Newspaper of The New York Herald, April 26, 1873, Page 4

Newspaper of The New York Herald dated April 26, 1873 Page 4
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TBK SPANISH REPUBLIC, i The Perils and Cares of the New Commonwealth. MADRID AN ISOLATED CUT. ? Social Problems aiid Anxifties in Estremadura and Catalonia. WHAT THE CARL1STS ARE DOING War in the Provinces, Sedition in the Capital and Disorder Everywhere. EUROPEAN APATHY. How Spain and France Patronize One An other? Thiers and Castelar. EMANCIPATION IN PORTO RICO. Thirty-flve Thousand Slaves Made Free by the Young Republic. REACTION IN THE CORTES. The Government Takes the Offensive and Demands Dissolution. TRIUMPH OF THE MINISTRY. The fortes Dissolves in the Best of Feeling ? A New Cortes in June. Evils of the Spanish. Sjrstem. DECAY TO BE CHECKED. Want of Discipline in tlic Army. Spanish Antipathy to America and Its Causes. GRANT'S DIPLOMACY IN MADRID. The Republic or a Revolution More Terrible than the Revolution in Prance. Madrid, March 20, 1873. The young republic still Uvea ; but will It live ? That Is now the question aslced by its most san guine trends. I confess there is not a cheerful outlook, and yet what better could be f it is something to overturn a system that is as old as the Komaus, and which has been sustained by a people us loyal, as resolute and as difficult to ex cite as the people of Spain. THE SITt'ATION IN MADRID. In Madrid the situation is this : We live from hour to hour. In the morning we marvel how we passed the day preceding, and speculate on what j night may bring. The North is full of care and strife. The railway to France Is the main artery of i laud communication with Europe. From Madrid to ' the lrontier Is a distance of perhaps 350 miles. To j reach this frontier it is necessary to go through ! the Basque country. Scarcely a day passes but we : are told that the railway has been cut, that sta- | tions have been burned and, the malls captured. ! The other duy a conductor and a brakesman were taken lrom the train and shot. The passengers auJ a guard of thirty soldiers entered a house and defended themselves until reinforcements came. For lour days lust week we had no mail. This week we had one mail coming on time, but only one. ] sent a despatch to one of your correspondents iu Barcelona on Sunday evening. lie received It Wed ?esday morning? two days later than mail time. To reach London we have to telegraph to Lisbon and thence by cable to New York. This is the way you receive your special despatches. Madrid, the capital of Spain, is the most Isolated city in Spain. The line to Lisbon is as uncertain as the others. The line to Barcelona Is permitted to ran by paying the Carlists a few hundred dollars a day, and, with this payment, it does not nlwajs receive permission. Now come stories of Carlist bands in Andalusia, the southern province, and the destruction of a bridge on the way to Cadiz. Cariism in the South is a new and suspicious fea ture? something unusual in Spain. Then we have bad news irom Estramaduru. Estremadura is a proviuce adjoining Portugal, containing Bada joz, which Wellington captured by storm? ? province famous in the Roman times and under the Moors lor its grain? now a pastoral country, with large flocks of inerluosheep, owned by landlords who live in Madrid and Paris. ! The peasants are simple, indolent, kmdly, Cour teous, and yet the race that gave us Plzarro and Cortez. They have looked upon the rents they pay to al>sent landlords as au evil. They feel that in some time or way they sbould have an ownership of the land which they till, and upon which they and their ancestors have lived since the time of the Alonzos. Now that the Republic has come, they understand it to mean that they will pay no more of these heavy rents. So we have "demonstrations" at Badajoz and elsewhere, which excite all well-bred people in Madrid and make infinite clamor among the monarchists, "liave you not heard," said a diplomatist the other evening, "of this fearful news* Why, at itadajos they have begun a division of property." "If thought,'' was the reply, "It was the restoration o property." KMIORATION < F T1TK NOBILITY. While these evil tokens come from the North and the South there Is a sense of unrest in Madrid. The nobility have nearly all emigrated. When tney have not they have sent away their wives and daughters and portable possessions. By the kind offices of a friend I had an appointment to visit the palace of a celebrated nobleman. When I called the person In charge said he was sorry he could ?how none of the treasures of His Lordship's house. 1 was welcome to enter, but there were none of the pictures, nor the gems, nor the statuary. All had been quietly sent to Portugal The ladies ol the household were in France. "Yon see," he said, "wo are in a time of revolution, and these scoundrels may at any time destroy the palaces. Somehow, as yon know, Sefior, they have that habit, aid so we have taken precautions. So it Is at the palaces of Duke A, and B, and C," und so on ? naming the principal dukos In Madrid. "Serrano Is here, but he atnt his family to Bayonne In an ostentatious man* tier, The DucheM o( ran remains, buej with the education pi tier children. I'oor Amadous Is uot the only Spanish grandee who h?# run away." TUB WANT OF 1'ATUIOTISM. The prolonged absence ol Figueras In Catalonia excites comment. You have heard all about Ills journey there and hit* movement from your Barce lona correspondent!*; but general news from cata lonla does not comfort us. This Is, perhaps, the most Important province in Spain? the New Eng land of the Kepubiic. ihe Catalans are rich and Industrious, have a productive country and are mainly merchants. They are the only Spaniards who travel muoh in. .spain. Uut while the Catalan* have always been rich and enterprising they have also been republican. That spirit of radi calism which we saw In Marseilles and Lyons during the French revolution? which made the Manchester school in England and gave a party to "Bright and Cobdeu;" which we saw more con spicuously in our own New England In anti-slavery times-has long existed In Catalonia. Prim came irom this country, and likewise Figueras, and the mission of the President In the North is to pacify tlie extreme republican tendencies of the people, who are impatient because their Utopia comes so slowly. The enemies of the new Commonwealth rejoice over the embarrassments encountered by the President, just as they rejoiced over the deieat of Mr. Glad stone. It is amuHlug enough, but you will be sur prised to hear, that when Mr. Gladstone was defeated in the Irish University bill the monarch ists were in glee. "Now," they said, "see what evil has come because of this loollsh attempt to found a republic. Lord Gladstone has been turned out ?f power by an Indignant English people because he coulu not send an army to suppress the Kepubiic, and now sir. Disraeli will send one." What will strike an observer lu this spirit is the want of patriotism, and especially among a people who have been conspicuous for patriotic self-davotlon. Here comes a consideration which Is a painful leature in the present condition of Spain. There is reallj no patriotism in the upper classes. The tendency of a monarchy and an aris tocracy based upon pride and corruption and loollsh, leudal privileges has been to degrade those very classes In Spain which wo would sup pose to be the defenders of Castllian honor. THE OPERATIONS OF T1U8 CAKL1STS AND ALF0NSI8TS. Let me explain this more clearly. I have given you an Idea of the exact situation In Madrid? the severing of all communications, the destruction of commerce and the paralysis of trade. These are now the crowning evils In Spain. Well, thoy are the work altogether of the upper classes. Don Carlos represents the extreme section ol the mon archists, and believes in divine right. Don Carlos . 