Newspaper of The New York Herald, February 2, 1861, Page 6

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated February 2, 1861 Page 6
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NEW YORK HERALD. JAMBS GORDON BKNNKTT, EDrTOR AND PROPRIETOR. irrtoi k. w. cornkr of pulton amp SAS3A.V an. w** 3 4 AMU8EM2NT8 THIS BVBNINQ. NIBLO'S OARDBN. Broadway.?Dku* Viillu Qabdm? IM Dmll DK HiSIUW-lili I>kUX Al BlliUH WTWTBR OARDBN, *ro?<1w?7. oppne?U Bond Street-? A Hmm Wat to Pat Old Dim-KATnm*ure and P* THlMHlO WiLUOn THXATU, Bre*d??/.-I?i Ubt Or Si. tsoru LAFRA KEBNE'S THEATRE, No. ?M BrOAdvr&y ? Bmrum SuT?it?. NEW BOWBRT THEATRE, Bowery.-Niw York Aj It t?-VUIMT-lUll> Buu. THEATRB PRAlfCAIS, BBS Bro*dway.?-Iw CAXOTl?M ?? la SaiNB. BARNCM'3 AMERICAN MfJBEOH, Broadws .7 And Evening?Kn 11 k? amd Tiara?Tu* Lady or Br. Attorns? ItmxaOoeioiitih. Ac. BRYANTb MINSTRELS, Methnnios' H?J1, 4TS Broad wax ? BimiJiSttuiu. honos, Ua?cas. Ao.? Ball. HOOlEY A CAMPBELL'S MINSTRELS, NIMo's SaIooo, Eroadwar.? UmioriA* Bonufc Dakcm, Bcklm^ubs, Ac.? ImUID CALirOUNlAMB. CANTERBURY MUSIC HALL, ?B Broadway.?Ttanr Jtors, bona*, V+?CE?, Burlk.-.ui/u, Ao. HELOPEON, No. S39 Broadway.?Bokm, Dak CSS, Baa UUttOKS. *0. WASHINGTON IIAI,L, Ra)>wny.? Budworth akd Caw?. B1U.L'?? V OUU s MlNSTUKU*? HUIILK?QUH OM RaKKT. TEIPLE SHEET. Mew York, Saturday, February S, 11*61. The Nrwi. There are reports from Charleston in circulation tout the military authorities there have completed their prep dtionB for an attack upon Fort Sumter, end only await the order to open the batteries. It I* also reported that Gov. Tickens has directed Col. Hayne to demand of the President the uncon ditional surrender of the fort, and in cab? of non compliance that the attack will be ordered. Col. Hayne had not presented any communication to the President up to eight o'clock last evening. He LaB however, it is stated, received Us instruc tions, and will no doubt attempt to open negotia tion# with the President without delay. Lieutenant Jewett, of the navy, has arrived in Washington from Tensacola. He states that he was arrested by the authorities of Florida, who held him in custody until he gave his parole of honor that he would never take up armB against the mate of Florida. The facts in the case have been communicated to the Navy Department. ^ In the Senate yesterday Mr. Ten Eyck, of New Jersey, presented the joint resolutions of the Legislature of his State in favor of the Crittenden adjustment, advising a Convention of the States, and appointing Commissioners to meet the other States, and instructing the Senators and repre sentatives of New Jersey to act in accordance with the resolutions. He saal the resolutions commanded his respect, but were not to control bis action. He would not be shackled in any way. A resolution for the appointment of a committee to Join with the committee of the House to pro vide for the counting of the votes for President ruid Vice President w as laid over. The Indian Ap propriation bill was taken up, several^mendmcnts were offered, and the subject was postponed till to-day The Diplomatic aud the Executive and Judicial Appropriation bills were passed. The Tariff bill was reported by the Select Committee, and was made the special order for Wednesday. The President's Menage was taken up, and Mr. Latham made a speech on the peril* of the na tion. After a short executive session the Benate adIn\lic House the question a* to whether the representative from Kansas i- legally entitled to hi? seat was discussed, but no action was taken on the subject. Mr. Sherman, from the Committee on Ways and Means, introduced a bill which, he haid was demanded by the condition of the finances, and might a* well be passed now It authorizes the President, before the 1st ot Jul} next, to borrow $2:.,000.000, or so much thereof a* in his opinion the exigency of the public service may require, the sum to meet the current demands and redeem the Treasury notes. A bill to cstabli-li a police force in the District wa3 reported. Mr. Kellogg of Illinois, introduced resolutions pro posing amendments to the constitution. The pro po-itious are substantially tho-e embodied in the Crittenden adjustment. The ( hinqui amendment to the Deficiency bill was discussed in committee, after which the debate on the report of the Crisis Committee was resumed, and Mr. Hamiltou, of Texas* delivered a decidedly antirecession speech. The Ne?v Vork Democratic state Convention re assembled at Mbany yc-terday. The resolutions of the Convention set forth that in the present alarming < ri-is of the nation some compromise is nece-saiy to allay the impending storm: they fa vor the colling of a Convention to amend the constitution of the I'nited State-;, and urge, substantially. the Crittenden propositions, fitrong Cnion and compromise speeches ?crc made by ?lelegates. The seceding Tammany dele pates, after holding their separate Contention at the Debt an. finally, on the in Station of the regu lar Convention, returned and to: k their seat" with the other delegate# A report of the proceedings will be found in anotheT column. In the S?ate Senate yesterday. Mr. Ma* nierre introduced a bill pr..v idlng f<?r the repay ? ment to the n itional