Newspaper of St. Mary's Beacon, April 10, 1862, Page 1

Newspaper of St. Mary's Beacon dated April 10, 1862 Page 1
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VOL. XVJII. SMUT MASTS BEACON !• Man BVBVT TUCRSDAT T r.v.nss. * iun a. Down. Item m bmumoi.-il .60 mtrm- BMi, to be paid within six mouths. No MbemptiM frill be received for t short er period tint six eootha, and no paper be iar anrimed avid nM arrearages ere Ptod% axeept ai tbe option of the publish - era. Terns or Advertising.— ol per •fen for tbe first insertion, end 25 els. for every subsequent insertion.— Twelveltoes of leas constitute e square.— If Ibe number or insertions be not marked oil tbe advertisement, it will be publish ed until forbid, and charged accordingly. A liberal deduction made to those who advertise bj the rear. THE BENT SHOT FOR PENETRAT ING IRON PLATES. Tbs relative valnca of spherical shot and flei-headed l*dts to rend rats iron plates, is disc arsed in the British papers, and resent events in .this country nave given a greater degree of figuificauce tu these discussions. Whitworth, in his riled cannon, has used a flat-beaded bolt, n conical long bolt, and a spherical shot. Tbe Scientific American says: The flat-beaded bolt is that which Whit worth baa used in hir hexagonal rifled gna. and with regard to it he mys:— **lf it be n quired to fire through plates of iron, a flat-fronted projectile of steel of this form will be employed.” With reap set to range it was found, by ex jM-riuit of, that the , pointed long bolt, trad from the same gun with the same charge of powder, had a very insignifi cant advantage. Mr. Whitworth says further reap'ding the flat-headed shot, ••It has many advantages. Besides be ing tbe form best adapted for firing against iron plates, it may be used for pen etrating through water ” For firing against elastic material, and into masonry, a ieb as •tone forts, tubular bolts, (long • iil with a bole through the eeiitia.) •tightly flattened in front, were found most effective. In October. IS’CI, experiments wore made at HkoeburyncM. England, which seems to afford contradictory evidence to Whitworth's opinions regarding the ef ficacy of flat-headed bolts fired against iron plate*. A target 20 feet by 10, representing a section of the hull of the Warrior, w* set up against a bank of solid masonry. The iron plates were 4J inches thick, the backing of teak be hind was 18 inches thick, and behind this was the inner iron plating five eights of an inch, making 5J inches in ' thickness of irsn, and 18 inches of wood —a total of 23j inches in thickness Tbs battery was situated at 201) yards distant, and consisted of three 100-pouu der Armstrong gnu, and two CB-pojuJ?r ameoth-borded guns. Tbe first operations were with shells filled with sand, am) to the astonish men t •f all present the 68-pounder* did more execution than the throe great Anu ■trong guns. This was accounted for by tbs greater velocity of tbe round shot at short ranges when fired from the smooth-bored * guns. After firing with shells, solid shot was then tried with all the guns, and 2001 b bolts were used in the 100-pouudcrs with ebarges of 18 lbs. of powder. Even with such heavy misfiles, the effect upon the tar get was no greater than with tbe shells fired from the 68-pounJcrs. A salvo from the whole five guns fired against j the target foiled to penetrate through it, but n gap, six inches deep and 15 inches long, with three large cracks; around it, was made, three of the five ( solid shot having struck in the same place. Since these experiments were 1 made, round shot has men considered in England the moat effective against Iron plates. Experiments have also been made wkh an Armstrong gnn firing against Jones' system of angled plates. The gnn need fired oast iron balls 11U lbs. | solid bolts 7 inches in diameter and 12 inches in length. The charges need were 14 lbs. of powder. Tbe angled plates wore 4| inches thick. Six of oneh bells struck tbe target within a apses of 21 inches by 12, and three within one inch of one another. The plate was driven in 3| inches upon a; lucking of pine, and was fraetnred Int not pierced. Such is nil the practical | information which we really have upon this subject. Ws think it deserves j further attention. The best form of shot j for penetrating iron plates, when Set per-' j rndicnlarly on wall-sided vowels, in ho- i ruonlal curves as in round lowers, or angled to deflect the shot upward or: downward, can only bo determined by ex- i p-rimon* . The experiments which ha o i Iready Ves made wii h ►hot fired against iron plat* • have teen too few in number to settle this important question. Ipi iPwjt % DEVOTED TO LITERATURE, NEWS. AG HI LEON All!) TOWN. MD„ THE USD A (Written for the Beacon.) -• 4 ‘ ir KNOTTY AND NAUGHTYaUESTION. sraoros or the emancipation nn.