Newspaper of St. Mary's Beacon, April 3, 1862, Page 1

Newspaper of St. Mary's Beacon dated April 3, 1862 Page 1
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r vol xYiir. SAINT MARY’S REAMS It PUBLISH E|> SVBBT TUCRSPAT BY J.F. KEG, ft JAMES A. BOWES. Term* op Sunscmitnoir.-rf 1.50 peran num, to be paid within six months. No subscription will be received for a short er period than six months, and no paper be discontinued until aH arrearages are paid, except at the option of the publish* ere. Terms op Aorßßnanra. —I I . j square for the first insertion, and 25 rts. for every subsequent insertion. — Two) vc Hues of less constitute a square.— • If the number or insertions be not marked on the advertisement, it will be publish ed until forbid, and charged according”?. A liberal dc faction made to those who the year. From the Washington Star. TWENTY REASONS WHY THE BILL TO EMANCIPATE THE SLAVES IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA SHOULD SOT PASS. Ist. The measure is not aaked for by the owner*, who ar s (he principal par ties. 2d. It in not asked for by the general people of the District. 3d. N<> evidence exists that it is asked fjr or really desired by the Slaves them selves. if uniucitcd thereto by the origina tor* of tbe mcaaare. 4th. It appears to be urged on par ty and sectional grounds alone, in the lace of the misery and desolation which (be indulgence of party aud sectional passions Lax already produced. sth. There is no necessity for (he mea sure at (his precise time say wore than I t (he last xtxty year* especially as all the grossest features of slavery were re moved from the District by tbe leglsla:iun ot 1860. (ith. If the proposition to enact such a measure in not purpuaaly designed to frustrate a nwtoratiou of (be Union, it is xactly adapted to (hat cud, since it v ill supply the nW leaders with sows of that proof of their accusations against the government of the United Stales which they have hitherto *o much need td. The passage of >U.h s bill will be playing directly rebel bands, whilst it will enibairaw* the fro nd* of the Un ion throughout the loyal border State*, sud the wide South ; aud, by arousing now doubt* iu their mind*, will para lize thcii. efforts, am] thus indefinitely protract a bloody and expensive civil war. If there is one thing iu the world clearer than all the rest it b that new agitations on the slavery question should have been held iu abeyance till after the war, so that the war could have been {)ro*ccutt:d without distractior. by all the oyal people of the country. The course that b now pursued b calcula ted to rc- unite the sonth aud divide the North. 7th. The attempt to pas* this in a hurry at thb juncture b suggestive of the doubt* of its advooatca if it could bo passed when both sides of the ques tion could he more fully aud fairly rep resented. It look* like an attempt to take a snap-judgment iu th absence of one party. Bth. The attempt to abolish slavery here without the previous concurrence of Maryland, will be considered an aci of bad faith, the term* of the cession of the territory of the District having beau always understood to comprise the con sent of Maryland to any act of aboli tion. 9th The proposed compensation b manifestly inadequate, and in many ea ses would reach only to a half or a quarter of the value of (be property pro posed to be surrendered. Numerous widows, orphans, and aged and helpless persons of both sexes who have been left dependent on the wages of servants, would in a great measure be deprived of the mr-aus of fubsbtcuee. 10th. The compensation proper to be paid in each case can be ascertained only by an actual appraisement of tbs property in question. 11. The present statue of slavery in thi* District was determined by (he sol emn compromise of 1850, in whieh tbe loyal border States have still an equita ble interest. It becomes tbe people of the free and slave States to respect and ad "here to that settlement in a faithful and lojal spirit. 12th. The standard bearer of the rs- > publican party announced prior to the > last preeidcntal election that though hb! party claimed the power of abolishing ' slavery in this Dbtrict as u bare eon- 1 stitutioual right, yet that they did not} intend to avail themselves of that pow-: er. The following extract from the speech of Mr. Lincoln at Quincy. II!., b found i Hi Follctt A Foster's edition of Political Debates, page 197. It will abow that corn-bin cy and good faith should re strain the party now in power from vio lating principles, tbe profession of which gave them power: •1 snpjore,” said Mr. Lincoln, “that ||n — —1 ■ - - ——■ •**—• w ■■ ■■>* ~- i n —~ 1 'zl~t - r." DEVOTED TO I-.ITERATUHE. NEWS. AfIBICUtIME AND GENERAL INTEIJJOENCE. LEONARD