government of New York a hhare of the\? depowited to the credit of the different States by the act of Congress of June 28, l&itt. New York'sshure of this deposit was o\er four million and a half. Three or font bills were Introduced in reference to iadroad- in this city; also a bill rela'ive to the public health of the Me IropoUtau Police district. Further than thU the henate' proceeding* were not of particular in terest. Iu the Assembly some commotion was raused bv the receipt of n message from the Gover nor, cot . ring me,-age-from the Oovernora of some Cf the seceded State-, returning therewith the bel ligerent resolutions recently emanating from the Albany Roion . TV report "1 the Committee in rotation to sending Commivioner* to the W aching ton Conterence of Monday next wu* adopted, 72 to 3f. The names of the (?.?mmi??ioner? we ga\e yootorday morning . AwUtant Postmaster Horatio ha* b en appointed by the President Postmaster Genual. .fudge Roosevelt, the present United States District Attorney for this city, has reigned his offl <*, the resignation to take effect on the 4th of March next. The steamship Arabia arriveJ at this port ia^.1 evening. and the Un ted Kingdom was intei' opted off Caps It.ii e on Wednesday morning By these vcaseb* we have European advice* to the 20th nit., two days later th^u the ac- ouul* pre\ iously received. The uewa 1* important. The financial pressure in London hud inereaaed la intensity. Securities of all descriptions had de clined, and much anxiety prevailed. At Liverpool cotton wi? m active demand, with large sales, while breadstuff* had undergone no material change. The Arabia brings nearly one milliou and a quarter in epecie. It to reported that a commission from bouth < a rolina bad reached Paris. and had an interview with the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The withdrawal of the Freuch fleet fr .m befoie Oaeta to announced. ice in the Central Park was yesterday in a reryaeft condition, both for curling and skating. and the drive in a still worse one for sleigMng. With regard to the first, the mat.k between the ratodonian and Thistle clubs resulted in a victory for former, with 62 shots ahead, the total score being Caledonian 291, Thistle 220. The game waf played in seven "rinks," making fifty-six players. A goodly number of spectators were present. The skating pond was well attended during the day, but was cleared of visiters at six P. M. The Valley Forge steam fire engine No. 46 arrived at the pond at about nine o'clock for the purpose of flooding the ice, but when our re porter left they had not succeeded in drawing wa ter, for want of sufficient suction hose. The official retnnu of visiters yesterday was:?Pedestrians, 47,000; equestrians, 75; wheel vehicles, 1,750*, sleighs, 45. The slavers Kate and Weathergage were con demned yesterday by Judge Betta In the United States District Court. A motion was made yesterday in the Snpreme Court, before Judge Barnard, for an order to ex amine de bene ease John B. Barey, the horse tamer, in a suit instituted against him by Denton Offutt, on the allegation that Barey was about to leave the State. The Judge reserved his decision. The cotton market was dull yesterday at 12 "*c. for middling uplands, with sales reported of 1,300 a 1,600 bales, part in transit. In allusion to oertain cotton loca tions at the South in yesterday's issue, we spoke or Louisiana Red river cotton. This is both a sugar and cotton growing State. The cultivation of sugar at 0c. per lb. is considered about equal to cotton at 10c. per lb.; but as the latter now sells at an average of 12c. a 13c., it shows that cotton, at present rates, is more profitable than sugar. As the bulk of the sugar crop is produced from annual replanting, acd not from perennial rut too us, as in Cuba, it is cany to change a sugar estate into one of cot ton. The same steam engines will drive cotton gins, and canes rt served for replanting oan be sold to those coat Inning the sugar culture. It is equal ly practicable, when necessary, to change back from cot ton to sugar. S*>m? planters divide their crops between the two. A plantation of live hundred acres, supplied with labor and proper tools and machinery suflicient to cultivate it, ax high up on tho Mississippi river as Woat Baton Rouge, 120 miles above New Orleans, is valued at from $100,000 to $126,000, the land, with improvements, being estimated at about $100 per acre, or $60,000. The flour market yesterday was without change of moment in prices, while sales were made to a fair oxtent. Wheat and corn were without change of momont in prices, and business moderate. I'ork was quiet. Sugars were dull, w lth sales in lots of u30 hhds. For a monthly statement of stock of sugars, rice, tobacco, &c., wo refer to another column. CufTco wis unchanged. Freight engagement* were fair and rates quite 6teady, while immediate and available room was ?c vce. Nr. Seward, Mr. Charles F. Adams and Mr. Senator Mason on the Crlnii-Ii It Peace or Warl Mr. Seward, as the appointed oracle for Mr. Lincoln's administration, Las been again illu minating the Senate with his confidence in the Union, and his hopes of our happy release, by fcome means, in some way, and at some time