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DOIOLAH BIIEWKIITON "If Anderson is killed at Fort Moultrie, then the life-blood of every Kentuckian will not be enough to wash out the stain and disgrace of see ing our brother die unaided before our face." Louisville (Ky.) Democrat. May God bless the sohliir, undaunted and true, Who stood like a man by the red, white, and blue ; And wither the hand of the cowardly slave Who dares to defame, or would wish to degrade. May (iod bless the hero, too gallant to boast. Who did what he could in defense of his post ; In spite of the trembler, who left him to fall, Or strike to the traitor, the Hag on his wall. May (iod bless the patriot, determined and pure, Whose name in the future shall proudly endure, With those who were true to their oath und their trust, *■ Whom gold could not tarnish, nor foul treason rust A star of the South, to the I'nion still true, Kentucky shall stand bv the red, white, and blue? And give her best blood to erase the foul stain, Should Anderson fall in defence of our fame. SMILES. —The ladies have many kinds. There isthe smile of recognition—there is the smile of coincidence of opinion —the smile of encouragement when we attempting something difficult—the smile of approbation when it is done ' •—those of amused fancy at our con versation—the smile of hope if we ven ture to aspire. But the great smile im perial, is that which says, plainer than words, and which sends an inflated youth on a temporary visit to Mahom et's heaven, "you have trow me!" That smile never leaves the memory, even after she who gave it has mouldered in the tomb. A statesman -should have cars to hear the distantrustlingof the wings of Time. Most people only catch sight of it when it is flying away. _ When it is overhead it darkens their view. ggf Every body has bis own theatre, in which he is manager, actor, prompter, playwright, sceneshitter, boxkeeper, doorkeeper, all in one, and audience into the bargaiu. The foundation of domestic hap piness is faith in the virtue of a woman. The foundation of political happiness is faith in the integrity of a man. gigy A great talker ought to be affa ble. Else how can he expect to find others so? Vet his besetting tempta tion is to speak rather than to hear. LOGIC. —No cat has two tails. Grant ed. Every cat has one tail. Undoubt edly. Therefore, every cat has three tails. Logic is logic. jJSSf» Heroism is active gen ions; gc tiious, contemplative heroism. Hero ism is the self-devotion of genius man ifesting itself in action. fiSgy True goodness is like the glow worm. It shines most when no eyes except those of heaven are upon it. Too much is seldom enough. Pumping after your bucket is full pre vents its keeping so. Notions may be imported by books from abroad: ideas must be grown at home by thought. Poetry is the key to the hiero glyphics of nature. Never contradict your wife. President Llncoln's Inaugural ADDRESS FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES : In compliance with a custom I as old as the Government itseit, 1 ap pear to address yon briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States, to be taken by the President before lie enters on the execution of hisofliec. I do not cousider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of ad ministration about which there is no special excitement. The apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States, that by the accession of a Republican Administration, their property and their peace and personal security arc to be endangered; but there never has been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contra ry all the while existed, and was open to their inspection. It was found in nearly all the published speeches of him who addresses you. 1 do but quote from one of those speeches, when 1 de clare that 1 have no purpose, directly or indirectly to interfere with the institu tions of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe 1 have no lawful right to do so. 1 have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me, did so with the full knowledge that L had made this and siniilardcclarations and had never recanted them, and more than this, they placed in their platform for my acceptance as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic reso lution, which I now read : " Jiesolccil, That the maintenance in violate of the lights of the States, and especially the right of each State, to or der and control its own domestic insti tutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric de pends, and we denounce the lawless in vasion by an armed force of the (Jov i eminent, of any State tr Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among ! the gravest of crimes." ! I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so, only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible—that the property, peace and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the new incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which consistently with the Constitu tion and the laws can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the Sti-tes when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to an other. There is much controversy about the delivery of fugitives from service or la bor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any oth er of its provisions: "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws there of, escaping to another, shall in conse quence of any law or regulation there in, be discharged from such service or labor, but shail be delivered upon claim to the party to whom such service or labor may be due." It is scarcely questioned that this pro vision was intended, by those who made it, for the reclaiming of what weeall fugitive slaves, and the intention of the law given is the law. All members ol Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution, to this portion as much as to any other. To the proposi tion, then, that slaves whose eases come within the terms of this clause, and shall be delivered up, their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which to make good that unanimous oath? There is some difference of opinion whether those clauses should be enforced by National or State authority, but surely that differ ence is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to oth ers by what authority it is done; and shouhl any one in any case be content that his oath shall bounkept,or merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept ? Again, in any law upon the subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in the civilized and human jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man may in no case be surrendered as a slave? And might it not be as well at the same time to pro vide by law for the enforcement of that clause'in the Constitution which guar anties that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to the privileges and immunities of the several States? I take the oflicial oath to-day with no mental reservations, and no purpose to construe the Constitution and law by private rules; and while Ido not choose OLYMPIA, WASHINGTON TERRITORY, APRIL 6,1861. now to specify particular acts of Con gress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer, both iu official and private stations, to con form and to abide by all acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find security in having them held to be unconstitu tional. It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. Dur ing that period, fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the Executive. That branch of the Government they conducted through many perils, gener ally with great success. 