1 J? skulking beyond the iroutier, in some trench disguise, but his followers are In arms in the Biscay country and in Catalonia. Protected by tlie mountains, with Prance as a refuge and a^ base of supplies, and appealing to the iroinudlo tastes of the peasantry of that odd, attractive, sunny region, the lollowers of i>ou Carlos prey upon the commerce, the industry ami trade ol Spain, to restore a prince who was never in Spain in hislile; whose ancestor, Ferdi nand, abandoned his crown ignominiously, and whose first act as king would be to restore the extreme powers of the Church, Here In Madrid there is a Carllst committee, composed of Spanish noblemen, who print newspapers, furnish money ami sustain an active propaganda. This they do in open day, and the Kepubiic, carrying to the ex treme its views of liberty, makes no objection. While the friends of Don Car los are in arms against the peace and prosperity or Spain the mends of the Prince Don m .0nU,??h!ireMactl.vely consPlr'ng. I saw a Spanish friend the other day who bad come from Paris, lie was an Alfousist. He had seen (Jueon Isabella. How is Her Majesty t" I ventured to ask. "Oh, my friend, she Is very unhappy. The ingratitude ol the people cuts her to tlie heart. She has given Ufi, i lor ,,er aon an<J lbcv will not call him back. Montpensler is behaving ill. lie wants Li auU uo oue wil1 trust him. S? ne will not pay out any money, and he Mnl#t fro,u Frunce tl,e other day from the Orleans property. And the generals, the men whom the tiueen did so much i?r, look at them? so and So and So? here they stay, servinir ^ ^f,,ubllCMD8' .and wm not *rl"g Alfonso Pi' WuJesty her room ail day and L about it ? cries to break her heart, and savs she never saw sucn ingratitude. And I am sure nobody ever did." Here was a Spaniard, who wouid have resented any suspicion of his houor who was actually lamenting in broad day and in !h.VnUi i lof UP11! tllut the K?nerals of I he army lul not betray their trust and seek to overturn tlie Commonwealth and bring civil war. He was loyal ' to ins Prince, no doubt. Loyalty to his Prince meant assurance of olllce and hopes lor promotion I his I am airaid, is tlie detinition of Spanish loyalty among the higher classes. SEDITION IN TUB COBTKS? 1-KOTK8T OF CASTKLAIl. ?' ,^vi'e, ln'! ' nrlists are making what the > call bun/tnVA ll\e *ortl> UU(I wounding Spain wlthevery blow tne> strike, the monarchists have been tea/ Uig, annoying and seeking to destroy the govern me lit by ivmenting an insurrection in the Cortes I have written you about the various crises that came since the Kepubiic. In all of them the gev ernuiem triumphed? merely because the people ?. m !D stulwart manliest fashion. The . )U,t demonstration pioneered bv Mat tos was to develop an angry feeling in Catalonia since then the lavorite plan of attack has been to interpellate the government? to ask extraordinary questions? whether it is true the socialists have ariseu; whether there Is any loundatlon for the rumor that there Is to be a division of property; uik 'J Mf1" t^ti lfoyerurnen 1 has taken, er means to take, sups to discountenance the spread of these rumors. In a time like this and luacouutry as sensitive as Spain the effect ol these questions and .if ''liicouteut. The other day Castelar suddenly tifrned upon his tormentors Madrid "inW0 J?*"?*]***, which thrilled Madrid. In view," saTd <'astelar, "of the spectacle which this Chamber presents, in view of the gravity of the situation and the necessity there exists lor the government to preserve ail its powers? not lor itself, but on account of the great dangers to which are exposed liberty, right, the ?nL i Kepubiic? the government cannot resist making a protest. No Chamber ever did what this body is doing, namely, create a govern ment in order to spit upon it-to blacken it, to Vii .k a" nK llH authority into contempt." (Here there wm a burst ot cheering and cries of Li\e the Republic!") "If you do not iixe this government: u ii does not inspire you with contt dence; if you believe that its Ideas do not insure tranijuiljit} ; if the persons who compose it do not offer guarantees necessary to insure ori'f'r' 4,ltirn uut ' 'JU* not take awav all authority and respect, and then ask for energy Gentlemen, this Government has proved that It desires to re-establish authority in all the branches ,?LV !J? ?.,l",":nwealthi t0 9et,"re ? disciplined uriiij , a disembarrassed treasury ; to carry out the promises which its members gave when they were in the opposition und seeking for power. Above all, what we need in eircuinstances so grave and solemn is that you will have faith in our caution our prudence and patriotism." (Here there was renewed cheering and cries of " Let us dis solve immediately.") ?? No one," said the supreme ly eloquent man, "has warred upon demagogy as I lime done. i;ut 1 must say since I came into u't' government 1 have seen the demagogy i or the lower classes, with scarcely an exception, i entirely submissive, and I have seen constantly the insurrection or the demagogy of the upper classes. I have seen its endless sedition. The ' demagogy or the upper classes consists or some? 1 allude to ii" one, neither do I exclude any ene? w ho are lor seizing power by all means, who menu to hold it at every cost and to sacrifice in their am oi uen justice, tranquillity and the nation. All gentlemen, there Is no burden so heavy ami on ter as power in these eircuinstances, with all this agitation, with all the difficulties attaching to government, with our responsibilities to Kuropc the world and History. He would be my best friend who would relieve m? at this moment of th* re sponsibility or power. Hut while we do not desire power, u you dctdre unity, the concentration or the government forces, and moral authority, have confidence m the government. It you have not, turn it out. But do not continue to' present this tint'.?' r f 8,Vcctlu:1?t do not, I entreat you. by the ' '"Hon, the safety ol our children and the Barred name of the country.*' TI.I ?