hereafter, from our present revolutionary diffi- j culties. If, in his first Senatorial exposition in his new character, he abounded in '"glittering generalities," and in vague, shadowy and dis tant glimmerings of a compromise, in his second effort he still more closely adheres to the diplomatic rule of Talleyrand, that words are not intended to convey, but to conceal ideas. Tlic suggestive text of Mr. So ward on thin last occasion was the monster petition .from the city of New York, bearing thirty-eight thousand signatures in favor of the Crittenden or border State compromise propositions; but | beyond some explanations of the length of the memorial, and of the character of the signers, and thel? political influence, all that he had to j pay upon the subject was, substantially, that | the time has not yet arrived for compromising. He graciously introduced his petitioners to the Senate, complimented them for their patriot ism. and blandly bowed them out again. They represented the commercial interest, a great interest, entitled to respect; but the agricHltu I ral, manufacturing and mining interests were also entitled to consideration; so that he could not yet decide to be governed by the wishes of the commercial interest. In other words, our rural districts are stronger than the city of | New York. In a very carefully guarded and roundabout way. Mr. Seward next declares that the de mands of the Southern conservatives for a Union saving compromise before the inaugura tion of Mr. Lincoln are inadmissible, because they are unseasonable. After the expiration of the ninety clays of this session of Congress, of which sixty have already passed away. Mr. Seward thinks "there will be time enough for the restoration of all that has been lost, and for the re-establishment of all that is in dan ger." Horace Greeley comes more directly to the point when he says thut before the repub lican party shall stoop to compromises with traitors, we intend to try the experiment whether we have a government or not Hut in due time, snys Mr. Seward, after the inaugura tion of Mr. Lincoln, by speaking, by voting, by lending money to the government, and, if necessary, by fighting, the friends of the Union will restore it. To be sure, since the admis sion of Kanbas the question of Southein slave ry In the Territories has ceased to be a prac tical question, for from the remaining Territo ries slavery stands forever excluded by the luws of nature ; but still the republican party cannot think of concessions to slavery now as the price for the permission to them to assume the reins of the general government. These are not the words, but such, we apprehend, is the true meaning, of Mr. Sew ard's last conciliatory speech. Mr. Senator Mason, of Virginia, lost not a moment in punc turing this beautiful bubble. He asks what does the Senator from New York propose? Anything In the way of a compromise? No. Anv thing acquiescing in the proposition* of the memorial presented ? No. II is votes and his declarations, over and over again In committee, have been uniform and consistent against those propositions. But upon what resolution has he voted affirmatively? Upon the resolution of Mr. Senator Clark, that the constitution neels no amendment, but that the true remedy for the evils of the day lies In obedience to the consti tution and in the enforcement of the laws. But poshed to the ultimatum of war, Mr. Seward explained that he would only resort to war to restore the Union, after the failure of a consti tutional national convention as the last resort of peace. His course then would be war. and in war, "to stand by the Union, to stand or perish with it Such, then, at this late day of this Important M?**ion of Congress, all important in the matter of a Unlon-aaving compromise -such is the policy of Mr. Seward- maaterly inactivity for the present, a compromise hereafter, or, failing in that, the maintenance of the Union by force of at m*. c m the same day on which this unsatisfactory speech of Mr. Seward was de Ivered In the Senate, Mr. Charles Francis Adam-, son of ex-l'renident John Quincj Adams the same Churles who ran for Vice President on the buffalo free soil ticket with Martin Van Butch In 1K4H- made, all things considered, a remarkably conservative Union speech In the House. He does not stand in credulous of the necessity of present action in the *?y of a compromise. He i? convinced of thia necessity, and in ready to support the Mis aouri line proposition, if limited to our preseut Territories. He will not go further; but this Is something. Better than this, however, should all attempts at conciliation fail tore claim the seceded States, ho is disposed to let them go in peace, for he belieres that their dreams of a successful Southern confederacy will prove a painful delusion. Between Mr. Seward and Mr. Adams, as the organs of the republican party in Congress, what is the prospect for the Union? Gloomy. What is the prospect for peace? Very gloomy. Mr. Adams speaks only for himself. Mr. Seward speaks for the incoming administra tion, and by authority. The border State Union Convention will meet at Washington on Monday. It will doubtless, In a modified form, adopt the Crittenden plan of adjustment. It