Newspaper of St. Mary's Beacon, April 17, 1862, Page 1

Newspaper of St. Mary's Beacon dated April 17, 1862 Page 1
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vol. win. SAINT MARn BEACON u rusLisuxu kvkbv tuuksvav sr J.F. KINO, ft JAMES 6. DOWNS. Tkkms op Srnsrnimow.— .50 peran-! DUiu, to be paid within nix months. No •übHcri|di<tn will be received for a short- • ct period than six months, and no paper I l-e di < Hnlimv*d until all arrearages arc' paid, except at the option of the publish ers. Thumb op AuvKßTiPfNO.—§l perJ F qua re lor the Oral insertion, and 26 ; el*. for every subsequent Twelveliucn of leas constitute a square.— ! If the number or iimertions le not marked i on the advertisement, it will be publish- | ed until forbid, and charged accordingly. 1 A liberal deduction made to thooe who advertise by the tear Tb Abolition of Slavery in tbe District • of Colombia. We puMUh the following extract from , the speeches of the Senators from the bor- j dec Slateh to show the feeling on the sub ject. The bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, being under diacus ►ion, on (he 2dth im*t. Mr. Salisbury, of Delaware, took the tloor. He thought this the now* extror-j diuary resolution ever introduced into the I American Congress—• xtraordinary in its e liar act* r. aud especially in its origin. It • was nut only extiaurdiiiary, but he doubt- 1 ed Us patriotism. li a contradiction ! of the avowed pui | o.e of the poty in jww -4 r—a party wli.cli he thanked (iod. he had nevci bcb>ng> d to, and it was certain that he m ver would. That party, hnw ev r. had declared that it bail no infection to interfere with the right* of the State* of any seetion. Yet here was a measure of unmistakable interference, in viulation of ihal pledge- proposing action in regard to a domestic insliluiiuu of the slave States. Have they asked your aid ? No. Then your prortcr is indelicate, to ay the leant. Hr rslaled that during the late session of (he legislature of IMeware a printed bill bad fouud its way to that l*ody proposing the raaua of §9t*t,o(K) of bond* for eiuwii oi pat ion in D I .ware. Tho no a ure was th< re scouted. This bill, be had h anted, had its or gin iu Wasl.iogton lie thought it at least well (hat Oongr* as should wait to bear from the people of the slave StaL s on this subject before inaugurating meas ures—and coming as they do iu this vol unteer way. he could hut regard (hem as I tart of the scheme fur k cping alive, the general anti-shivery agitation, and extend it into the border State*. This Fall, in the election in Delaware, the issue is sought to be made of eiuaucipa lion on the pretence that the Ocueral *iov omiueiit gr m toualy renders j pecuniary aid. 'i hus the question of the abolition of slv ry was to be intensified in the btu dcr slave Stale . Delaware was to le given 1 t.m inducement. Was not this :<n interfer ence, not by direct but indirect mean- ? | On ibis idea, supposing the proposition to 1> sincere, the country would preset:, the s|M ctaele of going into the wholesale ne gro business. The propositi* >n had lecn re jected once . in his Sta’e. lie could trace if directly fo Federal authority, and yet here it was made to them a second time. He now, iu tbe name of bis people, again rejected it. When the }m oj le of Delaware de.-ired j Iu liberate the balance of the few slaves they have, they will do it in thrir own way, in Ibeir own time, and at tb< ir own cost. They would ask no aid of tbe (jen • ial Government or others. With this proposition fairly before the people of Del aware as the Republican policy, the loyal men uf that State—supposing they will be j allowed the opportunity uf a fair election j —will swwcp it entirely out of their bor ders. The loyal men. he repeated would do this—the Constitution loving men ; fur those only who supjiort slid uphold tbe Constitution as it is, are loyal. Those who attack it id such measures violative • of its previsions as this, ure nut loyal.