|T"K "t(,I,rATI0N OK the KKPUBI.IC. of Mhlimi ?8t ['fts,c'lar brought a sense Oj Bhame to the monarchists, and since then we ?St. ?? i ' vc peace, nut unother itifll iiiltv, mainly sentimental, however, Is found in the isolation imposed upon spam by the non-recog nitlon of the Republic by rtreign Powers? No? nSl'Jl in 1 u,,on t"1*' t,ut ,lint 'here are no difficulties among a people like those in Spain to compare with those addressed to the sentiment. I In all the Latin rarg ? In the French ho maniirstiv" in the Spanish to no less a degree? the spirit ol ? national vanity or natioual pride is paramount to that of genuine patriotism. The other evening : a nobleman, bearing one of tlie famous names or Spain and not unfriendly to 1 the Kepubiic. considering his class, was mourning over the condition or Spain. "I tell you," he said ' "the Kepubiic cannot last. All Europe is m arms against us. We have friendship from no nations ! but Switzerland and the United states. The friendship or Switzerland Is a satire; that or the l nited States a mockery, one Is too sma.l to aid us, aud every second man In Spain thinks America means to rob us of Cuba, our people feel as if they were in a state or political inanition. They cannot breathe." This difficulty, appealing so strongly to the sentiment, Is a grave danger t? the Kepubiic. There is u? Holy Alliance In Eurone. we have in the monarchies a differ 'J! ? ^'b^ment from what was manifested win n Alexander of Rnssla preached the gospel u. .a, . my? Meal Christianity. Nor would htL,!! iiL? K.',"rlt of Europe tolerate iin Invasion of ti ? S ' 'he Due d'AiigoulPnw after the I f.i ft I Uull"w? In tio less a Holy Alliance I here mwiilr it 1 r' T,ie '''P'omatlsis who were see ms to i?.^ li" K,ni reni?">- Their business , market^ <,t ih.. V ITy ,h" The niou--y Win Ol er tb.^ Mm L, n'Jt'cl 'Slm,ll?h credit, and no assLtaue ? tn ? ""w Commonwealth no MsiiUace to rtvi^ it. lroul>le I could have been ? stifled at any time had France paid the least respect to neutral obliga tion*. Hut with France as a base of supplies for WRr and a rernge. In case of defeat; with Carl 1st committees raising money in l'arisaud London, this contest is continued, and its effect is to virtu ally sever Spain from the continent. The influ ence of England, so far as It can be understood, Is against the Hepublic lu what Is called the lederat Republic. Thus a declaration was made that (Ireat Britain would be compelled to defend the Integrity ol Portugal. This was lollowed by the movement of the English fleet to Lisbon. Now, as nothing is in less danger from Spain, for this generation, at least, than the independence of Portugal, the measure has sorely wounded the Spanish liberals. Tney remember the avidity with wnlch the English recognized Napoleon after the coiip-d'etat. They point to the recognition of the French Republic? although it was less legal than the Spanish In this, that the French sprung irom a usurpation under mutiny aealnst the authority of the Empire, while the Spiamsh came by the gentle and natural opera tions ol law. They see, furthermore, that, while the French Republic only came Into life amid mas sacre ami civil war and palaces in flames, not a shot hns been tired in anger by a single partisan of the Republic? except in defending tne nation atrainst an invading army of Carlists. They nat urally ask why they nave not as good a claim to the good graces of England as j the blood-stained Bonaparte and the usurp ing Thiers. Italy would naturally recognize aay liberal government iu Spain, but Victor Emmanuel would nut hasten to welcome an envoy from the capital that banished his son. England naturally does not want the Mediterranean to becQtue a republican lake. >VitU two Latin nations? France - and Spain? republican, how long would Italy re main apart. And with the three Latin nations in alliance the Mediterranean would not be as surely under the dominance of English guns. Germany was said to be on the point of recognizing the new Republic, bur, Russia and England, and even the apathy of France, deprived Bismarck of a pretext. CASTELAR AND TUB FRENCH GOVERNMENT. The apathy of >Franoe took an amusing shape recently. You will remember the lamous circular addressed by Castelar to the foreign governments announcing the Republic. This document was pronounced by the London Times to be unexcep tionable in tone. Well, to this circular an answer was vouchsafed by Count Rcmusat, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs. Count Rfiinusat was pleased, he said, to note the elevated sentiments and noble in teutions expressed by Sefior Castelar, and he had the warmeat desire to see them re alized. Then came a flush of French vanity from which even as sodate a man as Count IWmusat could not free himself. "It is not," he continued, "the government of the French Republic that can see with Indifference the efforts which Spain is at this moment making to constitute itself." Then, for getting the measureless calamities that have fallen upon France and the successive revolutions that have overwhelmed her, beginning with the Jena and ending with the Commune, he add?d:? "Wo trust she may arrive at the close of the revolu tions which have so often disorganized her social system ; we offer up prayers that she may gain the first of all blessings? order in liberty." Then, passing into a rapturous mood, His Excellency con tinued? "May Heaven grant that the Constituent Cortes mav Insure to Spain a regular and deflnltlve government, which shall win the confidence of Europe by respecting all rights at home and abroad." After this, and forgetting that the French departments of the Pyrenees were little more than recruiting grouuds for Carl Ism, and that the French authorities had connived at the operations of Hon Carlos, Count Rfmusat concluded by sayiijg that France would "attentively watch over tne main tenance ot the excellent relations that subsist be tween Spain and France, fulfilling all the duties of neighborly kindness imposed upon France by a common frontier, and making every effort to com pel peace and insnre freedom of trade and travel In the region of the Pyrenees," This note of Rfmusat? written, let us hope, with the kindest feelings towards Spain, was not received in a cheerful spirit. In the present sensitive state of the public mind, and especially as regards foreign countries, and the political isolation in which the Republic finds itself, nothing could be more offensive to the national mind than an attempt to patronize the Republic. Even Castelar saw this. His reply has not been published. Hut I learn that the young Minister could not resist the temptation implied in the French note. In his answer he says that Spain recognizes the elevated sentiments animating the communication of the French Cabinet; that Spain has witnessed with Interest the efforts of M. Thiers to constitute a Republic, and trusts they may be crowned with success; for Spain could never look with indifference upon the ef forts which the French Republic is now making to overcome the disasters of civil war, consolidate so ciety and ensure order. "For Spain," says Mr. Castelar, with an exquisite irony that will be ap preciated nowhere more keenly than In Paris, '?cannot do otherwise than wish that France may arrive at the close of the revolutions that have so often led to misery and disorder; that she nay suc ceed in achieving the inestimable blessing of order that means liberty." Mr. Castelar, pursuing his irony in a manner almost pitiless, prays furthermore "that heaven may so guide the deliberations of the Constituent Assem bly, soon to meet, that France will gain a regular and permanent government, winning the confi dence of Europe and the admiration of the world by Its respect for the rights of all." Not overlooking the aid given the Carlists by