TOWN. MB.. THURSDAY MINING, APRIL 3.1862. f j n> ill raferenoa both to the actual existence m slavery in the nation, and to our eon- ******* obHgtnfont, we have no right •* U to dfoterb it in the States wheto ( H esbts, and we profess that wo have * no bon Inclinmiion to distort H than | f wn have the right to do it. We go ■ farther thatf that—we don't propose to disturb H where in any inathnee, we think the Conaritutioß wenld permit (at^ mil of'to dufafb it in tbe Diftriet of Columbia. Still we do not propone to i c do that unless it should he in terms , which I don't suppose the nation it very t likely aeon to agree to—the terms of c making the emancipation gradual and I, compensating the unwilling owners.— *> Where m tuppae we have the constrUi- , ( tional right wo restrain ourselves in ref- i j erenee to the actual exbteooe of the in-:. stilution aud (be difficulties thrown* about | it." Mr Lincolo here dhows that be bad a ; ( consciousness that (hero were “difficulties** j ] shout aboitton iu tbb District. | ] 13th. In bis speech at tbe Cooper IpDi-1 1 lute, New York, February 27, 1860, ■ i ■ Mr. Lincoln claims the Republican par- < ty to be “conservative** in contradistinction to the Democratic party. He said: < 1 “We republicans, stick to, contend for | the identical old policy on tbe slavery i question which was adopted by our fath ! era who formed tbe Government under i I which ‘we live; whilst the Democracy! ; with one accord reject, and spit- upon ; | that old policy, aud iusbts upon sub-• ! stituting something new.'* Tbe eontin- j i uation of slavery iu this District was a eonatititutioual part of (be “identical , . old policy of onr fathers who framed! the Government.” Why should we be so impatient of their arrangements, and ; ! “insist upon substituting something new?** ' Can't we put up with what they did not find fault with? , 14ih. The geographical position of the District in a slave region requires (hat its , status should be assimilated to that re , giun. Southern Members of Congress and Southern Presidents, Cabinet Officers, ; and Judges, ought not to he i * debarred the courtesy of bringing | and safely training here fur (heir i ; use, domestics from their families at | . 1 home. •j 16th. It is pretty clear from what i : ( drop* in debates in Congress on this bill, ; > that it is bat the begiuiug of a social and j 1 political revolution in our midst. The ; j same power that can liberate onr negroes i against our will, can and perhaps will 1 confer upon them equality in civil and po- 1 I Utica) privileges with tbe whites, so, for I'■ instance that negroes may vote for muni- ■ 1 ! cipal or other officers ; may hold such of- t I I ftces then ■ lv *;andsit as juror% magic- , t (rates and judges in our courts. \ 16(h. Before schemes for negro emanei-' ’• pation are set on foot, the promoters of | these schemes should agree upon what | ‘ they mean ultimately to do. There is a ! radical and fundamental conflict in their views aud purposes. For instance,' the| Y speeches and writings of the President and 11 Postmaster Genera) favor compensation : I and gradual emancipation, with removal ■ ’' of the emancipated blacks from the coun- > try ; such men as Messrs. Lovejoy, Sum * 1 uer, Pomeroy, Ac., scout these conditions, ' . and appear resolved to liberate all the ,; slaves if they can, and keep them for a LI perpetual burden and annoyance to the j f whites. f 17th. The consideration of this bill on , the abstract question of the right or wrong of slavery ought not to take place. It ia . as much beyond the scope af ordinary leg ; tslation at any mere question of religion 4 or morals. No being in heaven or earth will ever accuse the men of Maine or { ■ Massachusetts of the tin of slavery in this , ’ District, if sin it be. They should not be ■ f 1 anxious to assume a responsibility and a . j guiltiness which cannot attack to them.— 1 ( The reflection that in their own families j I and State* they are free from slavery, ■ p ought to be sufficient for their peace of minds, since they are in a condition to . | th'iuk God that they are not as other men : and States are. Hands off ia their true | 1 duty, and self restraint from meddling in i I other men's matters. The example of the West India Islands ;' jis not at' all to the point. The blacks of | Jamaica iu 1835 were five to one of tbe j | whites. There ns no likelihood of any ! conflict of races there. It would be more , I to tk point to show that if blacks, form- ; * ' ing one-third ufjhe whole population of England herself, had been liberated, they 1 i had gone on successfully. But we know ; that no such thing ever took place, and | J |we sea that poor whites in England still j ! flounder on under n heavy weight of disa j Inline* All arguments from the West ! ' | India Islands are necessary fallacious. I9lh. Tbe people of tbe District of Co- , j luntbia ought not to suffer from the veu- i j geauce felt by Northern men towards the guilty receded States. This city bat stood faithful in all the past troubles, and came • cheerfully forward iu the tune of need to defend the Government. Let the guilty suffer for their crimaa; bat th sUvcb>)di re * and people of (he District of Columbia t ought nut to bt amds the sufferers for sins ’ not their own. Thb is but the —man \ sot dictate of justice. 