Newspaper of The Weekly Ottumwa Courier, 13 Şubat 1861, Page 1

Newspaper of The Weekly Ottumwa Courier dated 13 Şubat 1861 Page 1
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09 NEW sj .i' rilMliiaiiif SERIES, VOL. «, NO. «. I •T. IV. \0:t a IS, Proprietor. $ (Tljc (Dttumliu Courirr. PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY III PXJMROT'S BLOCK, s (TDIBD FLOOR) 0 TIT MTV A, WA PEL 10 CO., TOW A, By J. W. A O. P. MORRIf. V E S N V A K A I N A V A N E One copy, peryear .... Foarcoples 8PEEOH OK HON. JAMES HARLAN, I* THE SJ»*ATK, January 11, 1861. [coNCLrnto.] You go home, and by letters and speeches to our constituences, misrepresenting the prin ciples of the Republican party, stir up insur rection and incipient civil war and in the midst of the strife which your own hands have stirred up, you, the vanquished, a small minority, come to the victors, and propose, as term? of p-ace and compromise, that they shall surrender to you at discretion that they shill trample under foot thxs principles which the people have approved, and adopt you platform, and your party dogmas, w'-ich the people have as distinetly condemned!— Here is the proposition submitted by the JSenater from Mississippi, [Mr. The very proposition on which you went to the country and were vanquished. Here is the propositin of th« Senator from Georgia, [Mr. Toombs "Resolved, That declaratory clauses to the Constitution of the Unite 1 States, amply securing the following propositions, be re commended for adoption "I. That the people of the Un'ted States shall have an equa' right to emi$*ate to and setting in the present or any future acquired Territories, with whatever property they nny possess, (including slaveO and be se curely protected in its peaceable enjoyment until such Territory may be admitted as a State in the Union, with or without slavery, as she may detern.ine, on an equality with all existing States." That is but a different collection of words demanding the Bieckinridge platform as the condition of peace. Here is the proposi tion of the Senator from Tennessee, [M»\ JOHNSON]. "Resolved, That the select committee of thirteen be instructed to enquire into the expediency of establishing, by constitutional provision— "First. A line running through the terri tory of the United States not included with irr the States, miking an equitable and just division of said territory, south of which line slavery shall be recognized and protec ted as property, by ample and full constitu tional guaranty, and north of which line it shall be prohibited." The proposition submitted by the Senator from Kentucky, now before me, [Mr. Mr. CRITTENDEN. I hope I shall be al lowed a word. I am surprised to hear the gentleman say that 1 propose a slave rode. I thought I had carefully avoided that. I took things as they were, and say that the laws as they now exist shall continue to ex ist, anil what protection they give shall bo extended that neither Congress nor the territorial government shall legislate on the subject. This is the congressional code that I propose. The code that exists is not a congressional one at all it is a territorial on? and as we have come to the point where I suppose some settlement should take place, I propose that we shall take the status as it exists. It relieves us from all legis lation. I propose merely to give what protection the present laws give—nothing more. Mr. HARLEN. I am very much gratified that the Senator has corrected me. I do uot desire to misrepresent his position. Mr. CRITTENDEN. I am sire the gen tleman does not. Mr. HARLAN. Here is the language, however, of the printed bill which I have on my desk: "In all the Territories south of said line of latitude, slavery of the African race is hereby recognized as existing" Mr. CRITTENDEN. That is all. Mr. HARLAN. ting. uand the It is recognized shall resolutions .. »1,50 6,00. it «. Ten ...» 18,00. Twenty" 44,00. Persons wishing to subscribe Tor a less time than one year can do so by remitting the amount they wish to l« n o a o i a e I n n o a s e w i w e rntirnow. names unless they are accompanied with money. sion. Mr. HARLAN. DAVIS,] and i I invite the attention of every Senator to the character of these terms of peace: "Resolved, That it shall be declared, amendment of the Constitution, that proper ty in slaves, recognized as such bv the local law of any of (he States of the Union, shall stand on the same footing in all constitu tional ami Federal relations as any other species of property so recognized and, like other property, shall not be subject to be di vested or impaired ny the local law of any other State, either in escape thereto or of transit or sojourn of the owner therein and in no case whatever «hall such property be subject to be divested or impaired by any legislative act of the Un'te-1 States, or any of the Territories thereof." msmm Mr. IIAIILAN. Printed propositions have been laid on our desks, coming from theoth side of the Chamber, proponing to amend sent to humiliate himself— Mr. PUGH. I the