France, sefior Castelar says he "notes with ex ceeding pleasure tlio assurances of Count Kumusat upon that subject, and trusts that events will show he has not hoped In vain." Whether It be altogether wise for the new Republic to bandy phrases with France, or to yield to a temptation quite irresistible to a rheto rician as brilliant ns Castelar, I will not sav. Hut I murk the tone of the French note as an Indication or apathy felt towards the Republic by a republi can President like Thiers, and the tone of the reply of Sefior castelar as an evidence ol the extreme sensitiveness of the new government to the tone of European public,opinion. DISSOLUTION OF THE CORTES. ' Ma D inn, March 24, 1873. The Republic has passed through auother phase of its creation. Slavery has been abolished in Porto Rico and the Cortes has dissolved. Spain is now called upon to pronounce upon the work that has been done, and to say, in electing a constituent Congress, whether she desires a federal or a unita rian republic, or whetnerahe wishes new men to control her destinies. TUE EFFORT T<4 DEFEAT EMANCIPATION. At two o'clock this morning the Cortes which proclaimed the Republic passed into history. For a long time its members had been discussing the bill to aboll.ih slavery in l'orto Klco. The efforts made to defeat the bill were described to you in a recent letter, in which I dwelt upon the power and progress of the ITo-Slavery League. The enemies of the Republic fomented opposition to the bill for two reasons. If slavery were abolished in l'orto Rico it meant the downiall of slavery in Cuba and would injure their class. If It were not abolished, then there w?uUl be an angry feeling among the republicans, who would feel that their leaders, while in opposition, hail made pledges they dared not or could not redeem when in power. As Zorrilla when in power was in favor of emancipa tion, and there were radicals enough to pass the bill if it caiue to a vote, the only policy left to the reactionists was to prevent a vote. Uy the rules of the Cortes li n measure can be passed into a law unless u majority of the members elected? one-half plus one? attend and vote. It was, there lore, resolved to defeat emancipation and kin dred measures by absenting themselves from the Cortes, and preventing thut maj rity that was necessary to a quorum. Mauy members resigned, others quietly slipped home. Day alter day the benches showed a slimmer attendance. Many iriends of emancipation gave It uj> as hopeless. The Cortes would crumble away into a helpless minority, and, Instead of dissolving in a peaceful, legal, decorous manner, it would become a mass of ruins, leaving the government it had made to get on as best It could. TIIE GOVKKNMKNT TAKES THE OFFENSIVE. nut the government made a rally. It was neces sary to <lo two things; emancipation most be pro claimed, and the Cortes must dissolve legally. Cas telar, who had been watching the debate, hoping for the best ami waiting lor the opportune mo ment, at length, the day before yesterday, made a great address. In this? a synopsis or report of which I hope to send yon, for such value as It may have two or three neeks after the result comes to you by telegraph? the orator summed up the whole question, and snowed that Spain was committed to emancipation as a condition precedent tc any peace. There could be no reform In the Antilles, no hepe of the preservation of the Spanish power In the West Indies, unless emancipation began the reforms which Spain owed to tier rich ant! patient [ aud long-suffering colonies. Ttie address was moderate, conciliatory, making every allowance for the prejudices aud interests of the slavehold I ers, and showing that the passage ol this bill, or a I measure embodying its esseutlal features, was necessary to the honor and satcty of the country. ; It is not often that a speech makes | an Impression deep aud grave enough to j affect a Legislate, but arter the words i of Cnstelar it was clear that there would be a fight on the slavery question; that the majority who had i made the Cabinet should support It at least In their ; just and wise measures of reform. The govern ment resolved upon a decisive plan. Klgueras had returned from the provinces, representing the un easy lecllng of all classes over the prolonged state of iuacUou la the Assembly, and saying that, un lean It came to an end, he would not be in any way responsible for the peace of the nation. THE OOVKRNMBNT PROGRAMME. It was resolved, therefore, to go Into the Cortes and announce that the government would resign Its powers unless three things were done? to wit:? I. The passage of the bill abolishing slavery in Porto Rico. II. The appointment of a permanent commission to counsel the government until the meeting of the Constituent Assembly, whose duty will be to enact a constitution# III. Permanent session of the Cortes until a vote 01 dissolution was reached. TUX EMANCIPATION BILL. The first question was upon the Emancipation bill. The speech of Castelar had convinced the conservatives of the fact that unless that bill was passed now there would be no assurance that the new Assembly would not pass another one, giving indemnity to the slaves Instead of the masters. As the Cortes stood the conservatives held the balance of power. On one side were the republicans in power; ?n the other, the radicals seeking power, Ad vainly believing that Spain would submit to their rule. On all questions the conservatives had acted with the radicals. But when the announcement was made by the government that a course had been resolved upon they held a con sultation. "What do we care," said they, "for one party more than another t Why Bhould we aid the radicals, who are republicans at heart, to over throw the republicans who are frank and honest f Why displace Flgueras and Castelar and Mar gall, who are among the first men In Spafn, what ever they think, for a lot of indifferent, heady politicians?" And so thinking they resolved to support the government and carry through Its measures. THE LAST STRUGGLE OP TIIE REACTIONISTS. The Cortes assembled ? the last day of Its life ? and all seemed quiet enough. We were to have another dull, droning day, and a dozen, perhaps, succeeding. The seats were empty and there was no crowd outside. The day was raw, and an un usually keen, cold wind came down from the Gua darrama snow tops, which may have had Its part In keeping people at home. The confer ence iKJtween the conservatives and the govern ment had taken place, and It was resolved to amend the bill tor emancipation In one or two un essential particulars. Suddenly the President announced, In a quiet way, his programme. The radicals gave way, as they have always given way when met with a resolute resistance. The question then arose on the manner in whloh the commission was to be elected. If the Assembly chose each member by ballot tne radicals would be apt to control the Commission, and thus have the government In a vice, as It were,