|ji ix m DISTRICT or rOLt'MniA, wow VUSDIKO IV CONGRESS. • UnclsSamißd’sSaohctinn, in council collected, A subject of momea|, have under digestion, The finale whereof, H is: shrewdly expected, vrm be A* tough fruit* of a tough, knotty question— For il:s matter will end, in the way the thing ]°K* As mere fun tor the boys—but sure death to the frigs. Tb proptmM, fur the good of the black population, To let loose upon ns tome thousands cf “Sambo*,’’ And to farce their master* with .sist snrh compensation. As will show to the world to tel at extent •ham-goes; For, if at this bald farce they much longer do pfoy. When i'-ongress passes the bill, tlierc’il be nothing to pay. o Our “darkies,*’ well inform’d of all that is deiug, . With gladly with Abolition vile schemer* unite; And should Congress perfect the plot that is brewing, Will, a hen pay day comes round, keep a ell Otll Oi* Sight, So that mast er*, unable the “corpus* 1 to show, Gan get none of Government mosey, you know I Thus our slaves, locomotive to suit the occasion,— Their “piautalion quart era” by order sidelined, — When their masters atUmpt, by appeal and persuaaioo. To get Ilia poor pay to which Congress consented. Will shrewdly and wisely keep out of the way, So that Government tbu* may have ujlhing to pay. But should these cute plotters mean merely to keep “The irrepressible conflict,’’ called •‘Kman ci pat ion,” By talking to Hunoomb, fr< m going to sleep— Fur the profit ot knaves—but the loss of the nation, — Then ths people who let such a vilo p'ot •■creed Deserve what tliey get—are but green-horn* indeed. If I were Dictator for a year and a day, 1 would pack all Abolitionists off to Abouey And I’d ship all the “darkies,” nolens volet*, away To the free Yankee Skates,® so that finding i a home, they Will teach their new friends beyond the j shadow of doubt : What a mess they are in, which toe late they find out. Yea! I*d give these intermeddling knaves full occasion To taste the known fruits of a mixture of races, So that hitter experience should and iu per suasion That the wrong sort of men fill the wrong sort of places— That the I.ovejoys and Sumners, Phillips, Greeley* and Chreven Are nothing hut humbugs—naught but arrant deceivers. ° Mr. SauUbury.of Delaware, tried to pro- ' vide for this process, by an amendment to the Senate Hilt, but our wide awake Down East j am) Free State Senators “smelt a rat" sud < so kilted the motion. Mem—That this squib is no libel on inary, j if not tbe majority, in Congress—tbe Pliiladcl > phia Inquirer (loyal beyond question) should ! boa good witness—when it twits the dwelii-r* j in the City of Brotherly lan-c (?) with “sitting j with folded hands waiting Htiiully mi Provi- • deuce or weakly ujon trust in s wretchedly i idle Congress.” Further. “Apt,” iu llie morning’s Sun, re- i murk*—“This phase of Abolitionism; which ; now refuses to |y for cohmimig a few slaves • (the prop*wed liberated ones in this District) 1 will, after awhile, be followed up in Congress by a refusal to jy anything to owners of slave*.*’ i The appropriation for colonizing in llayti such liberated slaves iu this District was de feated by tbs casting vote of the vice-president, Hannibal Hamlin—so says Ago. IST The girls of Northampton have ! been sending a bachelor editor a boquet! •f tauxy sod worm wood. The wretchedj iudhidual says he don’t care—it’s sweeter than matrimony, anyhow. • i When does a farmer act with great rudeness towards bis GOTO? When be pulls its ears. Slavery in the District of Columbia- The act for the abolition of slavery in . he District of Columbia has already passed the Senate,and there is littledoubt that it will also pan the Home. Doubts arc expressed whether it will receive the sanction of the , j President, tbe general opinion being that , i it will not, but the friends of the measure" ! urc potifidcnt. if it should he vetoed, that a two-third vote can be obtained in its fa • vor. As a matter of historical interest, we r I ’. lay before our readers copious extracts from the report of the House Committee which had the same subject under consideration in 1836. We commend them to the at ‘ tent ion of readers: . “Do tbe great nallonal objects which were intended to be secured to the Feder al Government by the cession of tbe terri -1 j tory require such action on the part of j Congress ?” t j “Can any reason whatever be given for j tbe abolition of slavery in this particular ) i District, which dues not apply with equal ' force to every other slaveholding section .' of tbe country ? Can any cause be shown ', why the States of Maryland and Virginia J would have abolished, or would now abol ish, shivery in this District, had it con tinued to form a part of those States res pectively which would not have warranted ‘ or produced general abolition throughout these States? Most unquestionably not." “Your committ'.ee must go further, and express their full conviction that any in | tcrfcrencc by Congress with the private interests or rights of citizens of this Dis trict, without their consent, would be a breach of tbe faith reposed in the Federal Government by the States that made the cession, and as violent an infraction of private rights as it would have been if ‘ those State* themselves, supposing their jurisdiction had remained unimpaired over r their territory, had abolished slavery with in those