— j Mr. 8. cited the language uf the rcsolu tion, that the United States “ought*’ toj compensate. Ac., as imbdinitc and not! binding, and as showing that the whole ■ thing was intended as a delusion, and that tbe indemnity would never actually be - made. If it was honestly intended, why should not the resolution declare, in ex-! press terms, that comp* nsation will or' shall be made \ lie bad no idea that it ever would lie. The purpose was general i emancipation. With the immense burden of debt which this war will pile up. tbe people of the free Stales will n**jrer coeuwirf lo the large additional imposition lor (his scheme uf. emancipation. He didn I believe that those who proposed it expected that they would. As to the p*wer uf Congress to appropriate money in such a ease, the ju- ! diciary committee who rocomutended the passage of the resolution. and who are sup posed to be learned in the law. had not enlightened (hem iu regard to it, and no,; man of national reputation iu the vttuniry j I Lad ever declared that Congress bud such powers. 11 DEVOTED TO LITERATURE. ME W . A GUI C uLtIPUs AND GENERAL INTELLIGENCE. m. 'iM'ii' ■ - LEONARD TOWN. AID., THURSDAY MOfelNG. APRIL 17.1862. Mr. Davis then look tie floor ami spoke ,at length against (he whole measure, j premising tint he had only offered the amendment he did, aud voted a* be did, j with tho view of rendering the bill as lit- ! j tie objectionable as possible. He pro ceeded to argue tbe total abaruee of all ; power iu Congress to abolish slavery any | whore, and ia repelling the idea uf Mr. Pomeroy, of Rau*a<i. that slavery did not (••list to this district by law, and ar gued (hat slaves were hold as nil other i property, jurt as lands, horses, Ac. The law pr. sinned the existence of property, I and protected it as such in poibcVion. j He cited ancient authorities as well as j modern, on this subject. Mr. D. in this ' connection passed to the consideration of { the constitutional provision on the subject, jof appropriating piivate property for pub lic uses. This could only be done in ca ses of necessity with fail compensation.— ; How then c*nild slaves fe* taken any more j than brads. in the at biliary way propos- , i oil ? at a price one-half their value. The rule of the Constitution was of J . double force as nnpli<*d to slsvcs. rs pro- ! ! perty can only Im* taken for public iirc. J l Of what u*e are liberated slaves to be to 1 the Government? Mr. I), spoke at length, touching a groat variety of topics; and finally (turn ing towards Mr. Sumner, of j sells,) treked what right hud the buis of j Them lore Parker and such others, to bo j forced upon die people of this District. : Hud they not the same right lo their ! 'own opi; ions as those philanthropists If !Ti •ire and philosophic principles, be said. ; had boon announced on this subject by j the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Doo little) to the effect that the negro and white races never could live and associate j together on an equality Let the people )t this District then say for the in.-jives, at least, whether they will have these ne groes among them when they have been liberated. If you will not allow them to votn ns lo whether they will own slaves or not, at least do nut compel them to sujuurn ou an equality with the free negroes. He went into statistics to show how largely the number of free negroes had increased ia the District since 1860, having increased, according to the census of 1860, to over 11,000, and probably since this war com tncuccd (here are several thousands more hero now in addition. They would soon be here, he supposed, ru the halls of Con gress, crowding out the white lading and gentlemen attending here. He would not speak for the army of the Potomac, but for that of tho West he knew he could declare they regarded tho people of tbe South as having a right ful pro} erty in their slaves, and! were opposed to the purposes here enunciated, aud at least two thirds of them never would have entered the army after the j disaster of Hull Kan, if they Had supposed they would be aiding in carrying mil such | schemes. Having now got this great j army by representations of a desire to re*- • tore the Union on the basis of the Cn -! stiiution, was it to be shown that it had j been deceived, and mustered iu on false , pretenocs ? Mr. D in closing declared that the j l people of this District were not free —had i not as much freedom as (he slaves here i proposed to be freed. They had 10 rep- 1 resentatives of their own choosing, and therefore were to be sacrificed. He men- * | tioued the case of one lady (Mrs Bell) ' who owned fire slaves, yielding her each fV<ui §l5O to §3OO per year, whom now it was intended to take from her at §3OO a-picce. Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, got. the floor, and. on His motion, the bill was post poned until to-morrow. Ou the 26th the same bill Wing under 1 discussion. Mr. Wilson made a bitter abo lition speech. In reply Mr. Kennedy, of; Maryland, said : “He did not intend to speak upo* this question, but on account of the indisposi- ‘ tion of his colleague he would speak 1 briefly, and would cuter the protest of Maryland. All her prosperity, her dig nity. aud general welfare, were involved :n this question. She has no other reli ance but the pledge of the loyal States against interference with the Constitu tion; to stand by that instrument was all' that she asked.’ He quoted resolutions of tho Maryland ' Legislature to show the opposition of (hat | State to any such measure, and referred to • the pledge of non-interference made ia I the inangnra! address by the President. ( He held that surh a measure would tend i greatly to irjure the Union cause by uni ting upon the weession policy the latent element of Unionism existing in the re- , j bcliious States. He read at Idflgfh from I the Congressional record the report of a : < committee of the Lower House, com- i posed of members from all parts of the \ North, on the Mtbject of abolishing slavery |i in tbe District, iu which it was held I that it would be an outrage to abolish : slavery hero without the consent of Mary? I land and Virginia, and as gross an inter? t Terence with the rights of the States os j > though the action had direct reference to j i those Stales. It was also held *hat it would lc equally an interference with the rights of all other slave States. It was an established principle that private pro ! pert J could not be taken for public use without jost compensation; nor was it cer tain that it would be constitutional to ap- J ply the public money to such a use. In hi:* judgment, slavery was doomed | in Maryland—surrounded by such inflacn-1 cos that wowld inovitaMy mom its dceFtne { There was 83,718 free blacks in Mary-) land; in 1850 tbe whole negro population ; was 185 089; in 1800 it was 170,900. j But the decrease of slaves was more than ! j three thousand and the increase of the free ■ blacks nearly nine thousand; while the' great State of Now York has only 49.031 ' . fret; blacks; and but 53.620 are fouud in i Virginia. With such insecurity and distrust as tbi* measure was calculated to engender. I added f) tho locft. hy the rebellion to her ; trade and her industry, he feared that; ! grass would y< t grow in the streets of Bal-' j timore. Maryland had bought §40.000 - I 000 woith of goods from the North; had i exported §35.000.000 to the South; her I manufactures wore § 10,000,000; and her trade in grain and! flour from Virginia | and North Carolina was about §14,CH0,- ! 000. Her public improvements amount ed to §110.000,000. All her property and industry seemed destined to decay. He feared for the permanence of the' Union if such measures were pressed; he j felt that this was the culminating point in j the career of this (government. He had ! hoped that Maryland would bavo licen al-* 1 lowed to free her slaves in her own time ! and way. He felt a contempt and disguat 1 for tho h-w means (hut had boon some- I times resorted to bring discredit upon the l State. In the name of his State, he would i protest against this measure. - ■ ■ ■ PEACE BETTER TITAN WAR. Jfrrci nn extra-—audhrr Imltlr. Such is the almost daily cry of the news-hoy, as thro’ the clinging sleet and polling rain he thrusts his little sheet iu the face of the pedestrian whose interest he would excite, and whoso thrcc-ccnt piece he would transfer to his own sparcely tenanted purse. Another battle I Ah ! there is the secret of the news-boy’s magical influence upon the attention of tottering age, robust manhood and ar dent youth Each has his individual motive to learn the details of “another battle,” whore fathers and brethren have met in deadly strife ; and where the red streams of fraternal gore batten a soil which, .only a brief period ago, was the patrimony of national brotherhood. Yes I! War is upon us! His griui-visagcj fronts meets us at every footstep; fol lows us in our walking thoughts; and • fills our very dreams with the horrid I phantasies of a crushing nightmare.