Newspaper of The Washington Standard, September 14, 1861, Page 1

Newspaper of The Washington Standard dated September 14, 1861 Page 1
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Washington Standard. VOL. I. IIE WASHMGTOI STiHlll —l* ISSVID ETtBV SATCBDAT HOBXISO HY JOB* FILLER irRPBY, Editor and Proprietor. Rabwrlpfisi Rates: Per Annata $3 Oo , " Six Months - 209 IS FA BtA DL Y IS AD I 'A SCR. AdicrthlKK Rates: One Square, one in*ertion, - $3 00 Each Additional insertion 1 00 Business Cards, per quarter, 5 00 A liberal deduction will be made in furor of those wlio advertise four squares, or upward.-, by the year. • N'ntiri-j of births, marriages and deaths in- 1 rcrtcd free. tdr Blanks, Bill Ileadu, Cards, Bills of Fare, J Circulars, Catalogues, Pamphlets, 4c., executed i reasonable rates. Mr AH communications, whether on busiuess ' or for publication should be addressed to the cdi itor of the WASHIKOTO* STAXDAHO. OFTICK—In Barnes's Building, corner of Main and First Streets, near the steamboat landing. Practical Joke of a Chicago Fire Zouave. A member of tlie New York Fire ZouaVea who went from this city to join Col. Ellsworth in April, and who, until then, had been an industrious typo in the Chicago Tribune office was out on picket duty one day last month, when the following incident occurred : An F. F. V., with rather more than the usual superciliousness of his race, rode up in a carriage from the direction of Alexandria, driven of course hv his "servant." Zoo-zoo stepped into the road, holding his bayonet in such a way as to threaten horse, negro and white man at one charge, and roared out "TICKETS!" Mr. V. turned up his lip, set down his brows, and by other ges tures indicated his contempt for such mudsills as the soldier before him, end ing by handing his pass over to the darkey and motioning him to get out and show it to Zoo-zoo. "All right," said the latter, glancing at it, "move on," accompanying the remark with a jerk at the coat-collar of the colored person which sent him spinning several paces down the road. "Now sir, what do >/on want?" ad dressing the astonished white man. White man by this time had recov ered his tongue. " Want? I want to go on, of course. That was my pass." "Can't help it," replied Zoo; "it says pass the hearer, and the bearer is already passed. You can't get two men through this picket on one man's pass." Mr. V. reflected a moment, glanced at the bayonet in front of him, aud then called out to his black man come back. Sambo approached cautiously, but fell back in confusion when tho " shooting stick" was brandished towards his own breast. " Where's your pass, sirrah?" asked Zoo. "Here massa," replied the chattel, presenting the same one ho had re ceived from the gent in the carriage. " Won't do," replied the holder of the bayonet. " That posses you (n Fair fax, can't let any one come from Fair fax on that ticket, Muvo on,' A stamp of the toot 6cnt Sambo dowu the road at a pal lop. " Now, sir, if you stay here any long er I shall take you under arrest to headquarters," he continued. Mr. V. grabbed up his lines, wheeled around and went oil'at the best trot his horses could manage over ihe u sacred soil." Whether Sambo ever hunted his master up is not knowu.— C'Ammou Tribune, July 16. OMENTAL WIT. —A youn*, man going a Jou nicy entrusted a hundred doe iou Af mi vid mau. When he came ijui-k, the uM MM drtuWd having had any money deauMteJ villi Mm, aud lie .vw had u|> beure the Lhaice: " Where were you, yt»uur man, when yoa delivered money ** f;i.der a tree." u Take my wal and summon that tree," mid the judge. M Go, TIWRK man, and tell the tree to come hither, and the tree will obey when you «ltow it my aeal." Tlie young man went in wonder. After lie had heen gone aomc time, the khuc-c said to the old man: u He is long; do yuu think that he ha» grt there yet ?" '• l\o," aaid the old man; «Mt is at tome distance. lie has uot got there }et" "How kDO west thon, old man." cried the kliaaee, " where that tree is f" The young man returned, aud aaid the tree would not ooine. " He has been here, young man, and given his evidence. The money is thine." j Mr Pay for your par»r OLYMPIA, WASHINGTON TERRITORY, SEPTEMBER 14,1861. SPEECH OF SENATOR JOHNSON. The i»|n-och delivered in the United State* Senate by Andrew Johnson, «>l Tennessee, was a bold and masterly ex posure ot th«* sthenics of the rebel*. Mr. Johnson reviewed the circumstan ces which preceded the outbreak of re bellion. showed how the traitors had planned their villainy, controverted tin positions attuned by Senator Breckin ridge in his recent speech in the Sen ate, and then preceded to denounce all compromise with treason, and to ap peal for aid for the struggling Union men of his own State. \\ e copy a few passages from the official report in the (J lobe: XO COMPROMISE WITH TREASON'. I am as much tor compromise as any one can be; and there is no one who would desire more than myself to see peace and prosperity restored to the land; but when we look at the condi tion ot the country we find that rebell ion is rife; that treason has reared its head. A distinguished Senator from Georgia once said, " when traitors bo come numerous enough treason be comes respectable."