during the Interim. The republicans proposed that each member should Vote for four names, and the names having the largest number to be elected. Tills was the minority principle, something like what you have in Illinois. If It were adopted there would be a positive minority of republicans on the commission, and men, too, whose character and rorce would make them, as they have always been, practically a majority. Upon the voting of this measure there was a scene. By the constitution no member of the Assembly can hold an offlco. But as is so olten the case with Spanish laws, It was a dead letter and members of the Assembly held offices. Since the republicans came into power they have, naturally enough, been appointing their friends to place. Those of the new appointments who were In the Assembly have been waiting for the dissolu tion to take their onices. The President of the Cortes, knowing thlB fact and remembering the law, directed the Secretary not to call the names of several Doputles who had been named to office. The vote was bo close that If these names were not called the republicans would lose their proposition. This exercise of the power of disfranchisement led to a scene. The President insisted that he was right, and read the law. The republicans called upon the Secretary to read the names of the radicals who held office during the monarchy and remained In the Assembly. For a few minutes it seemed as if the Cortes would break Into a mob; but the sense of the Assembly was against the President, and the proposition was passed. TITE STORM BREAKS INTO SUNSIIINK. Beaten again, beaten finally, the storm passed, and there came sudden and sweet sunshine. These strange Spanish pcoplo pass from one extreme to another so suddenly? from Joy to tears, fromangU* to sobbing affection? that you can hardly under stand the phenomena that followed. The govern ment moved a permanent session: it was carried. Then came the votes on minor bills ? about the navy, and so on : they were all passed. Then came the emancipation measure for Porto Rico. For days this had been debated. Speeches for it and against it had been made. It was discussed with a vehemence that agitated the Republic. Its friends despaired or passing it under any circum stances. And yet when It was called for a vote the wh?le Cortes arose and said "Yea," and there were shouts and cheers and shaking of hands. The ses sion had passed into the night. No special inci dent transpired, only a full Assembly, crowded gal leries, the Journalists eating supper in their box, and a sense of satislactlon, good will, kind liness, free breathing, as of men who had at last passed the rocks and the eddies and were now in a smooth, open sea. And so It continued until after midnight, until two o'clock in the morning, when the business ended, the vote of adjournment was carried. Members cried, "Live Spain!" and "Llvo the Republic I" and the Cortes which Amadeus summoned, as the last hope of hU crown, passed into history. THE MUST PEACEFUL DAY OF TIIE REPUBLIC. It was two in the morning when the Cortes dis solved. But in this strange capital, where yon make evening calls at midnight, two in the morning is a busy, merry hour. The caJCs were crowded with men waiting for news, which the night, with its rawness, forbade them to do In the streets. The Sabbath came, and Madrid showed, In Its brightness and activity, that a happy day had come. "This is the most satisfactory day the Republic has known," said a friend ; "the only day of perfect rest." The Cortes was dissolved with out a contest, although the stubbornness of the ma jority had timo and again brought ttie capital to the verge of a combat. Slavery was abolished in I'orto Kico, and Spain was now to pass upon the Republic and the form of the new constitution. THE EFFECT OF TIIE EMANCIPATION BILL. As for emancipation, the effect of the bill is this, slavery ceases absolutely in Porto Rtco from this day. The masters receive an Indemnity that will probably average $200 a head in Americau money. To pay this indemnity the sum of seven millions will have to be provided, the loan to be ruised upon the resources of Porto Rico. It Is hoped this loan will be taken in the United States. The negroes are compelled to make contracts with some of the planters or with the government for three years' service. This will prevent vagabondage. They may make the contracts with their masters or with whomever they please. At the end of three years this obligation ceases, as it 1H honed they will then kuow enough of freedom to enjoy its blessings. In the meantime exact and wise laws for education wjll be rut Into operation. 1 What has been done for I'orto Kico will be done lor I Cuba as soon aa the condition of the island wllluilow i the election of representatives to the Cortes. In the absence of such representation it was felt the Cortes could not legislate; ano although the re mibltcans were anxious to pass a law for Cuba thev were compelled to admit the force of this argu ment. The llrst act of the new Cortes will un doubted!} be the passage of a similar measure for Cuba. TTIE CONSTITUENT CORTES. The Constituent Cortes, or the body which will ! make tUC constitution lor the uew Republic, will I be elected in May, and will assemble in June. In 1 the meantime this cabinet remains in power, sub i jeet to a committee which has power to advise with the Cabinet, and If at an necessary cali the Cortes together. In other words, the committee ! will have as much power as the com mittee that watched over M. Thiers during the recess ol the Assembly. It may ' advise and counsel, but will have no legislative or Initiative responsibility. Now that the Cortes has dissolved the Cabinet can carry out many reforms to which no legislative body would have readl.y | consented. Kxecntlve power in Spain can do a great dea. by decrees: and the friends of liberty and roiorin expect a great deal from the resolu tion and vigor of the men in power. PIFFUTLTIKS AHEAP. So theyonng Republic passes into smoother seas, The dangers end. but the difficulties begin. The reforms necessary to the salvation of Npainwll' never be admitted without a struggle. .History sUowa It l? t><* iuucU easier to tolerate a difficulty or an abuse than to destroy It. "After me the delude," an the French km# said, anil ruling uien are as content to have an easy time, and let the deluge have its win when It comes. With all my wishes ami hopes for the .Republic? ? shared as I know they must be by all reasonable people in America and England? I can not overlook or underrate the diitl?,ulties that lie before the new Cabinet. And the question arises. Are these the men who can command a State, and build It to rise up from its misfortune and shame and be strong and free? They are worthy, honora ble and gifted men. No one, how much he dislikes the Republic, denies the ability ot Flgueraa, the probity of Margall, the genius of Castelar. Are they men to win In this work ? Or do they belong t? the race of men like Vergn laud, Roland and Balllv, who were Bwept away In the high flood* of the French Ilevolatlon r Can Spain revive with out some Cromwell, or Napoleon, or Bismarck to take command and oulld a republic by a policy of blood and Iron ? Can the new Commonwealth sur vive the cruel, pitiless policy of Isolation? to which 1 referred in another letter? and which is the re turn the monarchs of Europe are making to the Republic of Spain ? THE EVILS Of Tint SPANISH SYSTEM. Recurring again to this question, let ine say also that there