portions olf their respective limits, I aud bad continued ita existence upon its present basis in every other portion of i them. And surely there is no citizen in any quarter of the country, who has the smallest regard for our laws and instil u -1 tions, State ami national, or for equal jus-, 1 tice, and an equality of rights and privi leges among citizens entitled to it. who ( would attempt to justify such an outrage i 1 on the part of those States. The quei-tion then is. are the citizens of the District de sirous of a change themselves? Has any request or movement been made by them that would justify an interference with their private rights on the part of Con gress? None, whatever I” That is the slate of the case to-Jay. No ; such application has yet been made to Congress: “The citizens of the District not only have not solicited any action on the part of Congress, but it is well known that they, earnestly deprecate such action, and regard, with übhorcucc, the cffoits that are made by others, who have no interest whatever in the District, to effect it. It is impossible, therefore, that any such ; interference on the part of Congress i could be justified, or even palliated, on the ground that it was sought or desired |by those who arc alone interested in the subject. If, therefore. Congress were fo ■ interfere with this inscription of property against the consent of the people of the 1 I District, your committee feel bound to say j that it would be as gross a breach of pub- ' •j lie faith, aud as outrageous an infraction J of private rights, as it would have been i if such interference bad been committed ; by the States of which the Di triet was formerly a part, supposing that it 'never • had been ceded to the United State*.’’ * “Hence your committee believe they have pro veil,'beyond the power of eonlra | diction, that an interference by Congns*j with slavery in tho District of Columbia | would be a violation of the public faith fof the faith reposed in Congress by thei ! States which ceded the territory to the 1 ; Federal Govern incut, so far as the right* : ! and interests of those citizens residing within the ceded territory are concerned, j “Your committee will now consider this! proposition with reference to the interests ;of the States of Maryland and Virginia, j They were slave holding States at the time I they made their cccsioti, aud they arc so ; still. They entirely surround this dis | triet, from which they are only separated !on all sides by imaginary lines. They | made the cession for the great national : objects which have been already pointed ’ out, aud they made it from motives of pa- \ triotistu alone, and without any compen sation from the Federal Government for i the surrender of jurisdiction over com manding positions in both States The surrender was made for purposes deemed sufficiently important by all the original i States to be provided for in (he Coustilu- I (ion of the United State*; and it was made in conformity with (hat provision of tbe Const it uiim. It in surely unnecessary ' after this statement of facts to undertake to show that those patriotic States made this cession for purposes of good to the ; Union, and consequently to themselves, and nut fur purposes of evil tu themselves, and consequently to the Union; and that i the Government of ebc CuiUd Sutca ac- E AND GENERAL INTELLIGENCE. RNING, APRIL 10.1862. Ibr the came good, and rpMM. ♦' ♦ ♦ ♦ • can be demonolvatedl that ’ slavery m the District of Id produce erfl, and not rJSJrti’irt |rf Congress twH ho a faith rip—d fa it by thsso r 4 . * * * ♦ * *'Tl only remains under this head to show that Congress could not interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia without a violation of the public faith in reference to the slaveholding States gener ally, as well as the States of Virginia ami Maryland. The provision in the Consti tution authorizing Congress to accept the

cession of a territory for a scat of the Fed eral Government, and to exercise exclu sive jurisdiction over it, was as general and universal as any other provision in that instrument. In its national object all the States were equally interested, and so far as there was any danger that the pow ers of local legislation conferred on Con gress might interfere with, or injuriously affect, the institutions of the various States, each State possessed an interest propor tioned to the probable danger to itself. As far as your committee know or believe, however, no apprehension of an iuterfer -1 encc on the subject of domestic slavery ! was entertained in any quarter, or ex pressed by any statesman of the day. An examination of the commentaries on the Constitution will show that various ap prehensions were entertained as to the lowers conferred on Congress by this clause such as that privileged classes of society might be created in the District; that a standing army, dangerous to the II bcilics of the country, might be organ ized and sustained within it, and the like; but not a suggestion can be found that, under the local powers to be conferred, any attempt would be made to interfere with the private rights of the citizens who might be embraced within the District, or to distui b, or change, directly, or by con sequence, the municipal institutions of the Slates, or that the subject of domestic i slavery, as it existed in the States, could j be in any way involved in the proposed | eesriouCT ********] *'Vour committee have already shown that an interference with slavery in the District of Columbia would involve a vio lation of the public faith, hs regards the rights and interests of the citizens thereof, i They recur to this topic, however, on ac count of its importance, and for the pur po.