—Traitors are get ting to be so numerous now that I sup pose treason hasalmostgottobe respect able; but, God being willing, whether traitors be many or few, as I have hith erto waged war against traitors and treason, and in behalf of the Govern ment which was constructed by our fathers, I intend to continue it to the end. [Applause in the galleries.] We are in the midst of a civil war; blood has been shed; life has been sac rificed. Who commenced it? Of that we will speak hereafter. lam speak ing now of the talk about compromise. Traitors and rebels are standing with arms in their hands, and it is said that we must go forward and compromise with them". They are in the wrong; they are trying to upturn the Govern ment ; tlicy are trying to upturn and destroy our free institutions. I say to them that the compromise I have to make under the existing circumstances is, " ground your arms; obey the laws; acknowledge the supremacy ol the Con stitution ; when yon do that I will talk to you about compromises. All the compromise that I have to make is the compromise of the Constitution of the United States. It is one of the best compromises that can be made. We lived under it from 17811 down to the 20th of December, 18G0, when South Carolina undertook to go out ot the Union. We prospered, we advanced in wealth, in commerce in agriculture, in trade, iu manufactures, in all the arts and sciences, and in religion, more than any people upon the iaco of God's earth hail ever done before in the same time. Whatliettercompromise do you want? You lived under it until you got to be a great and prosperous peo ple. It was made by our lathers, and cemented by their blood. When you talk to me about compromise I hold up to you the Constitution under which you derived all your greatness, and which was made by tho fathers of yonr oountry. It will protect you in all your rights, NO GOOD RESULT FROM A TREATY. But it is said that we had better di vide the country and make a treaty and restore peace. If under the Constitu tion which was framed by Washington, we cannot live as brothers, as we have in times gone by, I ask can we live qui etly under a treaty, separated as ene mies ? The same causes will exist: our geographical and phr»i™l position will remain just the same, wtpiwaw you make a treaty of peace and divis ion ; it the same causes of division con tinue to exist, and we cannot live as brothers in fraternity under the Con stitution "made by our fathers, and a> frien-ls iu tbe same Government, how can we live in peace as aliens and enc mic« under a treaty? It cannot b. done; It is Impracticable. THE DESIGNS OF THE REBELS. The Senator fnmi Kentucky (Mr. Breckenridge) was wonderfully alarmed at the idea of a "dictator," ami replied with as much p>»int as f»i hie to the Senator from Oregon who made the snggeation. But. «r, what do we find in the l»ich mond Ex<tmwfr, which is published at the neat of Government of the ao calied Confederate States? " In the late debates of the of this Confederacy, Mr. Wriglif, of Georgia, showed a true appreciation ot the crisis wheu he advocated the grant of power to the President that would enable him to make immediate defence of Richmond, and to bring the whole ft»iee of the Confederacy to bear on the ifiin of Virginia. It is hare that the fate of the OoofWerwjr is to be *e'l; and the time is too short to permit red tape to interfere with the public safety. No power iu executive hands can be too great, no discretion too absolute, at such moments a* these. We need a dictator. Let lawyers talk when the world has time to hear them. Now let the sword do its work. Usurpations of power by the chief, for the preservation of the people from robbers and murderers, will be reckoned as genius and patriotism bv all sensible men iu the world now, and by every historian that will judge the deed henafter." The articles of their leading newspapers, the M 7«// and the Examiner, and the speeches of their leading men, all show unmistakeably tiiat their great object is to change the character of the Government: hence we come back to the proposition that it is a contest whether the people shall govern or not. I have here an article that appeared in the Memphis Bulletin, of my own State, from which it appears that under this reign of secession, this reign of terror, this disintegrating ele ment that is destructive of all good, and the aeeomplisher of nothing that is right, thev have got things beyond their control! "In times like these there must be one ruling power to which all others must yield. 