1*04 which slipped through his fingers in 18*10. The "irrepressible conflht" thus looms up into a palpable shape. Mr. Lincoln Is to pre pare the way, and Mr. Seward himself, as the successor of Lin&ln. Is to finish up the work. The sympathies and manifestations of the re publican party all point in this direction. Does this took like a suspension of the war upon the ?slave power"" Has not Mr. Seward, in every speech of this Western tour, proclaimed that the war must go on until freedom shall prevail hrougbout the 1'nion* Is it not apparent that he and Lincoln perfectly understand each other? And what is the remedy? The defeat of Lincoln. And how can he be defeated'' By the vote of New York: and her popular vote is against Lincoln, notwithstanding our over confident Senator's republican majority of sixty thousand. The friends of Mr. Seward, who have been canvassing the State and warning him to return to their assistance, doubtless understand the case better than himself. There is a large popu lar majority in the State opposed to the revolu tionary free negro programme of the republi can party. It is only necessary to combine the various conservative factions composing this majority in order to turn New York against Lincoln. These conservative elements, too, are combining, and wkh anything in the way of encouragement from Pennsylvania in October, the voice of New Vork in November will lav the disappointed scholar and the defeated rail splitter in the same political grave with thair sweeping scheme of negro emancipation. 1 ProfrtM ?> (lu Rerolallra ii tkiRoua

Dtaiu-Tlie IMkat of Luttrielm. The arrival of the North American at Father Point and the Canada off Cape Bace, with three days' later new, confirms the report of Gene ral Lamoriciere'a total roat by the Sardinian*. The Papal commander had shut himself tip in Ancona, where he was besieged by General Cialdini. and would no doubt be shortly com pelled to capitulate. With his surrender the revolution in the States of the Church would be complete, nothing thA remaining to be ac complished but the settlement of the conditions on which the Pope Is to be allowed to retain possession of Rome. Although this has been guaranteed both by France and Sardinia, it Is not to be supposed that the rights of its inhabi tants will be overlooked in the arrangement. No settlement can be regarded as permanent which continues the Bame despotic system of government over one portion of the Pope's sub jects that has been successfully repudiated by the rest. Whilst, therefore, the nominal sove reignty of the Pontiff will be maintained, the changes suggested in the French Emperor's confederation project will undoubtedly be carried out The Inhabitants of Rome, al though still compelled to acknowledge the head of the Church as their titular ruler, will have their liberties placed under such muni cipal guarantees that it will be out of the power of the priesthood to again enslave them. This, under the peculiar circumstances in which they are placed, is the only possible solution that can be given to a question which has caused more difficulty and embarrassment than any of the other issues that hare arisen in connection with the political regeneration of Italy. It is stated that efforts were being made by the Sacred College to induce the Pope to aban don bis capital and seek refuge in Spain or Austria. We know no more suicidal step that be could take. Should he quit Rome at pre sent we can promise him that he will never re enter it. Were he to do so he would find him self at once reduced to the status of the Greek and Armenian patriarchs, and deprived of all political consideration whatsoever. Far better would it be for bim to accept the po sition which the French Emperor has projected for him. He would then still occupy the rank of a European prince, with the capital of the world as his residence, and an adequate revenue guaranteed to him by the Catholic Power*. If Plus be not utterly bereft of worldly sagacity be will not reject these ad vantages to trust himself to the precarious bounty of sovereigns who may be themselves exiles from their dominions before the revolu tionary changes which are at present sweeping over the Continent are brought to a stand. These events in the Pontifical States have re lieved Garibaldi from his pledges to the Roman people, and enabled him to concentrate his en ergies on the preparations for his threatened descent upon Venice. If the statements that reach us be not exaggerated, he will very soon be at the bead of an army of 150,000 men, with a fleet of some fire hundred vessels. Now, al though Austria has assembled an immense mili tary force in Venice, measured against such re sources as these, and located in the midst of a hostile population, it is easy to tee that the odds are not so largely in her favor. Whatever advantage she may bare in numbers will be more than compensated for by the enthusiasm of the liberating force and the magical influence of Garibaldis name. Although the resolutions ef the German Diet and the re cent understanding with Prussia protect her against intervention1 by France, there is no such pledge of aid against a danger caused by her own continued harshness towards the Ve netians. It is exceedingly doubtful whether, with the large invading force which Garibaldi will now hare under his command, she will be able, to hold Venice against him. The fears that she must entertain