Senator Certainly. Mr. PUGII. I heard him Indistinctly be fore but, as ha ha* repeated it, I wish to ask him a question. I understand him to say that the supporters of Mr. DOL'OI.AS in in the last campaign maintained the power of Congress to exclude slavery from the Ter ritories. Mr. HARLAN. No, sir. Mr. PUGH. Certainly not MSn,ijftn CHIT TENDEN,] is on this subject a little more mod est. It, like the last, however, proposes a congressional slave code for all the Territo ries south of 36deg. 30roin. north latitude, and, like all others, proposes to humiliate the people of tha free States by requiring them to surrender their own principal and adopt yours and this proposition is propos ed as a condition precedent, as it would seem, to the peaceable inauguration of the President elect. I ask the Senator from Kentucky if he expects the majority thus to humble themselves at the feet of the minoi ity as MB not be interfered with bj Con­ gress, but shall be protected as property CRTTTENDJEN. own laws. Mr. by all the departments of the territorial govern ment during its continuance." Mr. Aoeording to their HARLAN. I shall be happy, President, to find that the proposition mitted is less Mr. sub­ objectionable thaik |l first supposed it to be. i^n .ui.i-i^.A.M.4 Mr. CHITTENDEN. It has been one of the arena of political strife. Or do you de my objects to exclude the idea of legislation by Congress. The resolution Is afloat 00 the subject. ernment. Tho Senate his heard the propo- the Republicaa"party in advance of the inau sition which came from the Senator fro.a guration of Mr. Lincoln. They have demand Virginia to-day, which is an elegant de- ed at your hands nothing that is wrong, and mand over that of any other Senate? wltt has spoken on this subject. iation. I ask then Mr. President, if it can be ex pccted that a triumphant party—I may say i fer a union of parties, so fir as that principle volve a surrender of principle on your part of the right to exclude slavery from the Ter- nor on ours, or whether you prefer the ar ritories is concerned, unprecedented in the bitraments of arms. history of this country—will humble them selves at the feet of a minority that is so very small? Will any honerable. man sqa- should like to interrupt a mom-wit, with his prorois- one of them, to my knowledge, ever admitted it. Mr. HARLAN. My statement was, the friends of Mr. DOUGLAS in ection, maintained the right Mr. PUGH. I hope the that the recent el­ to exclude very from the Territories. Mr. PUGH. Or toadsritU, s'a a* tho pa* pie choose. Mr. IIARLAN. And, as a means for its exclusion, would use the Territorial Legisla ture. The main point at issue was: can slavery be rightfully excluded The Re publicans said it could. The Douglas Dem ocrats in my part of the country also main tained that it could and that the means Soaator will al­ low me to interpose Mr. IIARLAN. C&4i!a!y Mr. PUGH. 1 thiuL 1 con for th" Democracy of Iowa better than he can. In the first place, I was very well acquainted before, "and at the time, with the delegates in the Charleston and Baltimore conventions. All that we have ever claimed was, that the people of the Territories should have the ritrht to exclude it or to admit it at will and y the North meant to exclude slavery as a proposition, and availed themselves of the i doctrine of popular sovereignty for that pur pose, it is an invention of the enemy. Mr. HARLAN. I do not say that either the Senator, or any of his part)' friends, de sired to exclude slavery from the Territories. I am inclined to think some of them do not them was, that slavery might be rightfully Douglas Democrats say it may be done by a Territorial Legislature only. Now, sir, that vote, I repeat, more than three and a third million and the up'ted vote for both the opposing parties, and their proportion of the fusion votes, did not amount to one and a half million. The proposition here, then, is, that we shall sur render and the question tliat I was pro pounding to the Senator from Kentucky was. of history, that such a mass of freemen would, under the threats that are here presented, surrender to a minority so very small Why not harmonize on a proposition that requires no humiliation, no surrender from either the victors or the vanquished AY by not liar- monize on the proposition defended by my ,, !i 4 ily able to defray the expenses of their own sire to take revenge on the Republicans first that you may enjoy its sweets before iet tlement can be agreed on I ask again, can you expect that the mass es of freemen from eighteen States of this confederacy, having legally electcd their can- of the Senator from Kentucky Ididate for the Presidency on a distinct an- (l do not now see them, hence I cannot re- jnouncement of principles, upon which issue cite their provision- but their effect would was joined, will submit to humiliating terms be to conform the Senator's proposition to jag condition* precedent to the transfer of the the requirements of the Breckinridge plat- reins of government to their