— | The fierce North is pouring its armed j legions upon the South, with a hostility ;as bitter and unrelenting as though the i | wai was one of races, and its a’m one of ! utter extermination. Thu defiant South , j has armed its eager soldiery and stands 1 1 ready for the bloody wager of the bat- j tie field. The In-althy currents of trade 1 | and commerce arc stagnant ; and all thc ; j sweet avocations of peaceful industry are I j disrupted, or made to minister to the! i ncoeswities and genius of war. Poverty and destitution fill the land. Lawless f ness and crime arc filling the moral sus- 1 ccptibililics of the people. Tbe public ! conscience is perverted by a corruption' so comprehensive, sweeping and syste-1 matic as to find impunity in the num bers and power of those who are en-' ricbed by it. The perils of national bankruptcy can only be averted by a system of taxatiou, that threatens to evtmluate cither in shameless repudia-' ' tion or s ci ashing strain upon all the , springs of material prosperity. Add to ; tiie glMiiny shadows the tualignaoi pas- ! lions which are being engendered, both; I North and South, iu tbe heated fur- ! ' oucc of civil war, aud wo have s pic-' ture with a fore-ground so replete with j horror, as to defy the longing sense that would fain seek iu the prospective some al leviating touches uf hope. History has its facts; but it Las its philuj-ophy also. The statesman who would busy himself with the one f.pJj disregard the other, is incapable of lead ing a country through public danger j.IJ civil conimotitoa. He may reason till doomsday upon facts, in their rela tion of cause and effect, and find a re sultant as barren of fruit as hift system U void of wisdom. It is only win n he ( oaa grapple sturdily and boldly with the i philosophy contained in his facts, and I necessary to a full and coiuprcbcm-ivc 1 appreciation of tho obvious and ess> n- i tial balance of means to ends, that he i can rise above the level of a policy of ) subterfuges—suggested to-day and abau- j ' doned tomorrow —and establish a penna- I nent claim to the gratitude of a nation ' I he may have snutchid from peril and' i MiVed from annihilation. Alas! in this, our 1 hour of peril, where w the man so ltd | the patriot so euduweu ; tbe hero t

so ennobled ! ! f Tlic war is upon" qs * Tho blood and ■ 1 ! —v I treasure Hulk* emmirj are being poor- j ed oat in a stream so copious as to threaten o*Hy and total exhaustion.— Why stop to inquire into the causes of so diimstrew a strife ? Why sot prefer to arek pescil *a W cadi **<* then ra tionally af4 oonacieuthpaly dtliberate | upon the means necessary to its speedy and horforallle attainment? Sooner or later rach dcri*tißO most ho entered, ! what principles of justice, equity and ; national honor will, or can be. present-. ■ ed, that could uot note hare the benefit |of cool reason and solemn responsibility ■ to aid in their necessary arbitrament ?—! Would (he North subjugate the South ? 1 Wherefore ? To what desirable end ?—-1 i Will the means used hare any fair and | reasonable proportion to that end. even |if achieved If On the contrary will not' j 'he very use of these means stimulate | ' disaffection, create disorders, and reveal, I complications so dangerous, aye ! so per | mancntly disastrous as to change, total-' ly arid forcrcr, the destinies of this gov-' eminent, and blight the hopes of the civilized world ? If the wail of the van-{ quUhcd shall come up from the dcsola- j red field, the violated hearths and dese crated altars of the Suth, will the songs of triumph from the North swell upon the air unminglcd with the monody of bleed - | ing hearts, ruined hop. s and crushed lib- , forties? Who doubts it ? Who that has' j studied the pages of the world’s history of ! war and crime, dare lay his Land to his • heart and say that the horror and shame lof this unholy strife will fall upon the South, while nothing but prosperity and 1 glory h’hall mure to the North? *Tis madness to tliiuk so and a mockery of 1 truth so to teach. Who will believe it? Kuropc laughs at the feeble claim ; and posterity will deride its culpable folly.