upon this point, as well as her misgivings in regard to Hungary, may induce her to lend a favorable ear to the sug gestion made to her by the other European go vernments. that she should well Venice to Sar dinia, and thus get rid of a fruitful source of danger, whilst at the same time she would re cruit her exhausted finances. It would be a happy thing for the peace of Europe, for the consolidation of the new horn Institutions of Italy, and for the interests of Austria herself, were Francis Joseph to be thus advised. It is certainly the only effectual barrier that be can oppoee to the revolutionary tide that will sooner or later overwhelm him. Tht Pcaaaylvasts (election Taesdsjr >?xt. Of all the Investigations which occupied the time of the Congressional Committees during the last session?which might well be called an investigating session, for Congress did little more than exhibit the .dirty linen of all parties to the public?there was not one which elicited more extraordinary de velopements than the cele brated Covode Committee, as to ths corruption and meanness of the politicians and the press of Pennsylvania. The amount of petty, miserly conduct, the grasping after money, and the utter disregard of all principle and decency, which the evidence before that committee fast ened upon the newspapers and politicians of the Key Stone State, is almost without parallel. Nor was the exposure confined to one party alone?it showed all parties to be alike rotten and corrupt Here was Forney, of the Press, to whom some fifty thousand dollars had been given In the election of 1K56. which was expended, no one knows bow. It is true that it happened that he was then working for a man who made an excellent Pre-ident; but we find him to-day doing the very same thing for a candidate whoee election will entail discord and disaster upon the country, whose policy of warfare up on the South must shatter all our commercial interests and reduce our glorious system almost to chaos. What can be thought or said of the morality of men like Forney ? Then we have an example on the other side, in the case of Rice, of the Prnnttyh nnian, who testified that his paper had received a share of the spoil. Nor was it denied that slmost every other paper throughout the length and breadth of Pennsyl vania. of all parties, was tampered with, subsi dised or bought out and out with money. There is no doubt that the farmers, and me chanic*. and merchants of Pennsylvania are among the most respectable, Industrious and Incorruptible men of their class in any State of the Union; but. on the other hand, the politicians and newspaper men are the most thoroughly corrupt, greedy and pettifogging set of fellows in the whole coun try. When an election of any kind Is about to take place there they send off to New York, Boston, Portland. Providence, and every city la the North, begging for money. They send their collectors into every village and hamlet, and would levy black mai^upon the very niggers if they had anything to give. This ia the character of your Pennsylvania politi cians, which experience has depicted and which the Covode investigation has confirmed. But In the election to come off next Tuesday there is an issue set high above the range of the influence of mere politicians. It ia a great popular issue which is to be decided between conservatism and revolution?between the re presentative of a disorganizing abolition fac tion. whose success menaces every interest in the Union, and the representative of the con servative element in the masses, which is in favor of peace, continued prosperity and com mercial greatness. In such a contest it be comes the duty of the people of Pennsylvania to throw overboard all the politicians, despise their influence, renounce their admonitions, and vote for Mr. Foster as a matter of safety for the country. We do not counsel them to support Mr. Foster because he is a democrat?for the democratic party, for some years past, has fallen into disgrace as deep as any other political or ganization?but -because he represents the con servative opposition to the republican party, the defeat of which in Penney h ania will place an obstacle in its path to power which, once attained, will insure results deplorable to contemplate. Mr. Lindsay and His Semi-Diploma tie Mission?American and Knropean Sys tems of Commerce and Defence* The Hon. Mr. Lindsay, after opening his semi diplomatic budget at Boston, has left the City, of Notions and come to talk with our merchant* about free trade and sailors' rights. We presume he ha? found out by this time that he comes at an inauspicious period to do any business in a public way here, and perhaps he may also have learned that he stands in the same category with the Hollanders, as expressed by his countryman Canning? la mtfter* of commerce 'tie the fault of the Dutc'i To offer too little and to ask for too much. Mr. Lindsay belongs to the class of free lances in diplomacy. Nobody is responsible for what they do, but everybody rejoices at the good they achieve. They are speoially hated ?nly by the red tape diplomatists, with whose set forms and precedents they interfere woefully. These free lances?we call them fili busters on this side of the ocean?in diplomacy have the special mission just now of clearing away the rubbish of antiquated legislation which trammels commerce everywhere, and of overthrowing the idols which fallacy has erected in