are wise men in the republican party who are not unhappy because of this European Isolation. They contend that nothlfig will benellt Spain more clearly In the end than a period of Isolation. Dumas says that "Airlca begins at the Pyrenees."' There is another phrase that "the voice of Spain Is drowned by the Pyrenees." This yearning for activity in the diplomatic affairs of Europe is censured as an un i healthy, morbid aspiration ? an efTort to restore the prestige of Charles V. and Philip II., without their power. As In America we have statesmen who can never forget that the slave holder once held the government under his whip, so there are Spaniards who dream about the days when the Spanish dominions were the largest and the most powerful In the world- when her King was master of the Low Countries and had his orders obeyed In four continents. It was only the other day that one of these fantastic patriots salu that until America 1>egau her usurpations there was no part of the world where a Spanish seaman could not hear the language of Cervantes, ana if Spain were only true to hereelf. in spite of America, that glory would come again. Wise men say, and say well, that lor one generation at least, for more, perhaps, spam herself demands the undivided atteution of Spaniards; that .before expecting consideration without its people must check decay within. The more closely we staay the condition of the SpaniBh people the more this Impresses the observer. Spain needs the unalvlded attention of Spaniards. Here Is a country rich and beautiful and Inviting, the bosom of the earth teeming with mineral Wealth, and Its fields offering the glad harvests of ooru and oil and wine to all who will come and garner tnem. Railways are to be built, roaus and communications opened, systems of Irrigation and agriculture introduced. This protective sys tem which paralyzes the industry and ambition of the people must be rooted out and cast away. A thousand remnants of the old period ol caste and privilege must be destroyed? privileges for the army, the Church, the aristocracy, for the owners of lands and exacting franchises. The spirit of gambling, whtcn comes naturally from the protec tive system, and is the sure precursor of national thrlltlessuess and decay, a spirit that per vades every class In Spain, must be ex terminated. Centralization must be abolished, as. lor Instance, government monopolies, like the monopoly of tobacco. As brigandage Is another result of these baneful causes, with their suppres sion It may pass away ; but If not, then It must be stamped out. There must be reforms In the army, the Church and ambng the nobility? reforms so evident that I can well understand the bravest Spaniard shrinking from the attempt, but no less necessary to the regeneration of the country. Some men, like the bold and original Garrido, think that Spain should abandon her colonies ; but or this I cannot say, nor as a foreigner and an American is It well for me to speak. TUB DEMORALIZATION OF TUB ABUT. For Instance, take the army. Spain is a country not much larger than two of our American StateB, yet she requires 600 generals for her army. There is no complaint more frequent than the absence of discipline among the troops- "Oh," we are told, by the enemies of the Republic, "there is no discipline among the troops. See in Catalonia, they are all going home, and they will not obey their officers, and only the other day they pelted General Contreras with oranges, be cause he did notj assent to their plun dering an orange grove." Without an army I can well understand that any Common wealth wouid lie In a sad way. But what Is the truth about the Spanish army? In the first place, there Is no better Infantry in the world than the Infantry of Spain. My authority tor this sweeping assertion is the Duke or Wellington. "The British BOldler," says the Duke, "tr you treat him weU, if yoi feed him, if you clothe him, will go anywhere and fight anybody; but the Spanish soldier. If you don't treat him well, If you don't feed him. If you don't clothe him, will do the samel" This army may be summed up as con sisting or aboat one hundred and fifty thousand men, and vet there are 600 generals to command It l There has never been a time, for a century at least, when the officers of this army did not teach the troops an example or mutiny and treason. To begin, every officer is a politician. When a new party comes into power the generals are all retired on hair pay and party officers placed In com mand. When an officer Is retired his duty Is to conspire. Thus we find Espartero conspiring until he became Prime Minister. Then we had O'Dounell conspiring against Eapartero and Narvaez conspir ing against o'Doanell, who in turn overthrew Nar vaez, only to be overthrown by Gonzales Bravo, wh# was expelled by Prim and Serrano, each of them generals or the army and noblemen or Spain. Not long ago there was an insurrection in the South and at the head or it was General Contreras. Instead of shooting Contreras for treason he was sent to the North as Captain General of a province. Can you imagine, for Instance, every officer in the Atlantic States in the American regular army throwing up hlB command because General Hancock, a democrat, was as signed to that department? Can you fancy what the response of General Grant would be? how swiftly these protesting officers would be cashiered? Well, we had a parallel case In Spain. A general was placed in command of an expedition against the Carllsts. He was politically unpopular, and at once 600 officers or tne artillery retired, or course the effect was to disman the army. To en courage them In this treason the nartisans or the monarchs subscribed a large fund, one nobleman alone giving $10,000 to pay the salaries or these officers while they were In mutiny. And here they are to-day swarming around Madrid, being what vulgar, brutish work men would call "on a strike," with the enemy in the North. And journals hope that "honorable arrangements" will be made to enable these gen tlemen to return to their commands, for abandon ing whitfh, in the presence or the enemy, many or tliem would Have been shot In twenty-roar hours by an English or American court martial. TUB HEASON FOR THE DECAY OK TI1K ARMY. And yet the enemies or the Republic mourn the absence or discipline in the army. The reply Is that discipline is destroyed by the men whom Spain charges to command her rorces. ir you ask why It is that this mutinous spirit exists you will find it in the constitution ot the army. There Is an ancient regulation giving any officer who cares so to do the rlgnt to withdraw irom his command, to remain in retirement as long as lie pleases on half pay. and then to return when It suits his fancy. This Is a privilege that has long been Inhereut to the Spanish officers, and It is one of that class of privileges to which I recently referred as burdening the State and needing extirpation, ir an officer is a Carlist, lor instance, and his regiment Is ordered to march against Don Carlos, he has simply to withdraw until the campaign Is over, ir Don Carlos loses, he resumes his command. Khe wins, he gains honor and wealth. With these ex amples before them, examples studding the history or Spain