— 1 Dare wo look impartial history in the face, and, in the presence of those spec tres of a ruined country it wi l evoke in our condemnation, dare we siy, “thou c-an’st uot say I did it!” . Arc wo not rather moving under the impulses of the veiled Sorcerer of military ambition, only to find ourselves confronted with it un masked, when it will be potential enough to his* in our astonished cars. There, ye wise saints! behold jour light, your star! Ve would be slaves and victims —and ye are! It i# only the terrible madness of the hour that locks up our reason in our pride, and urges us in imbecility, but with fearful speed, to the precipice over which we must plunge, unless saved by the baud of a merciful Providence. Peace, then, must come, and that right speedily, if we are not to fall a prey to anarchy, and become the play thing of foreign dentiua- I tion. The phases of this peace must be, ! either the reconstruction, if possible, of ! the Union upon the basis of the Constitu tion, with such organic conditions as may bo necessary to the efficient and bannoui- I ous actios of the national government; or such a recognition of the Southern Con federacy as will bind the two sections of the country to either in a league of amity, > commerce and mutual interest—thus es caping foreign entanglements, and sccur : ing for our common country the benefits l of an American policy, founded iu motu-I |al interest, increased strength and cow- j mon destiny. | ! Th.-sc we do not now discuss It is needless to say that the first has our un-1 qualified desire—our holiest love on earth. | The last were better t! an 'ho In rng i and deadly strife of brethren on the buttle , field. Together they embrace the ques- ; tion in which the future of Ixuh the North ! and South is bound up. We are capable of solving them ourselves, if we arc true ' to our duty and our destiny. If we fail • to assert this privilege and to discharge this duly—the sword of foreign interven tion will cut the Gordian Knot and saver this Union hopelessly and forever. /V --tidt ct-impcrin will be the policy of this foreign intrusion in our political affairs The results could be easily imagined, if history did not reveal them in characters ' so emblazoned in light that “he who runs! may read.’* These results cannot be] averted by war. W can escape them only through peace, for it is peace which teach es, in the inspired word of the Royal!' Prophet, that “ISettt-r 1* wisdom thatwca-| pons of war.” —Cufhvlic Mirror . j 1 i Air, Sunshine sod Health A New York merchant noticed in the l l progress of years, that each successive j I book keepci gradually lost his health, and , I finally died of consumption, however vig- I or ous and robust he was on entering has i service. At length it occurred to him 11 than the little rear rom where the books I were kept opened in a back yard, and was I so surrounded by high wills that no sun-; I shine came into it from one year's end to another. An upper ro>Mu well lighted, i was immediately prepared, and his clerk* J had uniform good health ever after. A, familiar case to general readers is dc- c rived from medical works, where an entire a Kiiglish family became ill, aud all feme- 1 dies sccm. d to fail of their usual results, f when, accidentally, a window glass of the ii family room was broken in e<dd weather. It was not repaired, and foita.uth there 1 was a marked improvement in tbe health of the inmates. Tl.c physician t once traced the eonneerisw, discontinued bis medic inn. and ordered that the window pane should, not bo replaced. A French lady became ill. The moat eminent pbj sycians of her time were called in, but failed to restore her. At length Dwpey tren, the Napoleon of phyaie, wa • ooneal ted. He noticed that ake lived ill A dim rmn, iqto whicb the mujpvft house being situated to one of the narrow [ or rather iaoos of Paris. He at ’ once ordered more airy and cheerful j apartments, and all her complaints vanish-) td. The lungs of a dog become turber-, eulated (consumptive) in a few weeks, if kept confined in a dark cellar. Thu nv>st eun.m>>n plant grows spindly, pale and sentggiing, if no sunshine falls upon it. The greatest medical names in France, of the lost century, regarded sun shine and pure air as equal agents in restoring and maintaining health From 1 these facts, which cannot be disputed, 1 the