-c of putting it iu another light, and, as j they consider, upon unanswerable ground. l They arc aware that, under the Constitu tiou, Congress possesses 'exclusive legisla- j lion’ over the aforesaid District; hut the, power of legislutiou was given to be exer cised fur beneficial purposes only, and i cannot, therefore, be exercised, consistent-1 ly with public faith, fur any object that is at war with the great principles upon which the Government itself is founded. The Constitution, to be properly under stood, mast be taken as a whole. Wher ever a particular power is granted, the extent to which it may he carried can only bo inferred from other provisions by which it may be regulated or rcstraiued. The Constitution, while it confers upon Con gress exclusive legislation with in this District; does not, and could not confer unlimited or despotic authority over it. It e mid confer no power contrary to the fun damental principles of the Constitution it self, and (he essential and inalienable rights of American citizens.” ♦ ♦ * ♦ “The inhabitants of this District arc a part of the people of the United States. Every right and interest secured by the Constitution to the people of the States is equally secured to the people of the Dis trict. Congress can, therefore, do no act affi •ciing property or person, in relation to this District, which il is prohibited to do in relation to the citizens of the States without a direct \iulation of the public faith. For Instance, il is a well-settled constitutional principle that 'private pro perty shall nut be taken for public use without just compensation.’ Now, the true meaning of this provision obviously is. that private property shall be taken only for public use, but shall not be taken, even then, without adequate remunera tion. It is evident, however, in reference to slavery, either that the Government would use the slaves or that it would not.— If it Would use them, then they would not be emancipated ; and it would be nn idle mockery to talk of the freedom of those who would only cease to be private, to become public slaves. If it would use them, then how could it be said that they were taken for the public use, consistently with the provision ju>t recit'd 7 Dut even if they could be taken without reference to public use, they could not be taken without just conip.*usatiuu. It is exceedingly ques tionable, however, whether Congress could legally apply the public revenue to such an object, even with the consent of the owners of the slaves. As to emancipation without their consent, and without just compensa tion, your committee will nut stop to con sider it. It could nut bear examination.— Honor, humanity, policy all forbid it. It is is manifest, then, from all the considera tions herein .'tiled, (and there are ethers equally forcible th:.l might be urged, j that I. Congress could not abolish slavery in the i Dwict of Colombia witbeot a violation of t the public faith.” ♦ ♦ ♦ • • ♦ f “The Federal Government vu the creation [ f the Stale* of the Confederacy, and the* great djetn of ita creation uid-organiKation were ‘to ' form a more perfect ucion, yahliahjustice, in* > sore domcetic tranquility, and provide for the I Win defence and geoeval welfare " \ iMnp Pipqp***. tiama. to an iuttr forenca by Congress auii slavery in the Oja tneto#Oahmbia. Sack action, to he nwrtle, * muit be in accordance with some on# of thoee II great objects ; and it will be the duty of the i ’ coiuniiltee, in aa concise a manner as possible, ' to show that it would ’tot be in accordance with ! cither of them. “First, then, os to rhe District itself. J ' '‘lt has already been shown that any inter* | Terence, unsolicited by the inhabitants of the ' District, cannot ‘establish justice,* or promote the cause of justice aithm it, but dirnrtly the 1 reverse. No greater degree of slavery exists ' here now than did exist when the Constitution ’ was adopted, and then the inhabitants of the District were citizens f ths| States of Mary land and Virginia, and had a voice in the adop tion of that instrument. Surely their subse j queot transfer In the jurisdiction of Congress, made in eonfotroiiy with that Constitution, ' could not deprive them of the protection to which they were entitled by these great leading 1 principle* of it. On tie contrary, they hail rv ' ery right to expect that Congress would “ea i ‘tabliali justice.' as to diem, in strict compliance i with the great charter under which it