the commercial policy of nations. They must necessarily be men of more brains than the usual run of diplomatists, and men of practical knowledge of affairs, Thus Ashbur ton, an ex-merchant, was sent over here some years ago to clear away the rubbish about the boundary and fiaheries. More recently Cobden, a Manchester spinner, went as a free lance to Paris, and swept away a mass of old fashioned and useless stuff. What Mr. Lindaay can achieve here to-day is nothing at all, for we are in the midst of our quadrennial political revolution, and the administration is holding through what we here consider as an interregnum in the government. They can do nothing, for they are soon to go out, and the new administration will not be in.posltion until the 4th of March next But Mr. Lindsay can learn much, and go home a wiser man, able to prepare his friends for tome future diplomatic filibuster expedition to this country. In hi- budget there are two classes of wares?those he offers to us and those he asks from us. And there is a remarka ble Inequality between the two. Coder the first head we class all such questions as those of the liability of shipowners for col lision at sea. the rule of the road, signal lights on sail Teasels as well as steam, jurisdiction over crime on shipboard, desertion of seamen, light dues, the measurement of ships and the Issuance of register to those built abroad. In all of these matters, the adoption of simple and general regulations to guide, but not control commerce, will be rery advantageous to all parties. In them there is nothing of particular advantage to us more than to England and the world In general. But under the other head Mr. Lindsay asks from us certain concussions which must be looked at in another light. He desires us to throw open our coasting trade, in cluding that to California, and to put an end to the seizure of private property at sea. These are questions that reqairs to be looked at in another light than as a purely commercial question. Our coasting trade comprises relativsly a much larger portion of our commerce than does that of England of hers, for it is the interchange of the productions and supplies of half a continent, while that of England is limited to a few articles of domestic use. We hare six thousand and England six hun dred miles of cosst line, and Mr. Lind-sy himself gives us a good reason why we should not open this immense line of domestic naviga tion to the English flag. He tells us that before foreigners csn embark in the coasting trade of England they must come and lire in her porta. Now the Eoglieh flag would b? aa good aa domesticated in our porta U they were open to it We have the seafaring communities of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia at one end of our coast lines, of Bermuda opposite the mid dle. and of Nassau off Florida. Open our coasting trade to them, and where does Mr. Lindsay propose to find an offset for the boon? The California trade presents other difficulties; but first in importance is that of discriminating between the trade of different sections of our empire. Tbe great error, however, of Mr. Lindsa/i mission lies in his desire to put an end to the seizure of private property at sea in time of war by national ships or privateers. This Is a one-sided proposition, In which all the advan tage is on the side of the great European Towers, snd the disadvantage on ours. We have ? grown up in the world a mighty Power without an army or navy, in the senaes In which those arms are maintained in Europe. We desire ts make no wars of aggreeeion, and for defence we rely upon the volunteer system on sea and land. At sea this can be used only through the pri vateer system, and we must defend it so long aa nations are ruled by men and not by angels, and dynasties foster ambitious projects and bold great fleets with tbe power of blockade. The restraint which commerce exercises over nations and rulers l? held through the danger to tbe interest* of their subject* which war now Involves; take this away, snd war* of nm. bltion lose their strongest check, and freedom its most powerful defence. Mr. Lindsay will be able to learn during his stay here that we do not consider it wise to abandon the volue teer system of naval warfare while European monarchies maintain mighty fleets, aad ma/ possibly harbor ambitious design*. - ? % Sow therm Oplwlom om the Swccess of the Hepwbtlcwm Party. Every voice which reaches us from the .^outh, whether it emanates from the press, from the lips of the politician, or from the hearts of the people, is ringing with discontent, anticipa tion of coming evil, and a spirit of resistance to oppression in view of the probable success of the republican party at the Presidential elec tion, and the elevation of Mr. Lincoln to the chief magistracy of the republic. However we may condemn the extreme opin ions of the Southern secessionists, and deplore the lengths to which their orators and spokes men go in propagating disunion principles, it is impossible to shut out of view the fact that the public declarations of Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Seward and all the other agitators of the republioaa party are calculated to spread alarm through out the South, and justify the people of that re gion in assuming a defensive attitude. Nor is it possible to misunderstand the point to which the South must inevitably be driven should the republican