will be submitted to Congress, and that will be the last of it. Then the border slave States, if they do not secede, will make strong their alliance, offensive and defensive, with the seceded States, and this will be the condition of things presented to the new administration on the 4th of March. What, then, will be the policy of Mr. Lincoln? Coercion, we have every reason to believe, unless this Union Con vention at Washington, in view of this dis;is trous policy, shall use all its powers in behalf of a peacoable separation of the Union, to save us, at least, from a sweeping civil war. Tlie Next Cnngrni?An Appeal to the I'cuple Unavoidable. The leaders of the republican party find themselves ia a peculiarly perplexing posi tion. Thoj are opposing with all their might the meeting of Commissioners to consid er the Virginia resolutions, and they are de termined to resist the Uigler proposition to submit the whole question to the people. In both of Mr. Seward's speeches he has clearly indicated that the policy of the new adminis tration is the strict party policy, aud that tho republican leaders believe that tho secession ists will exhaust themselves in time. Mr. Seward adheres to his former position, that after one, two or three years bhall have elapsed the Southern storm will blow over. Then will be the proper time for a Constitutional Con vention of all :he States; but if all else fails, and "this Union by force of arms is to stand or fall, he will advise his people to stand or perish with it"?that is. to fight for it to tho death. j The republican leaders, Mr. Seward included, have no confidence in the masses of their par ty. They fear that if the question of compro mise should be put direotly to the people of the North they would vote in the affirmative, when the republican parly would be broken into half a dozen cliques, and finally perish of strangulation at the hanJs of its own friends. They will therefore take the risk of losing the border States rather than run the chance of destroying their party organization. If the matter could be left to the people, it would be very soon settled; but the politicians are bound to keep it in their own hands, on the principle of rule or ruin. So there is nothing to be hoped for from tho republicans. They go in for the inauguration of Lincoln and the spoils first, and adjustment afterwards, if ad justment is practicable. It is probable that nothing practical will result from the efforts now being made to bring about a settlement and that all or nearly all the border States will withdraw from the Union on or about the 4th of March. When Mr. Lincoln takes office he will be compelled to call an extra session of Congress, to assemble at the earliest possible moment. As w ill be seen by the tables wo have given elsewhere, fourteen States?namely: Ala bama, California, Connecticut, Georgia, Ken tucky, Kansas, Louisiana, Maryland, New Hampshire, North Carolina. Mississippi, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Texas and l Virginia?have still to elect repro sentatives to tho next Congress. Of course the seceding States will disregard the Pre sident's proclamation altogether; but we shall obtain from New Kngland, California, and, we trust, from the border States, an expression of the public sentiment, which may go far towards bringing about a peaceable settlement of ex isting difficulties. The New England States choose in March, and elsewhere special Congressional elec tions will be ordered. It is claimed that there has been a great change in the opinions of the New England people since the elec tion of Lincoln, and it is very evident, from the frantic appeals of Hon. Massa Gre<v lej, iu the Tribune, that the concessionists are rapidly gaining strength. No pains should be spared in building up this conciliatory senti ment In the republican party. That organiza tion is clearly responsible for the troubles which now menace the nation, and the remedy must come, if it comes at all, from the repub lican ranks. The question is, whether the fe deral Union, the prosperity of the United States, the interests of civilization, progress and free government, are of less importance than the preservation of the republican party. Mr. Seward and his friends seem to think so, but we disagree with them entirely. Let the matter go to the people, and we will be willing to abide by thoir verdicL Bkvoixtion Not Riot.?Mr. Seward, in the Course of hi* rpMch upon the Now York tnon nter petition, rather underrated the depth and strength of the secession movement. The Sena tor nwrnmed the ground of the radical repub lionnH, and treated the secessionists as a mob, to be hereafter dispersed by the reading of the Hot act or the firing of a lew volley* of mus ketry. One would suppose from reading this speech that the movement in the South is of no more account than an Alitor place riot. .Such is not the fact. If the movement in the South la a riot -and that depends entirely upon the future?it in the inoft Important one in the his tory of the world. It in a riot In which eight millions of people are engaged -free, proud, courageous people, with arms in their hands. No reading of riot acts, no appeal to the supre macy of the federal law, will disperse these Hat ers. Then, if Sir. Seward intends to fight them, the question will arise, where are his troops to come from ? and the still more Important one, if