hands They form. And the proposition, as it stand*— would be unworthy of the rights of freemen as it seetns to me—recognizs slavery as ex isting in th3 Territories south of 3Gdeg. 30min. and provides that it shall continue during the pxisteoce of the territorial gov- if they would consent to sifa^a disgrace. I announce to you distinctly that, in my sol emn conviction, you cannot extort a surren der of one hair's breadth of principle from they will submit tbno wrong and no hamil Now, it is for you to say whether you pre a peaceable adjustment that docs not in- s00n over entertain such a desire, especially those of P°''°y Senator from "N irginia, as sug them who, though residing in tne free States, are the owners of slaves. The point of prin ciple, however, cannot be evaded. The right to exclude slavery from the Territories was minority to govern. Will the people who have voted for the honorable Senator from maintained by the Doug'as Democracy all over tho Union. It was KO announced by that eminent gentleman in the city of New Orleans, in Baltimore, at Norfolk, and every where over the Union and I doubt not he is indebted to that frankness for the smalln*ss of the vote polled for him in the slaveholding i structing the bederal Government on amend States. The principle then maintained by *s "u^ested s'^e and constitutionally excluded from the Ter- PaT"t °f'ts provisions the Breckinridge plat ritorics. So it was by the Republican partv. form' th« amounts .. ., i* 111 or, as the Senator from Alabama would say, whether it was probable, judged in the light ,, to enable you to rule us. Do you suppose i. Nobody on this side of the Chamber has ously charged to-day, such a conflict. Sev eral Senators have expressed their great and abiding fear that that would be the result of secession movements at the South at this crssis in our public affairs. They have fears I say, that you will plunge this country into civil war, and drench its plains with frater nal blood, through tho madness of your cha grin over a political defeat at the polls. Southern Senators have spoken of the mil itary resources which their section can com mand for the conflict, and their powers of nrotracted resistance and agression they have intimated that such a war would be long and bloody, And mutually disastrous. It would be fearful and terrible. I doubt not but it would be very brief. I say it would have been unparalleled in the world s history be very brief and I challenge your atten tion to history for the truth of the assertion. The time has been, Mr. President, when war merely involved a conflict between animal force*. That time bas past. Your struggle for independence involved you in a war of seven or eight years. The world has changed since then. Mind controls. Senators have said here that cotton is king. they would select was preferable, considered people in a single year. The contest between tors on my light and left? Nearly all^ of in the light of efficiency, to the means pro-1 the Russians, a powerful empire, on the one them were borne in New England or New posed by the Republicans. "Why," said hand, and the English and French on the York and that is but an index of the char, they, "look at your northern hordes, mil-1 other at the Crimea, lasted but two summers. acter of the population of the States of the lions of men, free to emigrate throw open A conflict between the French and Austrians Northwest. ay, sir, yen h&Yft but t\so the Territories, and allow the pople who more recently, where half a million of combat enter them to exercise their own choice on ants were marshaled on the plains against this subject and can you doubt, educated each other, was determined in three months. as the great majority of the settlers will have Since then, we were told that the States of been, that they will remove slavery from every Territory organized under the juris diction of the United States Italy were about to be plunged into a sea of blood and the steamer brought the news that peace had been restored, and a pire founded. The English and French as sail the Celestial Empire, with a population of tV.r^o hnn^r-d rn:1:-"-n and untold wealth an'1 in a No, sir in this kind of contest science is powerful part of our population. If any king and warlike elements, are his vassals. Why, sir, your war with Mexico lasted but a year. You subjugated her ten million new em­ they dictate a peace in the 'palace of the vanquished Emperor. It has been said that there is eloquence in facts and perhaps it would be well tor statesmen to look to their logic in an argu ment on a question so grave n? this. A contest, I repeat, between these States— hiShl' cuItivate(1 h'KhIy enlightened, with tVint n of! immense power on either hand—would be shall adopt a policy that will entice away ant* at a sectional agitation. Nor will your threatened or actual seces sion, as a stroke of diplomacy, terminate any more favorably. That seems to be the gested to-day—break up this Government, dissolve it into its original elements, and re instruct it