20th. in any bill of emancipation. Congress ought to make pecuniary provi sion for the pauperism whieh may redkU from it, so that the white tax-payers shall l not bo punished two-fold. mu. “The error seems not safficiendy eradi cated that tbe operations of the mind, as well as the acts of the body, are subject to tbe coercion of the laws But our rulers can have no authority over such natural rights, only as wo have submitted them. The rights of eonaeboos wo never submit ted, we could not submit. Wc are an- i iworable for them to our God. Tbo le gitimate powers of government extend to i such acts only as are injurious to otlurs. j But it docs me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods, or no God. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg. Constraint may make him worse by ; making him a hypocrite, but it will uever make him a truer mao. It may fix him obstinately in bis errors, but wiU not core them. Reason and free inquiry are the only effectual agents against error. Give a loose scope to them, they will support the true religion by bringing every false one to their investigation. They are tbe natural enemies of error only. “Were the government to prescribe to ns oil)* medicine and diet, onr bodies would be iu such keeping as our souls arc now. Thus in France the emetic was once for bidden as a inedicinc, nod the potato as . ian article of food. Government is just as | fallible, too, when it fixes systems in phys- 1 ics. Galileo was sent to tbe Inquisition i | for affirming that the earth was a sphere— I i the government had declared it to be as flat | as trencher,, and Galileo was obligou to adjure bis error. This error, however, at length prevailed, and the earth became a globe and Dis?artes declared it was whirled round its axis by a votex. The government in which he lived was wise enough to see that this was no question of civil jurisdiction or wc should all have been involved by authority in vortices.— j In fact the vortieea have, b—r-eapladed r \ and the Newtonian principle of gravitation is now more firmly established, in the ba sis of reason, than it would were the gov ernment to stop in, and to make it an ar- j tide of necessary faith. “Heaton and experiments have been indulged, and error has fled before them. It is error alone which needs (be support of government. Truth can stand by it -1 self. Subject opinion to coercion ; whom will you make your inqusitora. Fallible ’ men ; men governed by passions, by pri- I vatc as well as public reasons. And why i subject it to coercion ? To produce uni- I fortuity. Bat is uniformity of opinion de }si table ? No more than of face or stature. I Introduce the bed of Procrustes, then ' and ss there is danger (hat the large men | may beat the small, make us all of a sixe, by lopping the former and stretching the | latter. Is uniformity attainable ? Mil lions of innocent men. women and chil i dreu. since the introduction of Chrtstiani ; ty. have been burnt, tortured, fined, im prisoned; yet we have not advanced an inch ! towards uniformity. What has Wn tbe | effect of coercion ? To make one half of! the earth fools, and tbs other half hypo- [ er ites. To support error all over the earth. j , Let us reflect that it is inhabited by a thousand millions of people. That these profess probably a thousand different sys tems of religion. That ours ia but one of that thousand. That if there is but one right, and ours that one, we should wish to see the 999 wandering sects gather into the fold of truth. Bat against such a majori ty we cannot effect this by force. Reason and persuasion are tbe only practicable in struments. To make way for these, free inquiry mart be indulged ; and bow can wc wish others in indulging it, while wc refuse it ourselves 7 But every State, | nays an inauisitor, bat established some religion. No taro, Kay I, have established ; the same. Is this a proof of the iufallibil- , ity of establishments f “Our sister States. Pennsylvania and I New York, however, have long subsist<*T ; without any establishment at all. The. experiment was new and doubtful when they made it. it answered beyond con-1 eeptiou. They flourish infinitely. They ! do not hang more malefactors than wc do. , They are not disturbed more with religi-, nos detention than we are. On the con- ' trary, their harmony is unparalleled, and I tan be ascribed to, nothing but thvir > unbounded tolerance, because there U no other circumstance iu which they differ from every other nation on earth. They have made the happy discovery that (be way to silence religious ibputca, is to cake t o notice of them. Let u*. too, give this experiment fair play, ami get rid,, while v?e may, of those tyrannical laws.” — .hjfrr- ' osm's "Svtrt un I irjiuia.” JT An old negro taken on board one