stnee the time of Chhrles IV., who aban doned his army, his annuity and ills crown, and sold them all to Bonaparte, Is It any wonder that discipline should be lax among the troops, and that under a Republic the soldier should leel that ho Is entitled to the privilege or desertion, just as much as the officer? My only surprise Is ? reasoning from Saxon principles or hnraan nature, which we all know to be so much higher and more rigid than those or any miserable Latin country like Snaln? that there is an army at all. As it now exists it is a great evil, combining the evils of an army and of a mob, ami it needs regeneration. Hut you cannot blan^e it upon the Republic, although the Republic, lu the minds of the reactionists, must assume tt all. SPANISH FUELING TOWAIID AMERICA. The appeals of the reactionists are in all respects made to the auclcnt spirit. Don Carlos will bring back the glory or Philip and Charles V.; so bring him in. Don Alphonso will recall the prestige or Ferdinand and Isabella; let every Spaniard rally arouud Don Alphonso. These are the hopes and cries of the monarchs:? "No rorelgner to ruio over Spain!" "No invasion ol the national Integrity ' "All Spain ior the Spaniards!" Nothing shows the Insincerity or these partisans more clearly than these declarations. lhc Spaniards expelled Amadous bscause he was a foreigner. And yet Spain has had a succession of foreign princes since the time of the Austrian Charles. First was the German house, and then came the house of Bourbon and the at tendant wars which ravaged hair the nations of i Europe. Don Carlos, the conspicuous leader or legitimacy, was never In Spain in his Hie, unless In the Basque country; and If the losing of tlio colonies has been so sad a blew to Spain, | they were lost by the Kings. It was Gharlcs i\\ | who ceded Louisiana lor some Italian principality that he never attained. It was Ferdinand VII. who ! lost the American provinces. It whs Isabella who i failed to hold St. Domingo, and whose misrule I has almost lost Cuba. so that nothing can be more insincere and unjust than the clamor that under the Republic Spain will suffer in her territory or her pride. Thny loads me to dwell 1 upon the singular feeling existing here towards America. So much has been said about Cuba and the Antilles tuat the spanish mind is fanatical on the subject, one Is surprised to see in the press, in society, in the debates of tue Cortes, in the carl ca'ure prints, the extreme antipathy towards Amorlca. 1 attribute this to several reasons. In the flrtt place we have under our tlag three sepa rate colonies that canto at different times rroin Spain? Po.onles where Spanish laws and custom* a'ld names still prevail. There is Louis- i tana, which, although purchased from Napoleon, hud been obtained by the French Emperor IToin the. Spanish. Then came Horlda, which came to us directly from Ferdinand VII., and later the vast region extending rroin Texas to the Paclttc, wnion uauie fryui Mexlcv. Which liail tak?n It trnm Suain. The Spaniard sees these regions nnaer oar fla*. lie sees them Bidding alon.; In the path of empire. He reads of the wealth oi t'aiiiornia, and it* name alone la a remembrance ol his sovereignty there not a century ago. Without cnsldering the causes loading to the separation he regards ourpessessloo us unlawful, and he broods over It In his sullen, burning way. Then he has heard of the Cubau discussions ? the conference at Ostend, wueu American diplomatists calmly sat down tn sever the Spanish dominions. Ue has heard of the wild Southern speeches before the war, when Cuba was to become a nursery lor s|pves. He has seen our filibustering expeditions and has executed the leaders of many. He cannot understand why the present rebellion iu that island should not be suppressed, unless it is that Gen eral Grant iu seme way fosteis it. Ue remem bers?lor his history is full of the glory? when "Spanish faith and Spanish valor" dominated the American Continent. Step by step his Hug has receded. Peru uud Chile and the line of Paddc colonies have vanished from its folds. Mexico no longer admits allcgiance to Madrid. All that re mains is his beautiful tongue? still lingering on the map to remind him of the day when the language of Cervantes gave the law to a Continent? and the much-ioved Cuba. Kven Cuba is grudged to him, and the avariciou* American eagle, like a bird of prey, liangs over i" with menacing talons. If the Spaniard was an indifTerent, low-spirited creature this thought would be exasperating. Bat when you know that he Is the proudest or the sons of men, you c m imagine how angry? how passionately angry? ha becomes at the thought that Cuba may be wrested from him. "Kather than lose Cuba,'' he says, '-let us stake the whole empire. For withoat Cuba there is no Spain." SPAIN AND SPANISn CUBA. Therefore, no phrase has been more earnestlf shouted by the republicans themselves than this? "Spain and Spanish Cuba." When the Kepublio was born Martos shouted it to an approviug Cortes, who answered back, " Live, the Spanish Cuba.*' And the republicans have shown unusual energy In making war upon Cuba. They have dallied with the Carllsts, but have sent extra ships and troops to Havana. This will surprise yon, but If you knew the truculent and fiery feeling here you would see that to resist it would be mere than the Republic in worth. Nor do I think any of the Carlists desire to resist It, ror thev are Spaniards and breathe the living thought or Spain. AMERICAN DIPLOMATISTS IN SPAIN. Again our diplomacy in Spain has contributed largely to this feeling. In no country have we been so badly served; and it is a country where we needed our best service. An ordinary diplomatist could do well in Paris or London, for there he would meet healthy conditions of society and politics, and nations stroug and willing to do all that good neighbors could require. But, going back to the beginning of this generation, whea We had the sentimental Washington Irving, who was as competent to represent a Power like America ut a Court like that of Spain as he would have been to command an army. We had until the close of our civil war a succession of preposterous or incompetent or misplaced representatives. Mr. ? soule was a lair type of what 1 might call the swashbuckler In diplomacy. He represented the fiery, irrational, aspiring South. He wanted Cuba, i and when he wus uot putting upon the Ministry the coarse, hard pressure of a Frenchman repre senting the slave power in America, he was lighting duels with the French Ambassador and the lmkeof Alva. So until the war we had Ministers who carried into Spanish society the traditions and hopes of the slaveholder^, trifling with Spain, en deavoring to proflt by its weakness, and longing to gain national distinction at home by securing iu someway? petit larceny, none better offering? pos session of Cuba. When the war came we had Gen eral ?churz, who was not long enough in Spain to know the way from the Palace to the Escurial, and hurried home to the war. General Scliurz was a foreigner, which was a disadvantage ; and after him came another foreigner, who was put away here by Lincoln because he had some influence in Illinois and It was essential to the Seace of the republican party