'ln a multitude of coun sellors ' saith the Book of Hooks, ' there is is safety;' but nowhere are we told in history or revelation, that there is aught of safety in a multitude of rulers. Any 'rule ot action,' sometimes called the 'law' is better than a multitude of conflicting, irresponsible statutes. Any one head is better than forty, each of which may conceive itself the nonpareil, par excellence , supreme, 'caput,' ot all civil and military affairs. "Let Governor Harris be king, if need be, and Baugh a despot." THE TRAITOR GOVERNOR OF TENNESSEE DENOUNCED. "Let Governor Harris be king, and l>:iugh a despot," says tho Bulletin. Who is Baugh? The Mayor of Mem phis. The mob reign of terror gotten up under this doctrine of secession is so great that we find that they are appeal ing to the onc-mun power. They are even willing to make Baugh a despot, and Isham G. Harris, a little petty Gov ernor of Tennessee, a king. He, a king over tho free and patriotic people of Tennessee! Isham G. Harris be my king! Yes, sir my king! I know the man. I know his elements. I know the ingredients that constitute the coin pound called Isham O. Harris. King Harris to be called my master, and the master of tho people that I havo the proud and conscious satisfaction of rep resenting on this floor! Mr. Presi dent ho should not bo my slave. [Ap plause in the galleries.] GOVERNMENT IN SELF PROTECTION. Senators talk about violating the Con stitution and the laws. A great deal has been paid about searches and sei zures, and tho right of protection of * persons and ot papers. I reckon j it is equally as important to protect a government from seizure as it is an individual. I reckon the moral and the law of the caso would be just as ! strong in seizing upon that which be- i longed to the federal Government as 1 it would upon that belonging to an in- i dividual. What hujongs to us in the | aggregate is protected aud maintained by the same law, moral and legal, «<• that that boloug* to an individual. These rebellious Stales after commencing tlii* war, after violating the Constitution, seized our forts, our arsenals, onr dock- i yards, our custom-houses, our public buildings, our shifts, ami last though not least, plundered the indcitcudent trra- 1 wury at New Orleans of $1,000,000. And yet Senators talk about violations of the law and the Constitution. The*, say that the Constitution is disregarded atid the Government is about to he overthrown. Does not this talk about violations of the Constitution and law come with a beautiful grace from that side ot the House ? I repeat, air, is there not to he more toleration to vio lations of the Constitution for its pro tettion and ▼indication than there is to violations of it, in order to overthrow and destroy the Government? We' have seen instance*, and other inatan-! ccs might occur, where it might be in- 1 dispensahly necessary for the Govern- 1 ment to exercise a power and to assume a position that was not clearly legal and t constitutional, in order to resist the entirs overt how ami upturning of the

Government and all our institutions. ML JOHXSOa'B DEMOCRACY. In the last Presidential eunteet I em free to MT that I took some part. I advocated the pretensions of one of the dutinguiabed sous of Kentucky, as a Dejro?wt. In® a iercoerat I expect to die one. My Democracy rests npon the great principle I have stated and in the support of measures 1 have always tried to be guided by a conscientious conviction of right; and I have laid down for myself, as a rule of action in all doubted questions, to pursue principle; and in the pursuit of a great principle I can never reach a wrong conclusion. I intend, iu this case, to pursue principle. lam aDcin itr.Mt, believing the principles of this Government are democratic. It is based upon the democratic theory. I believe democracy can stand, notwith standing all the taunts and jeers that are thrown at it throughout the South ern Confederacy. The principles which I call Democracy—l care not by what name they are sustained, whether by Republicans or Whigs or not —are the great principles that lie at the founda tion of this Government, and they will be maintained. We have seen that so far the experiment has succeeded well; ami now we should make an effort, iu this last ordeal through which we are passing, to crush out the fatal doctrine of secession, and those who are co-ope rating with it in tho shape of rebels and