of the vessels at Port Royal, the other* Jay was overboard praying * vigorously that “de Lord would bress these I J Yankee a.*’ - * t i S pBTKD PQfii'EftY. i m m * -•; - ,!•*• fel>ii, ■>... fcgflHT-ifrli tjfc How >r with others it may be — But what i get, whin 1 come back, ' WHeomiiif smile, and hearty nnarfc, Thai make me love, still more and more ; I The wife that meets me at the door. Her dress is always neat aod clean, — A pretty wife and yet not vain,— And when me tings my favorite song, How sure am I, the man ie wrong, • Who weds not—be he rich or poor— A wife to meet him at the door! The little chickens run to meet. And pick the crumbs up st her feet; Old Towscr licks her proffered hand. And frolics ’iound her in the send ! There's nothing like I've said before , A wife that meets one at the door ! In social hall, her smiling face, In every heart wins quick a place ; The gayest lad that walks the green, Will tip his hat when she is seen, AntThopea to meet, when teens are o’er, Juet such a wife at hia own door. Hal KETREAT FROM THE POTOMAC EXPLAINED. The most important movements that ever occurred on this continent arc now going on before our eyes. The brilliant j and astonishing success of the Virginia, 1 in the waters of IJbmpton Roads, opens; a new chapter in naval warfare, and marks a new era in the struggle which the South I is engaged in. The grand movement of 1 the army of the Potomac, in withdrawing | I from the offensive tine on the river of that j name and assuming a defensive one on the line of the Bapabauiioek aad Rapidan, places a new complcxiuu on the entire war , in Virginia. The policy of this change of position with reference to the intended attack of the enemy is obvious. The Potomac was the proper base for offensive operations against Maryland and Washington city; but as a Hue of defense fur Richmond, or -few gerous that could be held. The line upon which the army under Gen. Jos. Johnsc.i is now falling back is in the nature of ; the arc of a circle, of which Richmond is the centre. The enemy is put to the ne cessity of marching a considerable distance inland before engaging our forces. If de feated in general engagement, he can scarcely escape annihilation; for he w ill then be 100. far from the Potomac and from Washington city to reach safety by a few hours* flight like that he made after the battle of Manassas. If, on the con trary, be should be successful in his en counter with our force, he could not take advantage of bis victory on account of (he delay necessary to biing up his supplies from the distant Potomac. Wh‘ • cr will take the troui h to exam ine the map of Virginia will find that our line of defense as now adopted, stretches from the Rappahannock, by a grand cir cle, to Cumberland Gap, in the extreme south western corner of the State, embrac ing the Central and the Virginia and Tennessee railroads, the chief cities of Virginia, and the valley of the James,' with its canal and railroads, within the circumference. It will bo seen, too, that 1 this is purely a line of defense, assumed now as a necessity, in view of. the great force which we have, by our supine policy for six months, permitted the enemy to marshal and put in position without dis turbance, and at its leisure and pleasure. It is distressing to give up so largo a portion of Virginia, even fora season, to the domination of the foe, but the mea sure bus become a strategic necessity, and ■ is now the surest means of defeating the grand projects of the enemy, and insuring the success of our cause. The surprise S he will receive from the magnificent naval i occurrences in Hampton Roads, and from i the judicious movements of our army, i which has so long been threatening him • before Washington, will be very great.: I Mere delay is ruin to him, and considers- I ; ble delay in the execution of his pro- j i gramme is now inevitable. —Richmond Exam. JMbrcA 11. Pustules is Small Pox.