on such a plan as will enable the Illinois, and the candidate of the Republican party, accede to terms like these Do you hope for it As it seems to me, no proposi tion could be more absurd. Should you secede temporarily for the purpose ofrecon- 4l T. .t. ,' recently condemned It was to get rid of n- 'your domination, which has prevailed so colleague and other eminent Republicans in iJ .1 /. XI .L lone that it has become offensive, the peo the committee of thirteen, to admit the tor- i K x. «,« o. I pie corsented to the breaking up or party ritory south of 86 deg. 80 min., as a State, v and the territory north as a State or States, with a reserved right to divide them, as in tho case of Texas, may be sufficient .. j,. est of the people may require it The pop- policy and yours are diametrically at war ulation is sufficient and they are pecuniar- s^e of her own terrible and fearful conflict. It would bfftheir citizens? Does the welfare of the slave c^,s PXPense suffered during the last 0 money than tho merchants of our great cities have few months of your from an-v of the ^Chamber, embracing as a or the Sunate The Republican party say it may be done by session, (being almost a literal transcript of of the South opppose. The construction Congress or a Territorial Legislature. The Calhoun resolutions of 1838,) this new Confederacy will never embrace one of the I free States—not one. Perhaps you do not desire New England. I infer, from intima- to •, tions that I have heard outside of this Cham ber, that you would be willing to have her sloughed off, and form a new Confederacy with the middle and northwestern States, in which you would have fifteen slave States, and we would have twelve free States thus giving you the power to dominate over us I that the people of those twelve States are so obtuse as to engage in any alliance for the avowed purpose of giving you the power to control them, and coerce thena^ into the adoption of the policy which they have so _» organizations, You could hardly expect, however, inde- s, whenever the population pendent of this view of the subject, Pennsyl to justify it, and the inter-! to unite in such a Confederacy. Her 'n ^svor the protection o e in dust,7 P60^0' and governments. This would require no sur- of free trade. Pennsylvania seems to have render of principle by you or by us and apprehended your policy, from the largeness would diminish the expenses of this Govern- of the majority which she cast against your ment hundreds of thousands of dollars annu- candidate, it being a plurality of ninety ally. It would forever remove the discussion thousand over all others combined. of slavery from the Halls of Congress and! Can you expect affiliation with the people. for his authority. ^ou in f*TOr OTTUMAVA, IOWA, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 13,1861. of the Northwest to flow from such a stroke of policy as this Would it advance their policy of securing homesteads to actual set tlers By a solid vote from your side of the Chamber,you have defeated this policy for the last ten years .Then, the people of the North west desire a connection with the ocean. They desire access to the Pacific as well as the Atlantic and your votes have become a more insurmountable barrier than the inter vening mountains. Who can expcct that the Northwest would willingly dissolve its connection with New England As offensive as her peop!e may be to you, they are not so to us. They have already, by their capi tal and their science, overcome the only barriers between us and the great Atlantic. We are now within three days' journey of Boston, and of the Atlantic at any point and we believe that, in pursuance of this same policy, her capital, which wc have not, will enable ns to connect ourselves with the Pa cific States. Her great fleets of merchant ships, starting at tho western terminus of our Pacific railroad, can connect us with that human hive that swirtns on the other s'^e an(l threatened, as was errone- world s travel, and send it, with a large pro- thus reverse the portion of the world's trade, by our doors, as it careers onward to the Atlantic cities and to the Old World. You may fancy that you can sit enthroned at the mouth of the Missis sippi river and coerce a confederation with the Northwest, regardless of her great inter ests. Well, sir, there are now in the North west, on the upper waters of the Mississippi, about nine million freemen. It requires lit tle but physical force to give us access to the Gulf and I doubt not that our people will readily find the means to secure that exit and I might predict that if you had seceded, it probably would not be many years until tl»e increase of our population and the multiplication of our resources, which would enable us to command the terms which shall again place the .mouth of the Mississippi under the same jurisdiction which* you now propose to leave. But again, sir. who are the people of the Northwest? Chiefly the Children of New England and the great middle States.