the rioters are subdued, how can they be kept in submission except by the raising and main taining of a Urge standing army, a measure alike repugnant to the people of all sections T It is the error of the republican leader*, and a very grave one, that they entirely misunder stand the motives and acts of the leading seces sionist*, and unless the eyes of all parties are opened to the truth, adjustment, without a long and exhausting civil war, will be altogether impossible. Tfc? HIm tod Profr?M ?T Abolitionism. The aati-elavery propa^andism which com menced simultaneously in England and in the Coogress of the United States some forty years ago, and was organized here by societies and newspapers ten yean later, has ever since been a fertile source of local disturbance and riots, of family feuds and national discord, of the most disgraceful scenes in the halls of Congress, to say nothing of the public time being wasted for weeks and months together, the minds of the people engrossed by the pernicious agitation, the proper objects of legislation neglected, and the general interests of the country injured and mismanaged. Now that the fanaticism has reached its culminating point by driving six States out of the Union, to be followed, perhaps, by the secession of six tnore, if not the whole of the slaveholding communities, and It may be l?y the horrors of civil war, it is instructive to trace the rise and progress of the agitation, and mark from what small be ginnings and by what flow degrees it has attained its present formidable position, napping and mining beneath the walls of the constitution, till a breach has been effected at last, and the enemy has gained possession of the citadel, which he threatens soon to make a heap of ruins. In another part of this day's paper the reader will find an interesting historical sketch of this political movement, which had its inception in the Puritanism of Massachusetts, and spread thence to the Northern Stales through the in strumentality ot the Boston Liberator, of the New York Journal of Commerce, established by the Tappana as the original anti-slavery organ in this State, and of various other kindred jour nals and publications, down to "Uncle Tom's Cabin'' and the Republican Gospel according to Helper. It found active and efficient emissa ries in women of morbid imagination and ques tionable morals. But its most powerful auxili ary was the free soil element in the democratic party of (his State, led by Martin Van Buren With these allies and agencies it marched on ward, "conquering and to conquer," till, from the demoralization and decomposition of the corrupt party lately in power, it gained the as cendancy for the first time in the Presidential election of last fall, and, unless a bloody con flict prevents, will make its triumphal entry into the federal capital on the 4th of March. Under various forms and names its character and spirit have been erer the Bame. Whether it was the anti-fclavery society, the abolition party pure and simple, the liberty party, the free soil pai ty with its Wilmot Proviso and Puffnlo platform, or, last of all, the re publican party, with its " irrepressible conflict'' and its Chicago resolutions, its essential featuro was still undying hostility to negro slavery, and the confident expectation of its "ultimate extinction." And such are the words of the President elect, and such the hope of the party on whose shoulders he ia borne into power. To accomplish it the republican leaders avow their willingness to wndc through rivers of l|iood. And Mr. Seward himself, in his lust speech, look* forward to civil war as the final resort of the party rather than aban don their platform. But by a strange abuse of language and confusion of ideas, they claim to be Union men and in favor of the constitution, while the reckless, honest and bold represen tatives of the party, such as Garrison and Phil lips?the men who originated it and know what it means?pronounce the constitution "an agreement with death and a covenant with bell." The republican journals and orators, in cluding Mr. Adams, whose speech we published yesterday, pretend that exclusion of slavery from the Territories was the policy of the fathers of the republic, and thai it is for this, therefore, they are contending, even to civil war. Let us go back to the time of the fathers and see. In 1798, when the Mississippi Territory was formed, the organizing act did not prohibit slavery in the Territories. Mr. Thatcher, of Massachusetts, proposed to insert a restriction against it. Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, hoped such an absurd motion as this would be withdrawn. Mr. Otis, of Massachu setts, hoped it would not be withdrawn, that the world might see by the votes of Northern men how little disposed they felt to interfere with the Southern States in their rights of pro perty. The question was taken, and only twelve penons voted for the proposition of Mr. Thatcher. Now, the men of '87 were the men of *5>8; and it is plain, therefore, that ex clusion of slavery from the Territories was not the policy of the founders of the government. Are the leaders of the republican party wiser than they? In '98 the freesoilers and abolition ists could only muster twelve men in the House of Representatives. The anti-slavery cru*ad.'s, both in England and here, have hitherto produced results tho very opposite of tho.