— lf you arc j ever afflicted with small pox, reader, and , the pustules begin to appear, aunoint them I with sweet oil and lime water, as these are prepared for burns and water, as scalds, J and the irritation will be allayed, and tb*r discoloration of-the skin ami the pitting, of the fleifh will be greatly lessened. If you have no present need of this receipt,. cut it out and paste it in your scrap-book. It is valuable, and although you may nev er need it yourself, some of your neigh bors may. Hard on* the Pathfinder — An ad miring extemporary speaks of Fremont in the following complimentary and senten tious manner : •‘He is a statesman who never made a. speech; a General who has never won a battle; a pathfinder who always mused the track, and a no! rr>r*b a ccnti n.-ou.*. d n ” ' • . 1 *** GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND. We publish below a list of the Cover- I dots of Maryland, and tlac year is which they entered upon the discharge of their duties, from the settlement of the colony \ to the present period: Lyon el Copley, % 1692 Hawitftkv* &s 5 Join* Seymour, 1704 Edward Lloyd, 1709 John Hart, 1715 | Charles Calvert, 1720 Benedict L. Calvert, 1727 Samuel Ogle, 1732 Thomas Bladen, 1742 Samuel Ogle, 1747 Benjamin Tasker, 1752 Horatio Sharpe, 1758 i Robert Edcn r 1709 Thomas Johnson, 1777 Thus. Sim Lee, 1779 William Paca, 1782 Win. Smallwood, 1785 , John Eager Howard, 1788 George Pls'er, 1791 Thos. Sim Lee, 1792 John H. Stone, 1794 John Henry, 1797 Benjamin Ogle, 1798 John Francis Mercer, 1801 Robert Bowie, 1808 Robert Wright. 1806 Edward Lloyd, 1809 Robert Bowie, 1811 Levin Winder, 1812 • Ohas. Goldsborough, 1813 ! Charles Ridgeley, 1814 Chis. Goldsborough, 1818 Samuel Spraigg, 1819 Samuel Stevens, 1822 i Joseph Kent, 1825 Daniel Martin, 1828 Thos. King Carroll, 1829 Daniel Martin, 1880 Guorgc Howard, 1831 i James Thomas, 1832 Thomas W. Veaxey, 1835 1 William Grayson, 1838 Francis Thomas, 1841 Thomas G. Pratt, 1844 Philip F. Thomas, 1-847 Enoch L>'uis Lowe, 18i>0 i ihT. Uiaik hm Ligowfi • 4444 • T. Holliday Hicks. 1858 Augustus W. Brad fori. 1802 Goino into Battle.—You have often I wondered whether the men wear their overcoats, knapsacks, haversacks, and car ; ry their blankets, when going into battle. That depends upon circumstances. Some j times, when they are marching, they find themselves in battle almost before ! they -know it. I remember that cn the I 18th of July, three days before the battle of Dull Run, when suddenly the enemy fired upon thefti, and the men hud to fight just as they were, only a great many threw dowu their coats and blankets and I haversacks, so that they could fight freely 1 (and easily. You also wonder whether ! the regiments fire regularly in volleys, or whether each man fires as fast as he can. I | That, also, depends upon circumstances, I but usually, except when the enemy is near at hand, the regiments fire only at I : the command of their officers. You hearj a drop, drop, drop, as a few of the skir- i mishers fire, followed by a rattle and roll, i which sounds like the falling of a Laild i ing, just as some of you have heard the i • brick wails tumble at a great fire. i Sometimes, when a body of the enemy’s j cavalry are sweeping down upon a regi : meat to cut it to pieces, the men form in a square, wiji the officers and musicians in the ceutie. The front rank stands with bayonets charged, while the second rank fires as fast as it can. Sometimes j they fire in four ranks deep, the two front ones kneeling with their bayonets charged, j ! so that if the enemy should come upon i them, they would run against a picket fence of bayonets. When they form in this way. the other two ranks load and . fire as fust as they can. Then the roar is : terrific, and many a horse and hiss rider goes down before the terrible storm of iron j nail- Tiik Tkktii.—Everybody admires a full, well-formed, and clean set of teeth.— Many a fair one owes not a little of her i power over the other sex to the coy czpo -1 sure of a “masked battery** of pearly teeth that lie behind a breastwork of ruby lips. : ' A handsome set of teeth is a passport to favor. To eat without sound teeth is next to impossible. They are essential alike, to good looks and g od living. Yet few. people fully realize their Ksthetie and prac tical value till they arc partially destroy ed, ami the fearful gap* wad serious ineon- 1 renience occasioned by lh<:‘ extraction f a few teeth arouse the b*scr to a. sense of his great mi-tortu ie. Their usefulness and ' beauty arc then appreciated, but it w often t-m Lie to arn-st the process of decay which has carelessly allowed to begin its unwelcome inroad*. The pr nervation for the teeth is a matter which should be care fully urged upon children and young peo ple. because the causes of decay may gcn-| orally be traced to s neglect of the teeth ; in the early period of life. The teeth may easily be kept clean and round if a person , euj -Ji