— Look over your census reposts of each- de cade, and you will find they are from a very body had any doubt on this subject, I would ask them to look around me hero.— Where are the native States of these Sena- Senators on this floor who were borne there. Do you suppose that you will be able, by a stroke of diplomacy, to sever the ties of con nection between the father and the son, be tween the old homestead in New England and New York, New Jersoy and Pennsylva nia, and the n-w possession in the States in the great Northwest? If any man calculates on this, he reckons without his host This reminds me, however, of another view of your objection to the polity of the Republican party that it would not allow your citizens to migrate to the Territories with their negroes. Why, sir, is it possible that a statesrmn will stand here, n the Sen ate of the United State-:, 'a the lui^uic i'uu nineteenth century, and urge it, as a good to be desired, that the Federal Government States require the expatriation of their peo ple? I remember the first winter I had a seat on this floor, a Senator from Pensylvania (Mr. Brodhean) announced that he opposed the homestead bill, and introduced the coun ter proposition of the land-warrrnt system, because the homestead bill would tend to draw off the industrious people from Penn sylvania to the new States. That idea has occasionally been ment.oned since. It would not be the true policy of New Eng land, perhaps, if she were to take a narrow and selfish view of the subject, to support the measure which we desire but her affec tion overcomes her interest. She has per" ceived, too, I doubt not, that what she loses from the strength and power of the nation, of which she is a part that what passes from one hand, she can readily regain'with Senator on the other. We have not met that spirit from the other side of the Chamber. The im provement of our rivers and our harbors, resolutions of the last that would give us access to the Gulf, you of national railways, that would give an ac ctss to the ocean, you oppose. The passage of a homestead bill, which would enable the poor inen who migrate to our States, by honest industry, to procure for themselves homes, you oppose. By an intimation of a purpose to exercise a controlling influence at the mouth of the Mississippi river, do you suppose you will be able to arrest us in the pursuit of our true interest! But the Senator from Virginia propound ed one significant inquiry, which i beg leave to allude to here Mr. BENJAMIN. One word, if the Sen ator pleases. Will he state who it was that made the threat about the mouth of the Mis sissippi river I should like to tnsirer the person who made it. Mr. HARLAN. I have not said that any Senator made that threat. I alluded to in timations merely received outside of Chamber. Mr. BENJAMIN. Intimations from where From the North or the South Mr. HARLAN. I do not choose at this time to be interrogated in detail. Mr. BENJAMIN. I do not propose to in terrogate the Senator in detail, ne made an untrue statement, and I ask him for his au thority. Mr. HARLA& a I jiHd not hear the Sena­ tor's remark. Mr. BENJAMIN. I say the statement th«t Senator made not true. I ask him Mr. IIARLAN. What was the statement which was not true Mr. BENJAMIN. The statement that there was a threat that you should not have the use of the mouth of the Mississippi. Mr. HARLAN. The Senator misappre hended me. I made no su di statement. Mr. BENJAMIN. The report will show. Mr. HARLAN. The Senator from Vir ginia asks: what do you want with the forts at Charleston What do we want with the forts located in the slave States I respond, Mr. President, that the nine million people who reside in the Northwest can make their defense against foreign invasion with less loss of life and property at Charleston, New York and New Orleans, than they can on their own territories. We choose to remain a part of this jrreat Confederation, with all the disadvantages wo encounter in the heart of the continent, cut off from ready inter course with the outside world, because there is a corresponding advantage. The desola tion of the first assaults made by a foreign Power on this cou.itry must be borne by you. We, then, have a distinct interest in the fortresses in Charleston harbor, at New Orleans, Norfolk, Boston and San Francisco. We prefer to repel the invader at the border of the continent father than from o«r own doors. And now, Mr. President, as it has become fashionable in this Chamber for Senators to conclude their speeches with nn appeal to come forward magnanimously and save the country, on the principle, I suppose, that it is easier to call on Hercules to lift the load, than to put their own shoulders to the wheel, I make an appeal to the Democracy for a manifestation of patriotism. You appeal to us as a rising party, with the glittering hopes of the future, to come forward and surrender our principles, and save the country. I ap-1 peal to you, a declining power, with a men- tion of the lessons of the past. What are those lessons of the past