^O which have been anti cipated by the ugitutors. The treaties against the slave trnde have resulted In death to thou sands of Africans, and horrible cruelty to all the living cargoes of the slavers, which would not be the case had there been no treaties and no laws to prevent the traffic. Ia spite of the treaties and laws, the slare trade is still vigorously carried on by our Northern ships. And as far as it hai been prevented, what is really effected? Merely to keep slaves in the worst kind of slavpry in Africa, and to leave th< m savage cannibals and idolators, instead of civilizing and Christianizing th< in by the mild servitude of Christian masters in America. And what has been the result of Northern agita tion against domestic slavery at the South? It has only tended to strengthen the slave institution at the South in proportion as it has excited against it the public mind of the North. It is certain that the Cavaliers of Virginia and Ken tucky would have long since abolished slavery but for the interference of the Northern Round beads. Thirty years ago the institution was retained in thoM? States by only a majority of one or two vote.*. How very different is the case to-day. Two other causes have wrought a revolution in the public opinion of the bor der ?Uve States on the subject of slavery?first the discovery of the cotton gin by Yankee in genulty, which has rendered Ibis Southern plant an immense source of national wealth, and only negro bondsmen are adupted to its cultivation; secondly, the researches of modern scholars in the natural history of man, which have shown conclusively that the negro never had a civili zation, and that he Is utterly incapable of im provement, except in the condition of a bond *errant to a Christian master: a relation which, fortunately, the stimulated production of cot ton renders profitable to both parties, to the country and to the world at large. And now what ia the conclusion of the whole matter? Either peaceful separation cf the Hlavebolding from the iion-slaveholding States of the American confederacy, and the perma nency of slavery; or civil war and loroible separation, resulting equally in the permanen cy of tbe institution, or the rendition of all their rights to the Southern States, including the protection and perpetuation of slavery, in volving the complete destruction of the anti slavery party: these are the net proceeds of the fanatical crusades of the last forty years. Present and Fatnrc Completion of Par ties at the Koalh and at the North. The revolution has broken up all the old parties, and the new ones are in a state of transition, divided anjl subdivided, but tending by the progress of secession to merge ut last into one consolidated party at the South and into two parties at the North. The population at the South is divided at present into four parties. 1. There is a party in favor of absolute secession and a separate confederacy, at all hazards and under all circumstances, no mat ter what concessions the North may make. Now, this party in favor of secession per se was but a small fraction of the whole people?far smaller than the abolitionists, pure and simple, at the North. The leaders of the republican party played so effectually into their hands that they have now a vast majority of the people of their Statt-s acting with them, but who would have left them in point of numbers a cor poral's guard, if justice had been speedily ren dered to the South, and the compact of the con stitution fully carried out in the letter and spirit of that solemn league and covenant. Nine-tenths of the Southern people were in favor of the Union, if they could only obtain the equal rights gyaranteed to them by the constitution, and they may be subdivided under the three following heads:? 2. There is a party in favor of secession hereatter and final separation if no guaran tees are granted, and this party is vory influen tial, comprising the planters and the wealth of the South. As a general rule it is safe to cal culate that all who have anything to lose are against revolution; but if they find they will lose their all unless there is revolu tion, then they are forced to become revolu tionists. This party comprises a majority of the Legislature in Virginia and the other border States, who are now working hard for reconciliation and reconstruction. 3. There is a party in favor of temporary se cession, with a view to a reconstruction of the government, which thoy hope to accomplish by taking a bold and decided stand, and thus gaining such support at the North as will com pel the fanatics to yield, or result in the slough ing off of the New England States and such Northwestern States as adhere to their views. They believe that the Southern States in con vention, can agree to an ultimatum which will be accepted by a majority of the Northern States, if not finally by the whole, and thus the necessity of civil war may be averted, or even of a separation of the States by Mason and Dixon's lino?an arrangement which, however peaceable now, would not be free from tho danger of civil war hereafter. 