1 now enter upon the same task tor the brief ( on stitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulties. Disrup tion of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formally at tempted. 1 hold, then, in contempla tion of universal law and the Constitu tion, the Union of these States is per petual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to as sert that the (loverntncn* proper had a provision in its organic law for its own preservation. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by action not provided for in the instrument itself. Again, if the States be not a Government proper, ! but an association of States, in the na ture of a contract merely, can it as a contract be peaceably unmade, unless by all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may \iolate it— break it so to speak—but docs it not require all to rescind it? Descending from these general prin ciples, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the I nion is per petual confirmed in the history ot itself.! The Union is much older than the Con stitution. It was framed, in J'act, by the articles of association, in 177-1. It j was matured and continued by the Dee ' laration of Independence, in 177»>. It was further matured on the faith of all the then thirteen States, who expres>ly plighted and engagt d that it should be perpetual. Hy the articles of Confed eration, in 177<>, and finally in 17s!>, one of the declared objects for ordain ing and establishing a Constitution was to form a more perfect I nion by all or a part only of the States. Possibly the union is ics-? than before the Constitu tion, having lost the vital element ol perpetuity. It follow* from these views that no State upon its own mere motion, can lawfully go out of the Union ; that re solves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that nets of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United. States are in surrectionary or revolutionary, accord ins; to circumstances. I therefore con sider that, in view of the Constitution and laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of niv ability, shall take care, as the Constitution itsolfex pressly enjoins, that the laws of the Union he faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, deem it only n simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it,'so far as practicable, unless my ritrhtful master, the American peo ple, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as a de clared purpose of the Union that it will only cfefend ami maintain the Consti tution itself. In doing this, there need [ be no bloodshed or violence, and there 1 shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power con tided to me will be used to hold, occupy and possess the property and places be- I longing to the (government, and collect [duties on imports; but beyond what | may be necessary for these objects, there will bo no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall ho so great and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may ex ist in the Government to enforce the exercise of thoso offices, the attempt to do so would be irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, I deem it better to forego for the time the use of such officers. The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union—so far as possible the
people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security, which is most favor able to calm thoughts and reflection. The course here indicated will bo fol- lowe<% unless current events and expe rience shall show a modification or change to he proper; and in every case and exigency, my best discretion will be exercised' according to circumstan ces actually existing, with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the na tional troubles and the restoration of the fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Un ion at all events, and are glud of any pretext to do it, 1 will neither aflirm nor deny; but if there he any such I need address no words to them. To those, however, who rely on the Union, may 1 speak. Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric with all its benefits and it* hopes would it not be best previ ously to ascertain why we do and will hazard so desperate a step, while there is any possibility that any portion of ills you Hy from have no existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones von fly from, risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? All profess to he content in the Un ion if all Constitutional rights can he maintained. Is it true then, that any right in the Constitution has been de nied? I think not. llappilv the hu man mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of do ing this thing. If von can offer a sin gle instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has even been denied, if by the mere force of numbers a majority shall deprive a mi nority of any clearly written Constitu tional rights,' it might in a moral point of view, justify such a decision. It cer tainly would if such a right were a vi tal one, but such is notour ease; all the vital rights of minorities and indi viduals were so plainly assured by the orizing affirmatives and legislative guaranties and propositions in the Con stitution, that controversy never arose concerning them ; but no organic law can be framed with a provision specifi cally applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No" foresight can anticipate, nor any ! document of reasonable length contain expre- s provisions for all possible ques ! tions. Shall fugitives from labor be surren dered up bv national or State author ity? The Constitution does not ex pressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in tlie Territories? The Con stitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territo ries? The Constitution does not ex pressly say. From questions of this class spring all our controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the majority must rule, or the government must cease. There is 110 other alternative for contin uing the government but by acquies cence on the one side or the other. If a minority in such a ease will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them. For instance: why may not a portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again precisely as portions of the pres ent Union claim to secede from it ? All who cherish disunion sentiments, are now being educated to the exact temper of doing all this. Is there such perfect identity in the interests of the State} to compose a new Union, as to produce harmouv only, and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the central idea of secession is monarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity tly to anarchy and desnotism. Una nimity is impossible. The will ot a majority as a permanent arrangement is wholly inadmissable; so that reject ing the majority principle, anarchy and despotism in some form is all that is left. Ido not forget the position as sumed by some that Constitutional questions arc to be decided by the Su premo Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding upon the parties to a suit as to the object of the suit, while they are also entitled to overv respect and consideration in a parallel case, by all other departments of the Government 5 and whiloit is obviously possible that such decisions may he erroneous in any given cause, still, the effect tollowing it being lim ited to that peculiar case, with the chance that it will be overruled and never become a precedent for other ca ses, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time the candid citizen must con fess that if the government, upon vital questions affecting the whole people, is to he irrevocably fixed by the decision