to have lm as Tar from Illinois as possible. Then came a superannuated member of a young party, w hose usefulness at home was over, and, having onca been an abolitionist candidate for the Presidency, was Bent In a spirit of kindness, because, among other things, the salary would be an advantage. With this gentleman came those petty scanuals fermented by the jealousy and ambition of a minor officer of his legation, who stained the fame of his country to gratify his thirst for place. Whatever nserulness the Minister may have had as Minister was destroyed tn this cruel way, and America had no more influence here than Paraguay or Baenos Ayres. ? GENERAL GRANT'S DIPLOMACY IN SPAIN. All this 'time question after question had bees growing np between the two countries. It became the custom to postpone everything concerniug tbe United States, and our Ministers were too buBy with their own scandals te put any pressure upon the Cabinets. So Spain fell Into a tranquil, indiffer ent state of mind about America, until, with the accession of Grant, a new era began. It so hajt-, pened that General Grant himself was personally Interested in Spanish questions. He had served In Mexico and knew the customs ol the country. The Minister he selected had held a delicate and important misston to the Spanish Republics of the Pacific. He knew the Spanish tongue and had seen much of the Spanish people. Educated iu the democratic party of New York in its strongest days, of an aggressive temper, imbued with the principles ol Jefferson and skilled in diplomacy, as the secretary to Mr. Buchanan when Minister to London, his coming here changed affairs. Whether from ambition, or a craving ac tivity of a mind that would not be at rest, oi the influence of that cleaving, incisive, aggressive spirit men learned In Tammany Hall twenty-live years ago, or whether it was that be felt behind film the personal, impelling influence of Grant, with his earnest views on Cuba and Spain, thia correspondent cannot say. But a new era had come. The Spaniards became restive. When a serious question arose it was not remanded to eternity. The Minister called for an answer, and when he called a second or third time he waited until he received It. Prime Ministers were told thai General Grant was in earnest ana would have no denial. This activity, this persistence, this follow ing a question from morning until nigtit, was dis turbing to the lethargic Spanish mind. Such pre cipitancy had never been known in diplomacy?, was quite undiplomatic. At length, when Sagasta was in power and we were harrying the soul ol poor Catacazy, Sagasta took a happ.v thought, ne felt sure that the Impertinence and crsel assi duity of the American Minister would not be approved In Washington. So he sent word informally to Mr. Fish that the Cabinet would prefer another Minister In the place of General Sickles, who was not agreeable to the Cabinet. President Grant said, "Very well." II Bettor Sagasta does not like General Sickles he can do without a Minister. So our Minister received his letter of recall. He was to retire from the mis sion and leave a charge d'affaires in his stead. On the day of his retnrn to Madrid Sagasta fell from power and he remained. TUB BFFKCTs< OF GRANT'S DIPLOMACY. But the cause of the Minister had tuis result. He became one of the most bitterly criticised and unpopular men In Madrid. Madrid Is a capita) largely filled with reactionists, who have money and power and social standing. When any ques tions came about Cuba? when slavery was dis cussed and the Republic was coming to lite? the American Minister wus the cause of it ail. He was the Marplot, the Mcphistopheles, the harassing element that had come to disturb and divide happy Spain. And there are Spaniards who really believe that the ultimate ambition of Grant is tu have his Miuister made President of a Spanish Re public. These, then, are among the reasons why America Is so disliked by Spaniards who do not honor the Republic: why it is that the republicans themselves are sensitive to the Idea that they are under Ameri can Influence, and wlty any sudden or Impetuous action on the part of our government would over throw the Republic; tn a day. Relations of confi dence between America and Spain will come, if at all, slowly, and can only be reached In a long time* HOPES AND KKARi* FOR SPAIN. When disaster or misadventure comes to a man he hesitates a long time before he accepts the real cause. It is so very easy to preacti reform ? so dif ficult to begin at the right eud. Nothing Is easier than to assign to twenty motives or pretexts or accidents what comes irom our own Inability or lack ol courage to do what Is wise. So it is with this new Republic of Spain. It Is so easy to de nounce the rapacity of America, to resent the in difference of Kngland, to bitterly complain ol lha more than Indifference of France, it is so com forting to say that but for these nations the Repub lic would rise among tne nations like an atniet.?, strong in her pride anil greatness, and demanding consideration from the world. Hut the way to greatness does not He cat of Spain. Reforms must begin In Madrid, and they must be of the most I painful and radical character. Until they are ac complished there is no future for Spain, except to become like Greece or Mexico, or Kgypt belore the Khedive. Greater than Babylon in her day, she will sink lower than Babylon. The army must be broken in fragments and a new army created, coming direct from the peo ple. The vicious system of pensions and privileges and grants from the treasury must; be abolished. The land tenure ruus: be reformed so that the tiller w;il have a right to his soil. 1 ho national passion for gambling mast be arrested. If in no other way then by suppressing the lot teries. The monstrous evils that nave coaie upon Spain with the protective system ? smuggling and banditism? must be extirpated ; tlrst by abolishing the system and then the effects of It. Reduce the army two-thirds. Give to the colonies the utmost liberty of trade ana govern ment Consider nothing ouMSde of Spun for at least two generations. Let tna diplomatists iret and plot, csniiue Spanish diplo macy to the simple protection of Spanish citizens. These reforms will of themselves strengthen tlm public credit, which should have added stiengtli from a svstem of rigid economy in the governments and exactness in meeting all 'Inanciat obligations. Will the men who govern Spain have the courage to do these things? the courage a. id the patience and th?t high, soui-insplrtag ho|xi which never fails, however the heart may be sick irom disappointment and d?!ay? I loo* upon the abolition of slavery In Porto Rico as the first sign. But it is only the first sign. Spain tnul achieve these things by the courage and faith oi her rulers or fall. No reaction can siop tbe work. For. should reaction |/atn power by any ol the ways so bitterly known in Spanish history what is now coming in peace will come In strife ;ind civil war, and we shall have such a revolution here as the world never saw? so fierce, radical, so linpl* cable that luture ages in reading it win forget ttu Commonwealth in England tue llclgit o* Terror in Franco.

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