party attain power -to carry out the policy which its leaders openly pronounce te be its especial mission and purpose. Secession or no secession, revolution or no revolution, ae sane man can doubt that strife and bloodshed and a temporary disruption of all Bocial order, as well as disorganization of the commercial relations between the North and South, must be the result of the dominance of a faction which enters the field of contest on a basis of warfare against one section of the country. And in this light alone can the claims of Mr. Lincoln's party be considered. They do not shirk or dodge the issne; hostility te Southern institutions and the total abolition of slavery?which means death to the Southern States, death preceded by bloodshed and revolution?are the battle airs echoed from every stump and every newspaper in the service of the republican party. The South is not blind that it cannot see. nor deaf that it cannot hear, nor stupid that it cannot compre hend all this. But it is not in the South that the mischief can be averted. With the conser vative men of the North and Middle States it lies to put down this desperate faction whose triumph pressges such dire results as are fcreshadowed every day more and more in every quarter of the South. It is the duty of every man who loves peace and the existence of the confederacy better than power and spoil to resist the election of Lin coln, and thereby avert the disasters which menace the country; and that duty must bn performed by himself, and not through the poK ticians, who are not to be trusted. We have laid before our readers for months past the expression of popular sentiment as ws found it in every section of the country, and more particularly in the South. There is as mistaking its meaning. The success of the re publican party will be but the signal for troubles and calamities which it becomes every one to guard against, and which can only be averted by the defeat of Abraham Lincoln. To day ws pnbliah a letter from Mr. Keltt, of South Carolina, in which he sets forth the posi tion in which the South would find Itself in case of Lincoln's election, and openly pro nounces that disunion is the only alternative lefl the fifteen slave States, against which an undying warfare is proclaimed by the agitators of the republican party. Mr. Keitt is, perhaps, one of the most ultra men at the South, and we are prepared to bear violent language and ex treme opinions from such a quarter; but, at the same time, we think that no one who reads his letter can fail to see that be does not write strongly without cause, or that bis picture of the position which the Southern States would occupy, in the event of the Inauguration of each a policy as Seward, Lincoln and the other re publican leaden proclaim, is hardly overdrawn, coming from the pen of a Southern (lie-eater. The truth is that the country at this moment stands in a very dangerous place; and the aen timents of Mr. Keitt. like those of Senators Toombs and Stephens, to which we adverted the other day, are but the Indications of a storm which is certain to break upon us if tha sectional abolition party of Messn. Lincoln and Seward is not defeated at the polls in November by the overwhelming voice of the conservative people of the country. A Panic In Irving Place?Beth Opsrs Companies in n Crials. A few weeks ago, In the course of some com ments upon the war between the rival Openi companies at the Academy of Music and Nibie's Garden, we took occasion to ssy that the re sult of the war could be nething else than ruin ous to both parties. Without pretending to be a prophet or the son of a prophet, we can still claim in this Instance to hare had a small glimpse into futurity. The martial Serradlo, after a brief campaign of two weeks only, found hi- military chest entirely empty, and fell back upon the provinces, putting his trust in Boston enthusiasm and State street bank notes. Like the late lamented llr. William Walker, he left some of his wounded on the field of battle, and tbe groans of the sufferers were distinctly beard above the dying wails of Medea and the shrieks of the trombones. However, this sus pension is understood to be only temporary. s?>rvadio kept his troops together, and made a successful descent on the modern Athens, com mencing operations at the Boston theatre on Monday. Meantime, the artistic skies of Irving place began to show signs of a gathering storm. Prime donne looked " dark and cowld. like a short winter ? day.*' as an Irish poet delight fully observes. An equlnovlal was threatened among tbe tenors, and distant thunder was heard from among the bassos and baritone*. There was a financial crisis, likewise mysteri ous hints as to s rupture of the eufcnfs cordials between tbe managers, and a cabal among the stockholders against Strakoech and In favor of t'Uman and Maretzek. the latter always looming up, like a lighthouse in a storm, when there ie any kind of a row going,on or about to be raised. Then there was a double company, *** prime donne must be kept apart, and eo a sepa ration of the "combined troupe'' wae suggested; and that is the way the nsetSsr wttl probably eventuate. I| has not yet taken place a; though some of the papers have to stated. The who> affair Is, as usual, enveloped In mystery, and Its history has as many versions as tbe Bible; but the question of money seems to b<?atthefcot torn of It T^e artists demand to be paid,