I shall not go far back. Eight years ago, when the people I place,! you in power, we were at peace with ail the world. Our armies had just returned victorious from foreign battle-fields our Na vy was triumphant on every sea our com merce was whitening every ocean, lake, and river our tonnage equaled that of the great est maritime Powers our'people at home were prosperous in even* industrial pursuit our genius had placed us, in the develop ment of the applied sciences, among the na tions of the highest cultivation domestic strifes had been buried by the patriots of the times, in the adoption of the finalities of 1850, and our stars and stripes commanded the respect of all the civilized nations the hand of industry was receiving its highest reward, while the Treasury was overflowing with its millions of revenue. You, as a party, had the opportunity, not only to inaugurate, but to carry out your policy to completeness.— You controlled the President and the head of every Department you had a majority in this body overwhelming, and a largo major ity in the other branch of Congress, and a majority of political friends on the Supreme bench. Now, what have you achieved? You have emptied the Treasury of the United States and destroyed the credit of the Government, until your bonds have to go begging in the morey market of the world. You have dis integrated and destroyed the old Whig par ty, in which so many of the great men of the nation were cradled, and in whose ranks they served their country so well. Coming here five years and more since, from a fron tier State, I expected to vote and affiliate with the two Senators .en here from Ten nessee, [Messrs. Bell and Jones the two from Maryland, [Messrs. Pearce and Pratt the Senator then here from Missouri, now no more, [Mr. Geycr the Senator still here from Kentucky, [Mr. Crittenden the Sena tor from Louisiana, [Mr. Benjamin the il lustrious Senator then here from Delaware [Mr. Clayton,] now gone to his long and last reward. Need I add others? Where rest—the living are standing are they to-day The on the sectional platform^ of the Democratic for ie^er party, or are superseded by their political opponents all gone—all swept away as by a pestilence from this Chamber, except the venerable Senator from Kentucky, who stands here solitary for a time like a prim eval oak of the forest, after all his peers have been prostrated by the fury of the storm and while the heatt of the nation would call out, "woodman, spare that tree," he too bends and yields to its power. A sectional Democrat in a few weeks is to take his place. Yes you have destroyed the old Whig par ty. Swept away has been that great and noble party by the policy which you have inaugurated, so offensive to the millions of ireemen from the eighteen States of this Re public. What else have you done You have di vided your own party by Mason and Dixon's line from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean. You have resuscitated a buried sectional con troversy, and arrayed the people in fraternal strife,and now,as a last achievement—I would that truth would spare me the announce ment—you propose to seize on the columns that support the temple of Liberty, at whose altars you have been administering, and drag it down as you leave its portals. You must rule, or you must ruin. You say to us that you distinctly announced your purpose ,lfthis long ago you admonished the the right of a maj rity to rule. Nor do I believe as an individual, (and I Let me say here, Mr. President, that hopes of the Christian am, other civiUze(i coimtry the destruction of lhe Qne that frcedom of conc!ence to Qwn What, then, does the Republican party propose? What do they demand? They demand that you shall obey the Constitution of the United States, just as your fathers made it, without the crossing of a t, or the dotting of an t. They demand that you shall acquiesce in the compromises of 1850, which you extorted from that part of the Re public which they live. As was well said by the honorable Senator from Illinois, [Mr. Trumbull,] on yesterday, the people cf the North, I believe, as one man, will say "Re- 8^ore tjie jawsas they existed in 1854, letter anj Word for word, and then abide by the compromise of 1850. You may feign fear that we will interfere with your institutions in the slave States.