most common mind should conclude, that cellars, and rooms on tho northern side uf buildings, or spHitments into which the sun does not immediately shine, should never be occupied as family rooms or chambers, or as libraries or studies. Such apartments arc only tit for stowage, or purposes which never require persons to j remain in them over * few uiiuut s at a time. And every intelligent and humane parent will arrange that family room and tho chambers shall be the most commodi ous. lightest and brightest apartments in his dwelling. —llxlPs Journal of Health. TRUTH STRANGEBTHAN FICTION. A friend familiar with tho circumstances relates tho following singular story, the J validity of which he assures us can be substantiated by scores of living vrit- | nesses: In the spring of 1800 a young lady and a gentleman (who wc will, fur the sake ot brevity, call Mis* K. and Mr. W.). resi ding iu one of the border counties of this State, after the usual amount of courting, come to the very natural conclusion to cud the farce by getting married. So the day was designated and all uec ssary ar rangements made for the nuptial feast. Unfortunately, however, the very day be fore the wedding Mbs E. took violently sick, of which she did not recover for more than a month, thereby indefinitely post poning the marriage ceremony. It was. however, finally* arranged to take place the following fall, which time arrived, new arrangements were made for the consummation of the deferred uupkal plea-, surcs. But, by a strange fr< ak of illfor- | tune, the bridegroom, in returning from the village with tbe license in his posses sion, was thrown from his born; and in jured to sueh an extent that doubts were entertained uf his final recovery. Howev er, by the spring of 1861 he bad over come his injuries and renewed his propo-! sals, which were met by the fair damsel' with a sacrificial burst of patriotism for her , “dear country,” and promptly told him | that her bard heart could only be his, “when the independence of the Soul hern Confederacy was acknowledged.” Stimu lated to deeds of daritag by the hope of such a noble prise, he immediately en listed iu the rebel army. Adverse for tune so< n • vertook him. A fur a -ojourn of Bmc six months iu Dixie, wc bear of his advent in this city, where be* is now comfoitahly quartered iu a large brick building, with numerous other guests. Iu the me iutime his inamorato rendered her self so obnoxious to the Federal army, by the circulation of news, that they took her into emtody and kindly tendered her an excursion ticket to viait the new State capital, where she is now holding forth. 1 and can occasionally be seen promenading up and down Market ttrout, with a mo mentum too great for elegance. When these two unlucky matrimonial| aspirtuts will be able to make the con nection wc arc not prepared at present to' say. — Wheel in j Tn/tftiymrtr. ABOLITIONISM. The groat mass of the Republican party in 186 U denied any affinity or sympathy i with abolitionism. This was peculiarly the case in Pennsylvania, where, to avoid ( the charge the opposition to the Demo cratic party rallied under the name of the “People’s Parly.” With all the acts of' tbe leaders staring them iu the face, j there are still followers f the faiku for-, tuacs of tbe lb-publican party who deny' that it has become thoroughly abolition-' izud. At our late charter election ccn-| eidoraUu bitter feeling was aroused by j Democrats charging the opposition with being the abolition patty, and w have ( hoard a number declare that the result of the election was mainly owing to bring ing this false charge against the Union. Republican People's Parly As an evidence of the platform now oc cupied hy the Republic:ims being clearly mid dtKlinetly the same as that of Wendell Philips, we give the fHwing measures ' f**r the benefit of tbe negro, introduced .uto (Vngivss: * 1 Roc •gttiUon of the mgro Empire of Uayli. fc l D *vJWUjmt of ,*, <Umy a A. 8. Prohibttiq||pßhr army officer! from returning fuglllvrrftm. a. 4. Bitablishing a plantation for tree ■iugrot! In Hootii CarultDa, and taxing Uw fwyia of Um> North to support il. • 0. Proposes to aid the States to abotish Bgro ilsrery, by taxing the northern jaople to pwy for theriavea. , k. .frJßfc Hh ft****** Uvo la*. 