iV;; health They should be cleans ed ftr cttj nnl in order to remove thm particles of food that wooH otherwise fo converted Into acid ami net injuriously npon the enamel. No dentrifice M re quired. Parc water, neither hot nproold, bet tepid rather, shonld be need, ana (he brash should be applied to the edgtii and inner aide of the teeth, as well at the oat* A wooden or <,*.11 tooth-pick (■- tadic ones are injurious) need to remove any particles of food clinging he i tween the teeth. By this method they 1 may be kept perfectly clean, and their soundness inflated for a much longer peri od than is usually the oast, while unneces sary pain and expense occasioned by den . tal treatment may be avoided. Nothing | very cold or very hot should be allowed to j eonio in contact with the teeth. The War n New Mexico.—The lines ■ of Jeff. Davis* rebellion extend over a vast region of territory. The westernmost of j his bloody outposts is among the far-dis tant, wild mountains of New Mexico, mi the upper waters of ehc Hio Grande. Of the fierce battle that was fought there on the 21t ult . at the hamlet of Valmdi, I we have already given the purt'cuLr* The Confederates and savages undoubted -1 ly repulsed our forces oa that occasion; but it was after an exhibition of individual | heroism which has given us one of the j most glorious names of the war—that of the gallant North Uarolinian soldier, Capt. | Alexander Mcßae—a name worthy to | take rank with the undying names of | Lyon, Baker and Lander. OnrHroopa, j however, still continue to hold Fort Craig, which is situated on the opposite aide of | the river from Valverdo. The Confede rates, after their success, pushed north ward and seised the town of Albat|u<!rqur, and, at latest advices, were marching upon Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico, and Fort Union, the strongest fort in tho Ter ritory. In the meantime, the regiment of | Uaion volunteers which were raided last summer in Colorado Territory, have left : their quarters near Denver, and marched ! southward to reinforce Fort Union, and ' give battle to the Texan Confederate.*. Tho march is a terrible one, through tk ; mountainous uninhabited savage desert* •of Northern New Mexico; but the regi ; mom is composed of men who know no ! such word as difficulty. News may bo | now looked for any day of a battle nt San ta Fe or Fort Union, which will be doci | sivc of the fate of New Mexico and Arizo na —Xnc York 7Vm> , Mtrch 22. I i Mr. Davis os Fkkkinu Neuroks.—On i Wednesday, Mr. Davis of Kentucky, j offered an amendment that all persons Üb , era ted under the act shall lie colonised | out of the United States and appropriating 1 one hundred thousand do liar* fof tjiiß pur pose. lit these negroes liber ated they will become lazy and ragabends. : and he a pest to the community—wor than criminals—and any power that as sumes to liberate the slave* establishes I inevitably a war between the races, which will end in coloration or extermiiia tion. They had about two hundred ami twenty-five thousand slaves in Kentucky. If this Government undertakes to liberate j them, the white people will not permit i them to remain there—nevT. j The white population will either bav* ! to drive thorn nut or huut them to exter | mination. If th negroes are liberated in the Cotton .States, these States would be given up to the m grocs or htilitic* in augurated. There were men from the Slave Status who wore as loyal as any men in the Senate, but they would never sub mit to have their slaves liberated by un constitutional act* and remain among tbeui. Never I never I lie spoke the feeling* f j bis heart and a principle I bat be would devote bis life to, am! which every Union man in the South would grc* to. Th whole Sout h would unite in re<-M‘*ucc to all . such unconstitutional act*. The Senate then adjourned. Water for making tea should be used the moment it toil*. The reason assigned is that it it is boiled for some time, ail il o gas that i* in it e.-capes with the steam, and it will then not make tea of the b. -t flavor. Clear, pure, soft water is best. “The Mhndon of the Republican party is nor yet finished, ’* says one of the paper* in that interest. No, it will not be finish ed as long as there is a Cent to steal out ? the public Treasury. —CUumlna Ihm'tcfjt. tV William Brown, of the Brigade, N. V. V. M., wiito* from Ma nassas : “We bate met the enemy, and they are hours—a head of us." MV Mr. Patterson. lal ly appointed V. S. Counsel at Maraiikam. died tfii days after arriving at that yUow f c . r.r kmliiy. **■ Tear, ai a a* Whjl* , comoj-sncement of tin pickle (.hot the young art* getting into. '*■ I -9UC IS r- -via—* a • . ***-* *'•' NO U

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