— Time at la*t will develop the fact that al^ those fears arc groundless, and they are now based on the false charges of our political opponents. I have always thought it but fair to take the principles of a man or a par ty fr the man or the party and not from enemies. You receive, as the principles cf our party, what its enemies say of it, and draw conclusions from the slanders to which you, on the stump, have lent countenance If any will read the speeches and the letters of the President of the United States elect he can come to no other conclus on than that he will administer the Gorernmcnt, so f«r .s lie has power, precisely on the policy origin ally proposed by Henry Clay, who partici- patej so largely securing the ™.n|.rom.,e ful experiment of destroying this Govern ment, which has stood the test of time so well, under the vain hope of forming a bet ter But if you must do something to raise a smoke under which to retire from your unenviable position, admit the Territories as States, and thus end the controversy forever. propasition PeoP,f °nhe free States, if they did not acquiesce in your policy, and indorse your political dogmas, you would commit this act, which I refrain from naming here. Yes, you would destroy the Government that you had sworn to sup port, and we disregarded your threats. As men of observation, could you have anticl- pubHcanS| gurelv to you. pated any other result Have you so long belonging to the next neighbor caught one contemplated us as a degraded people that 0f you have come to think us all slaves If others. not, then I ask you to refrain from the longer js acceptable to the Re- it ought to be acceptable Three burgTsrs t'tftcrcit ftte firvuso of John Hutchinson, Camden, N. J., and had got the silver plato, when a parrot sang out—"You lazy devilg, I see you. John, bring my re volver They fled precipitately, but a dog them, and he will serve to help catch the It is use of the argument of the o jtlaw on the highway. Dissolve your moral support of the flag of tr.agon—the palmetto and the|*rm factory in Georgia, in connection with! aoake—and return to your allegiance to tho i Cooper, now reported, says the Chariest on Courier that Col. Colt will soon establish an OLD TUBlSKi. spiak only for myself,) that the people of not umttc n led with danger, especially when the fie? States of the North, and the awak- the sleds conic down across traveled roads Witness, the fatal accident ening patriotism of the people of the South, or city street* will suffer you to consummate that fearful at Farminiton, the other day. act. Senators sometimes talk as if they sup posed that the destinies of «his country were in the hands of politicians and diplomatists alone and they have occasionally denounced citizens who take an interest in politics, whose avocations were different from their own. Yes, sir, religious people are some times denounced for dabbling in polit for taking an interest in the perpetuity of this great Government. the world rest on the pre­ servation of this Union. In the very quar ter from which you expect peace, you will meet with the most fearful opposition. What does this Government secure to all our peo ple The right to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences—a right that they have not elsewhere in any large district of country on the face of the globe. In some countries dissenters are tol erated but here there are no dissenters—or all may be dissenters, for all enjoy absolute religious freedom. I believe that no mem ber of that nation, or people, so wonderful in the world's history, from whieli the Sena tor from Louisiana [Mr. Benjamin] descends, could enjoy the rights that he enjoys here in He, on earth, here to h|s coun(.n -n fayor of Governmcnt-the only Divide this' country between Statps the free Sta(p. #n(1 the fi.ar whj(.h at once overwhelnw the re­ ligious world is that it will the.i break into many fragments that petty despotisms will be set up that freedom of conscience, as well as freedom of speech and frcedom of the press, will be trampled under foot, as the latter are now trampled under foot in the slave States. And with the fear of the loss of the right to worship the Almighty under their own vine and fig tree, where none dare molest or make afraid, are you prepared to estimate the sacrifices they will not make to defeat your plans? You ought to know what I know—that no earthly consideration could turn them ftom their purpose. Sena tors would do well to pause and read again the history of the persecutions and of the In quisition, if they would properly understand what men will endure for conscience sake.— You love your Government, because it guar anties civil freedom the religious world be cause it is a Government under whose shad ow the persecuted from every land may se cure a safe retreat. By your mad schemes you put this mighty interest in jeopardy, and touch a **»L. 19, NO. *4raace. SPETP OF BOY'S SLEDS.—A fla" under which you have lived so long, and prospered so well. I hope that civil wa', us that being in Middletown a day^ and carnago, and bloodshed, and disaster, so since, he timed the speed of the boy's si eloquently portrayed by the Senator from there, where coasting has been a popular Virginia, may never come but that Senator, amusement. It was on Court street, and and his colleagues on that side of the Cham- the inclination pretty steep all the way to ber, may drag it on themselves by violating the river. He found that the sleds went the fundamental policy on which all our laws half a mile in eighteen seconds, or nearly two ttiiles a minute This is double the speed of the swiftest Express train. It is a sport In Middle- town, the boys would tie a string of sleds together, railroad fashion, and one of these trains, in crossing a road, came against a two horse team and threw both horses down, the sleds passing under the horses in safety. ffartford Timet. THE PALMETTO FLAG 44 RECOGNIZED AT HAVANA.