4. There is a party in favor, not of secession now or hereafter, but of fighting in the Union? putting down the republican party by physical force?preventing the inauguration of Lincoln, and depending on such assistance in the North ern States ns will enable them to triumph in a bloody revolution. This party, to which Mr. Wise belongs, sympathize strongly with the absolute secessionists of the Yancey school. Such are the divisions by which the Southern people may be classified just now; but the time is at band when, if ample concessions arc not granted, the South will be banded together as a unit, for weal or woe, in a separate confede racy, and there will then be but one party from Maryland to Texas, and from South Carolina to Missouri. Lot us now see what are the di visions of party at the North, and what they will be in the contingency of a Southern con federacy of fifteen States 1. There is a party in favor of no compro mise and rigid coercion, even to civil wqr Many of the clergy belong to this party, and we hope if there ever should be civil war they will be placed in the front of every battle. Happily that party is extremely small, and is daily growing less and less. It comprise# some red hot abolitionist* and many of tho republi can leaders; but in point of numbers it stands hardly equal t<> the party of the extremists nt the South. 2. There is a party in favor of no compromise and no coercion. This party con-i-ts mostly of visionary theorist* and Quakers. Its policy is wholly impracticable, and ignqros the signs of the times. 3. There is a large party in favor of the Crittenden programme, without addition?a measure which alone would not be sufficient, though it would go far to stay the progress of Southern revolution. 4. There is a considerable party in favor of giving the South all it-* rights except those in the common territory, which, however, is the most vital point with Ihc South, and which it will not yield. 5. There is a very large party at the North who are in favor of givfng the South full jus tice, and of holding out the olive branch in stead of the sword. We would venture to Af firm, if the leaders of the republican party in Congress will permit a vote to be taken on the question by the people of the Northern States at least three out of every five would turn out to belong to this conservative party. And hence it is that these leaders will not give the people a chance to declare for peace and Union, lest the vote should utterly annihilate the Chicago platform and the republican party. But if the slavery question is finally settled, there is an end to the party which was organized to overthrow it, and it* members will enter into new combinations on othor lames. The active anti slavery element would then be reduced to a handful of Garrisonian abolitionists, who, in order to carry on their agitation, must make direct war upon the constitution. What the result of their crusade would be it aeeds no prophet to foretell. The conntry is so heartily sick of the question, and has seen so much of its danger, that neither in this generation nor the next could it be possible for any human effort to raise it from the dead. Dut if It is not settled very soon it will continue the all absorbing question of the country and of (he time, involving civil war itself, and the divi sions of Northern men which we enumerated will merge into two grand parties?those in favor of coeroing the South and those opposed to coercion; and in the progress of events this may lead to cWl the North and flush a stale of anarchy and confiki0n ad was uever witnessed in the New World. TIM) Nller of u,uu aad Um Political ?*rop?. By the latest news from Europ. we learn that the French corps of occupatioi in Syria will be increased by a portion of tfc troops returning from China. In defiance < the efforts of Great Britain, it is, therefore, l^Uf probable that the French forces will ren*u until after March?the stipulated time for tbir withdrawal. There is something significant ix the circumstance of Russia, through the official Gazette, approving not only the augmentation of the French military strength there, but the continued occupation of the country, in order, as it is stated, to prevent the adoption of freeh measures. We know that Louis Napoleon de sires an alliance with Russia and an entente with that empire as regards the queetion, d'Orient, and it is quite within the bounds of probability that he may find the Caar a willing sharer in his views. They are both anxiously watching the "sick man," in the hope of ad b blistering to the effects after his dissolution? and that cannot be far off. The persistence of the Emperor in retaining the hold he has acquired in Syria has already aroused the ire of the British journalists, and a crusade has accordingly commenced against him. There is every probability of the ques tion becoming a serious subject of discord be tween the governments of France and Eng land; and the circumstance of the latter