acted, and !by which it is forbiddin to interfere with their ; rights of private property without their content, or in any way to affect injuriously their domes* i tic institutior.s. Of those institutions, slavery | was and is the most important ; and any at j tempt on the part of Congress, acting as the i j local Legislature of thi District, to abolish it , j would not only be impolitic, but an act of gross , I injustice and oppression." • • • • • , “They have also shown that the abolition of slavery here, so far freen tending to'insure do i mestic tranquility,' would have a direct tenden cy to produce domestic discord and violence, j i. and servile war, in all the slaveholding States. ! Aa these consequences, then, would follow iiurh \ action in reference to live States, your commit- 1 lee need not say that, instead of providing for ‘the common defence’ ly it, Congress would be called upon *lo provide for the common defence’ i in ronttqueuct of it, and to an extent which ran- j I not now be foreseen " • • • • “The same provision which enjoins it on the ; I Federal Government, to ‘guaranty to*ea< li State | n republican form of government, and to aid and protect each State against domestic violence,' j evidently implies the correlative obligation to, take no step of which the direct and inevitable ) tendency would be to overthrow the State gov* j eminent*, and to invela (hem in wvde-spread aretes of misery and desolation: In one word,! , if it be the duty of Congress, at it most clear- j ly is. to support and preserve the Constitution i and the Union, then it is manifest that it id • bound to avoid the adoption of any legislation , which may lead to their destruction." • • I ! “We have said that the scheme of general em.ui- ipation is impracticable. The vlighiest ‘ reflection must satisfy very candid mind or’ the j I trutli of this assertion. i “Admitting that th ? Federal Government j has a right to act upon this inntier, which i: clearly has not, it certainly never could achieve | such an operation wilh tut full compensation to ! : the owners. And what would prolmbiy be the ' ' amount required J Tin; aggiegate value of all' that species of property is not less probably 1 'than s4oo,ooo.oooAnd how c u uld such j !an amount be raised ? Will the people of this country ever consent to the imposition of op- j pressi. e luxes, that the proceeds may be np- | ! plied to the purchase of slaves ? The idea is | j preposterous ; and not only that, hut it is sus- ; ceplitde of demonstration, that even il'anannn- | al appropriation of $10,000,000 were actually applied to the purchase and transportation of slaves, the w hole number would not be sensi-j , bly dimimahed at tin? expiration of half n >-en [ tury, from the natural growth and multiplica-! j tion of the race, ilurdcn the Treasury as we j I might, it would still be an endless expense, and ! an interminable work. And ibis view of the | subject surely is lutKcient of itself to prove. ' I that ofall the schemes ever pi ejected by funati- ’ cism, the idea of uinvemil emancipation is the most visionary and impracticable." • • • j “Would it contribute to the wealth or grandeur or happine** of our country ? • On the contrary, would if not produce con sequence* directly tin; reverse ? Arc not I slave* unlit for freedom ; notoriously ig- 1 norant, rervile, and depraved? Ami would any rational man have them install- j iancously transformctl into freemen, with all the rights anti privileges of American j citizens ? Are they capable of under standing the nature of out Government, orj exercising judiciously a single political i 1 right or privilege ? Nay. would they even , j lie capable jaf earning their owu livelihood ior rearing their familiies independently by j theif own ingennity and industry? What, • than, would follow from their libejatioo i but tbe most deplorable state of society with which any civilized country was ever; cursed ? How would vice and immoral!-! ty and licentioimio* overrun the laud ! ■ How many jails and pcnitcutiaries, that now seldom hold a prisoner, would be crowded tu suffocation ! How many fertile fields, that now yield regular and abun*! daut harvests, would lie unoccupied aad desolate! How would (he foreign com merce of the South decline and disappear ! How many thousands of seamen, of whom southern agriculture U the very life, would lie driven for support to foreign countries! Aud bow large a portion of tbe Federal revenue, derived from for eign commodities exchanged for southern products, would be font forever to thi* * Government ! And, in addition to all 1 this, whal would be tbe condition of ern society were all the slaves emancipa ted ? Would the wkiti-s conseut that the blacks should be placed upon a full fool ing of equality with them ? Unquestion ably not. Kitber the use class or the oth er would be forced tu emigrate, and in either case the whole region of the South would be a scene of poverty aud ruin. Or, what is still more pro La Lie, the blacks would everywhere be driven before tbe white*. m tbe Indiana bare lees, until they were i exterminated