—The first attempt of a vessel to enter a foreign port under the flag of the Independent Republic of South Carolina," was made at Havana by a brigSritine from Charleston. She sailed in past the Moro Castle with her "Palmetto" flag flying aloft. But immediately, by order of the officer in command of the fortress, she was brought to anchor under its guns, and kept there until the flag of the United States was displayed at her ma-t head, when she was permitted to proceed up the harbor. We wonder what they are going to do in Palmetto-dom about this outrage upon their flag in a for eign port. This in-ult ought to be avenged forthwith. A newborn nationality cannot Afford to permit its emblematic ensign to be thus dishonored. A correspondent writes from Waifrfwgtort "Efforts aie now making to induce every State south of Mason and Dixon's line to Se^ cede, and the mo-=t extraordinary influences are being brought to bear upon the delegates to assemble in Virginia on the 4th instant to carry that convention in favor of seces sion. It iR believed by some that a majority will so vote. This is the great point the se sessi'»nists hope to gain, because if Virginia votes against secession there is no hope of carrying Marvland, and without the latter States there will be no such thing as eflfeeA* ing an organization to take the Capital." COLTS chord that will vibrate in the heart of every intelligent Christian through out the nation and the world. The man who promotes tho adoption of the policy which you are proposing, assumes a fearful respon sibility. The Senator from Virginia describ ed some of the consequences eloquently, and painted possible disaster with a master hand. I therefore entreat hiui to stay his steps be fore the awful plunge is made. ox A HARD FLOOR.—One of your correspondents has stated that Its should stand on a hard plank floor in order to tough en them for a hard road. It looks to me like putting hard, thick shoes on an infant's foot to raise corn's that will trouble him for life. Let colts stand 00 ft soft: moist floaTr-^ 2\T. E. Farmer. ADVERTISING. Blackwood's Magazine says:—"There is but one way of obtaining business—publicity—one way of obtaining publicity—advertisements. The newspaper is the fly wheel by which the motive power of business enterprise is sustained, and money the steam by which tho ailvertjynfl i« kept going." i.. v The depth of snow in New Hampshire, at the present time, is almost unparalleled.— Measurement made of the quantity fallen, show that in all there have been about sev enty inches, and travelling is very much im peded. In Western New York, also, a rut amount of snow has fallen* Mr. Rarey, the hoi'se tamer, in a card to the public, complains of annoyances at the hands of impostors, some of whom seek no tority by challenging him to a trial of skill while others threaten prosecution on the ground that his system was originated by them. Even the most fortunate HMD hlTf their troubles. A bachelor sees twenty or thirty pretty, agreeable women in a day, and deems fortu nate those who call them their own. He is too apt to ferget that he could only be the tranquil—if tranquil 1—possessor ef one of them. In Russia, many of the domestic servants are married. In China, the owners of fe male slaves who do not procure husbands for them, are liable to prosecution. What will ladies who object to followers sagr 4a this Parson Br^nTow. of the Knoxville Whifa speaking of the forced loan in South Caroli na, says: "The Palmetto State is in the condition of the fellow who said, 4It is noth­ ing to get married, but it is h—I to keep house." Mr. Parrott, the delegate from who had a valuable slave bequethed to him by his grandmother in Maryland, emancipa ted him on Monday last* and sent him freeman to Ohio. The "Fakir of Siva," now the Rev. H,skl]| |s plvai.,,illg at inJ o( measures to which I have alluded. Why not consent to this? Why attempt the fear- the secession party can not possibly J. S. ,owt. Mr. II. is the brother of the late gifted Gen. Wm. T. Haskell, of Memphis, Tennesseeef pt along in unity. It will soon be like the rag ged fellow's shirt, which had to be washed by the dozen because it was in a dozen piio* es. It is rumored that Mr. and Mrs. T?urcfir whose divorce case recently created so much excitement, are about to come together agaia a la Mr. and Mrs. Sickles. A coal bank some six mftes Sotrth Montezuma was fired about two weeks by some miscreant, and it is still burning. of ago What would United States stock be, after a dissolution of the Union I The laughing stock ot the world. President Buchanan fias invited Gen, Dix to remain a guest at the White IIousC during his short term of office. A swell of the ocean—A dandy midship' man. Barley was found in iUitMNffe the mountains

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