pur suing a course diametrically opposite to that ot the other in Italian affairs will tend very much to increase the ill feeling; so that, despite all that Louis Napoleon has done to secure the friendship of Great Britain and the benefits of treaties of commerce and increased facilities of intercourse which have resulted to her from his liberal policy, the two nations may yet bo arrayed against each other in open hostility. We speak of this only as a possible contingen cy. It may be that Louis Napoleon would look well before he undertook a leap In that direction. The attempt would be almost too hazardous for tho prise. The ostensible object of the French expedition was accomplished by the punishment of tha Prunes and the fright of the Turks; and this done, its permanent occupation of Syria would only be a source of weakness sustained at a ruinous expense. Why, thon, cannot Napoleon III. content himself with having established a precedent for interference in Turkish affairs, and having flattered French vanity by a dis play of power? The probable result of much delay in the withdrawal would be a demand on the Forte for remuneration, as France is not likely to continue a large outlay without a prospect of some return; and this demand would likely be quickly followed by a seizure of the local revenues. A more permanent arrange ment might be found in a transfer of the rights of the French capitalists who have made ad vances on Turkish sources of income, a direct result of which would be that French collec tors of customs would be established at Smyrna and Beyrout. It would not be difficult after this for France to assume the entire sovereignty of Syria, while Russia, profiting by the exam ple, would be working out a similar scheme in European Turkey. With respect to the Italian policy of Napo leon. we learn by the Bohemian that a semi official artlclo was expected, declaring that should Piedmont make war on Austria she must expect no aid from France. This only sustains us in our knowledge that the Emperor je opposed to the unification of It*\ly, because he rightly fears the monarchy would be too powerful to suit the interests and ambition of France. He wishes to preserve the balance of power, of which the great Towers are so tena cious. It would be contrary to the idee Kapo licnne for Victor Emanuel to realize what ho has pledged himself to. Napoleon would pro pose that be Bhould be King only of Piedmont, Lonibardy, Venetia, Tarma and Modena, and retire from Naples in order to make way for the restoration of Francis II. and the Grand pukd 01 Tuscany, whilv the Pope, holding thj patrimony of St. I'eter, should govern ihe le gations, the Marches asd Uinbria by a Grand Vicar. But it will be more than Louis Napoleon is capable of to control the aspirations of enlight ened Italians working together in the cause of their common liberty. There fa more enthusiasm about tliem than even the French. They are capable of fighting with more prolonged and self-sustained ardor; and although Venetia may not be rescuod from the tyrant grasp of Austria a* soon as the partisans of Garibaldi were disposed to announce, the new Italian monarchy will remain and flourish. The Italians are full of genius?the great cultiva tors of the arte, science and literature. They are capable of achieving great things in the future, as they have already done in the past, when they were the glory of ancient history. The First Napoleon was by parentage an Ital ian, and he only became French by the revolu tion; so that it was by an Italian genius that France rose to her present pitch of power. The greatest safeguard of Austria lies in the Italian |>olicy of the French Emperor; and it i? therefore probable that there will bo no attaok upon the Quadrilateral in the ensuing spring. But the financial affairs of Austria are in suoh a desperate condition that the empire threatens its own destruction without the aid of a foreign enemy. Thk FRr.sinr.NT Ei-kct and the Auwrxrn.? In anticipation of Mr. Lincoln's, coming inau guration visit to Washington, several of the re publican Legislatures of thoee capitals through which he is expected to pas,-> have decided to receive him publicly, extend the hospitalities of the city to him, and so forth. This is all very right and natural. The New York Board of Aldermen also had the question before them at their last meeting of giving Mr. Lincoln a pub lic reception; but they decided not to do so, through some fear that such a course might havo a political complexion, and might look like an endorsement of the Chicago platform, which this city, and indood the whole country, repudiated by so large a vote on the 6th of November. The Board of Aldermen, we think, however, without exactly Japanesing the President elect, might tender him such a recognition as would effect two objects, namely: paying respect te his office and at the same time enabling him to see and nnderstand the state of feeling in thia great commercial metropolis of the country, which represents in so largo a degree the ma terial and intellectual interests of the whola nation, a city whose power and importance hi* future premier, Mr. Seward, so judiciously al luded to in his late speech. Really, the Aldar