7.1 repeal the law which foi bldi or* groea from being stage driver a or carryin 2 ! the United States mail, j 8. To prohibit slaveholders from taking I their staves in Arizona Territory. In order, however, to bring the charge nearer home, wc may cite the passage of a resolution in the Pennsylvania Sencto. fur which every Republican Senator, with a tingle exception voted, instructing our members of Congress and Senators to vote ( f° r the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. We may also cite the sig ' nilicant fact of every Repul >1 Jean Senator i voting to grant the use of the Senate i Chamber to that arch disuoiouist and trai tor Wendell Phillips. • ilia these facts before us, will any man have the assurance to say that the Republican parly has not become an ultra i abolition party.— Harrifarj Union. j *•■•••' i Hon. John J* Crittenden and Secretary Seward- The New York correspondent of the Syracuse (N k.) Unions ay*; Speaking of Seccssiouists, leads me to retnemWr Kx-Coveruor Mor eh cad, of Kentucky, who lug recently been libera ted from Fort. Warren. An anecdote is current as to how the Governor got his re lease, which 1 am assured is well-founded. It seems that Kx-Senator Crittenden dc , mauded it, and was assured by President ! Lincoln that Murchead should be let out. t A week went by, and nothing more was •lone. A second visit to the White lloumj gave the information to Mr. Crittenden that Seward had been promptly order* *1 jby I lie President to release tbe prisoner, j but, for some reason of his own, had dc , cliucd to obey; and a second written re quest was then and there made out, signed by (he Presidential hand, and dspatched *to the State Department. Mr. Seward quietly consigned it to the flames, howev ami Mr. Mordiuad rin iu d in the casemates a month r-r three weeks longer. Again the indefatigable Kentucky loyal ist ealled on the President, and a third and equally ineffectual message was the result; the prisoner still lingered in llea , ton harbor. At last Crittenden culled on j Seward himself—six weeks had elapsed since hi first interference. lie demanded to know why his old friend was not dis charged. Seward faltered and equivoca ted ; Crittenden loci his temper—ths old j l‘n aroused, and in the plainest pcs | sible Anglo-Saxon he veul*d his Oj ini o of “first officer under the Ooveru i incut *’ “I slways knew,** he roared. I “that you were a liar ami a dirty dug, and j you have proved il now more clearly than ever.” Mr. Seward, in (he most Cluis tiau manner, meekly declined a retort; but handed Hr. Crittenden the order for tho release of Mr. Murchead, and so the K<- Govemor gut his liberty. Patriotic Examp'r From the Richmond Disputrh The congregation of the Second Bap tot Church, in this city, bare set an example that may challenge emulation, hut f r aelf-sacriScing psfnotim cannot be excel led. They met nut lung since, and by unanimous vote gave their church hell to i be east into cannon fur the public defence. To show that (his was u>*t an empty prom ise made for effect, they immediately had * 1 it taken d* wn t* be put to the ue indica ted At the same meeting at which tint resolution aliove stated was passed, it was determine*! to subscribe a sum sufficient to purcha-e enough ni* to add *0 that in* j the 101 l to form into a battery, to be called I the Second Baptist Cbureh battery. Mv. i John K. r i aimer, at* inHurntUi member j of the Church, and largely engaged in the | foundry business, promised os: behalf of himself and his asMxriatcs that the battery 1 'hnnld U? ready at an early day. nod * without cost to those who fornwhed the • i materials. The churches in N‘*w Orh ant ,(• l*fge proportion of them being Catho lic), have with the sanction of their BRL op, adopted the same course. ■.* . fiivwo Una Catwciiism —A lady ob serving a little gifl appaxenily hnd in. the >trcet, acoorted her aith the question— *■ Whoso ebilJ arc you . ‘ Child of wrath, ma’am.” cried the lit tle un-kin. dropping nonrfesy, as if *•!- dressing the parson. The lady resumed and said— “ Where were you born ?” “IWw in f*in. ma’am,” persevered the the diminutive liteobr^ian. A . i We are never that a-lady aw dsitoawds a khw, Ulricas w b**ve rl frum her own mumh. f s V t&m Mwrtn r. n.mie and Live an 'the three swi'i)‘a{ tu the Luglt-.h language. KO Hi