of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made 111 ordinary litigation between parties in pei*sonal action the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically re signed their Government into the hands of that tribunal. Nor is there, in this view, any assault upon the Court of Judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, to decide cases prop erly brought before them; and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of the country believes slavery is right, and ought to be ex tended ; while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute; for the fugitive slave clause of the Con stitution, and the laws for the suppres sion of the foreign slave trade, are just as well enforced, perhaps, as they can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people supports the law itself. The great body of the peo ple abide hy every legal obligation in both cases. After the separation of the two sections, the foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot sep arate, cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassahle wall between them. The husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence or beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They can but remain face to face, and an intercourse either amicable or hos tile must continue between them. Is it possible then to make that inter course more advantageous or more sat isfactory after separating than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws i Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws among friends ? Sup pose you go to war'( You cannot tight always, and when, after much loss on both sides, there is no gain; your causes to tight the old identical ques tions as to terms of intercourse are Again upon you. This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall gi ow weary of the existing government they can exercise their Constitutional right of amending it, or their revolu tionary right to distuemher or over throw* it. We cannot be ignorant of the tact, that many worthy, patriotic citizens are desirous of having the Na tional Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amend ments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, and I should under existing cer cumstanees favor rather than oppose a a fair opportunity being offered the people to act upon it. f will venture to add, the Constitutional mode seems preferable, inasmuch as it allows the amendments to originate with the peo ple themselves, instead only of permit ting them to tako or reject a proposi tion originated by others not specially chosen for tho purpose, and which might not be preferred, or such as they would wish to either refuso or reject. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution —which amendment however, I have not seen—has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall not interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to ser vice. To avoid a misconception of what T have said, I depart from my purpose to speak of particular amend ments so far as to say that holding im plied constitutional views, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. The chief magistrate de rives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to lix forms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this only, if they choose ; but the Ex ecutive as such has nothing to do with it. Ilis duty is to administer and pre serve the Government as it came to his hand, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Whv should not there be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal nope in the world, in our present difficulties ? # Is either party without faith being in sight of the Almighty ruler of nations with his eternal truth and justice on every side ? The same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little into their own hands at very short intervals, while the people retain their vifttte and vigilance. No administration in any extreme of wick* educss or folly can very seriously iigure the Government in the short space of four years. My countrymen, one and all, think well and favorably upon the whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking titne. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time: but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissat isfied, would be on the right in the dis pute, there still is no single good rea son for precipitate action. Intelli fence, patriotism, Christianity, and a rm reliance in Him who has never yet forsaken His favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulties. In your hands, 1113- dissatisfied countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. Tho Government will not assail you. You have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I have the most solemn one to preserve, protect, and defend it. lam loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies, Though passion may have strained, it must not sever our bonds of affection. The mystic chord* of memory, reaching from every battle field and patriot's grave, to every lov ing heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by tho better angels of our nature. the loVti of Woman. tVitli man, love is never a passion ot such intensity as with woman, She is a creature of sensibility, existing oiljy in the outpourings ami sympathies ot her emotions. Every earthly Messing, every heavenly hope will he sacrificed for her aflectionsj She will leave the sunny home of her ehihlhood, the pro tecting roof of her kindred, forget tho counsels ot her sire and the admonish* ing voice of that mother on whose bo som her head had been pillowed, for sake all that in her girlish simplicity she had clung to for years, do all a wo man can do consistently with honor, and throw herself into the arms of the man she idolizes. He who would for sake a woman after these testimonies of affection, is too gross a villain to be called a man. The wrath of heavefl will pursue him; tho brand of Cain is upon his brow, and the curse of Judas will wrankle in his heart. Unrequited love is not a source of perpetual misery with man; other dreams will flow up.m h's imagination; the abstractions of bu siness, the meteor of ambition, or the pursuits of wealth, will win him away from his early infatuation! It is not thus with a titto woman. Although the scene may be changed, and years; long, withering, lingering years, steal away the roso tint from tho eheek of beauty, the ruins of a breaking heart cannot be remitted, the memories of that once heavenly vision c'in not Ik? ob literated from the soul; she pines away, nerves herself with pride, and pines away again, until the gentle spirit bids adieu to treacherous earth and flits away into the bosoin of her God. MAJOR ANDERSON stARTLes ftftf CHARLESTONIANS.— TIie Correspondent of a New York paper says: A few clays since an incident oc curred to enable Fort Snmtei' to give its assailants-to-be an Inkling of what it had in store foi' them. It wad fl fine day, and the revolutionists Were parad ing and drilling in force, in full view of Fort Sumter. The Major fired one of his huge columbiadsj shotted with an explosive ball, which struck the water not tar from the revolutionists, creating by its own explosion a foam onthesur* face of half an acre around. They were struck with astonishment, and no one was so weak or blind as not to make some calculation ot what the full batteries of the fort would be able to do when served, as they will be, by ar tillerists the superior of whom the country does not afford. Bgjr» The fraternal advice of theProv. idence Journal to Kansas is) "Now, young sister State, don't you go and se cede before wft have had a chance to spend a few millions on you." >M MNH m* NO. 21.