from tbe earth. Ami sure ty it noßcceaaary to remark that decay and dcaaUtioa could aot break down tbe South without producing a corresponding depression upon tbe wealth and enterprise of the northern Stakes. And here let us ask, too, what would be the condition of tbe aen-tlavcbolding States themselves. a regards the blacks ? Are they prepared to receive myriad* of negroes and place them upon an equality with the free white laborers and mechanics, who constitute their pride and strength ? Will the new States consent that their territory shall b© occupied by negroes instead of the enter prising. intelligent, and patriotic white population, which is daily seeking their oordcra from other portions of the Union ? Shall the yeomanry of these States be sur rounded by thousands of auoh beings and the white laborer be forced into coiu|x li tion and association with the? Are they to enjoy the same civil and political privi leges as the free white citizens of the North and West, and to be admitted into the so cial circles as iheir friends and companions? Nothing less than aH this will constitute perfect freedom, and the principles now maintained by those who advocate emanci pation would, if carried out. necessarily produce this state of things ! Yet, who believes that it would be tolerated for a moment ? Already have laws been pas sed in several of the noii-slavebolding States to exclude free blacks from a settle ment within their limits, and a prospect of general and immediate abolition would com jcl them, in tclf-defence, to resort to a system af measures much more vigorous and effective than auy • which have yet been adopted. Driven from the South, then, the blacks would find no place of rc ?uge in tbe North, aud as before remark ed utter extermination would be the prob able, if not the cnevitable fate of the whole race. Where is the citizen, that can de sire such results? \\ here the American who can contemplate them without emo tion ? Where the abolition hi that will not pause, in view of the dreadful conse quences of his scheme, both to to the white s and the blacks, to the North and tbe South and to the whole Union at large V” * * “The first great object enumerated in the Constitution, as an inducement to Its adoption, was to -form a more per fect union.’ At that time all the Slates held slaves, to a greater or less extent; s.nd slavery in the Stales was fully re cognized and provided for, in many par ticulars, in that instrument itself. It vras recognized, however, and all the provisions the subject so regarded it, as a and not a national insti tution. At that time, too, as has been before remarked, the District of Colum bia constituted an integral part of two cf the independent States which became parties to the Confederacy and to the Constitution itself. Since that time an entire emancipation of slaves ha* taken 1 1 cc in 8 icral of he old But s; but in all cases this has been the work of the States themselves, without any in torferetire whatever hv the Federal Cov eminent. New Si to* I. y w *l*, lc< q admitted into the Union with an interdic tion in their constitution against involun tary servitude. In this way, the slave States have become u minority in repre sentation in the Federal legislature Their interests, however, as States, in the institution of domestic slavery, as it exist* within their limit-*, has not diminished, nor has their right to perfect security un der the Const tutim in refer, nee to this dire iption of propet ty be n in any wai. or to any degree, sjurr- ndtrod or impaired since the adoption of that instrument. by themselves and their sister States '‘The operation of caus- gto a gr. at r b nt natural, and proceeding from climate, ♦oil, aud consequent production, has nn dered slavery a local and sectional in stitution. and has thus added au ther lw the most alarming apprehensions of pa triots for the perpetuity of /Ida Cnnn —the apprehension of local and geo graphical interests and distinctions, Iltw mint*.ncly import mt i it, th n, that Congress should do no aet. and assume no jurisdiction, in rcfiTrnce to this gr at h t r- CSt. by which it shall ever app ar to place itself in the attitude (*f a local, instead of a national tribunal—a partial agent provid ing for peculiar and sectional objects and feelings, instead of a genera! and paternal legislature, equally and impai tialty pro moting the general welfare of at! the {states. No one can fail to sec that any other course on the part of Congress must weaken the confidence of the injured St it • in the Fed eral authority, and. to the same ext. nt. prove dangerous to the Union.** Id’ Soum music teacher once wrote that the **at of playing on the \bdw requires the nicest perception and the most sensibility of any art in the knoau world.” UiHin which an editor com ment* as follows; **Thc art. of pnhlishing a country newspaper aud making it pay, and at the same time have it please everybody, beats fiddling higher than a kite. The fisherman wil l lrut d in “coming events" e..ught unly a thud jI [ ° NO 15

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