traitors. * * * The Old Cominion has got (lie brunt of the war upon her hands. I sympathize with her most deeply, and especially with the loyal portion of her citizens, who havo been brow-beaten and domineered over. Now the war is transferred to Virginia, and her plains are made to run with blood; and when this is secured what do we hear in the far South? Howell Cobb, another of these disinterested patriots, said not long since in a speech in Georgia: "The people of the Gulf States need have no apprehensions; they might go on with their planting and their other | business as Uoiial; the war would not ' come to their section; its theatre would lie ulouk the borders ot the Ohio river and Virginia." She ought to congratulate herself ! upon the position, for she has got the war. Now they want to advance, plans and designs are'to get across into Maryland, and carry on a war of subju gation. There is wonderful alarm among certain gentlemen here at the term "subjugate." They arc alarmed at the idea of making citizens who havo ' violated «ho law simply conform to it bv enforcing their obedience. If a ma jority ot the citizens in a Slate have vi olated tho Constitution, have trampled it under foot aud violated the law, is it { subjugation to assert tiio supremacy of the Constitution and law? Is it any more than a simple enforcement of tho laAv ? It would be ono of the best sub jugations that could take place if some ojLthem were subjugated and brought back to their Constitutional position that they occupied before. I would to God that Tennessee stood to-day where she did three months ago. THE OPPRESSED UNION MEN IN TENNESSEE. Since I left home, having only ono way to leave the State, through two or three passes coining out through Cum berland Gap, I have beou advised that they havo oveu sent their armies to blockade these passes in the mountains, as they say, to prevent Johnson from returning with arms and munitions to place in the hands of the people, to vin dicate their rights, to repel invasion, and put down domestic insurrection aud rebellion. Yes, sir, there they stand in arms envioning a population of three hundred aud t A'cuty-fivc thou sand loval, brave, patriotic, and unsub dued people; bnt yet j.owerle»s, and not in a condition to vindicate their rights. Hence i come to the oovern• ment. aud Ido IK»: a «K it as a suppliant, hut 1 iK-mand it as a Constitutional right, t'.iat you give o* protection, give us arms and munitions; and if the}* cauuot lie gut there iu any other way, to take them there with an invading army, and deliver the people from the oppression to whi*h they are now eab ieeted. We etaim to be the Btate. The other divisions may have seceded and gone off; aud if the Government will stand off and permit those portions of the State to go off. and not enforce the laws aud protect the loyal eitiaens there, we cauuot help it; but we still claim to be the State, and if two-thirds have fallen off, or have sonk by an earthquake, it does not etiange our re lation to this Government. If the Gov ernment will let them go aad not give us protection, the taalt ts not ours; hat if you will give as protection, we in tend to stand as a State, aa a part of this CVnafcdersey, holding to the lag thai wee borne by Washington thrash a aevgn years' struggle for indepen dence ana separation from the mother country. W» dejsaod it aiear&sg to VIRGINIA THE BATTLE-FIELD. law; we demand it upon the guaran tees of the Constitution. \ou are bound to guarantee to as a republican form of government, and we ask it as a Constitutional right. We do not ask you to interfere us a party, as your feel ings aud prejudices may be oue way or another iu reference to the partiea of the country; but we ask you to inter fere as a Government according to the Constitution. Of course we want your sympathy, and your regard, and your respect; but we ask your interference ou Coustitutional grouuds. WHAT THE TENNESSEE UNIONISTS MEAN TO DO. We want the passes in our mountains opened; we want deliverance and pro tection for a down-trodden and op pressed people who arc struggling for their independence without arms. If we had had ten thousand stand of arms and ammunition when the contest commcuccd we should havo asked no further assistance. We have not got them. We are a rural people ;we have villages and small towns—no large cit ies. Our population is homogeneous, industrious, frugal, brave, independent; but harmless, and rode over by usurp ers. You may be too late in coming to our relief; or you may not come at all, though Ido not doubt that you will come; they may trample us under foot; they may convert our plains into graves, and the caves of our mountains into sepulchres; but they will never take us out of this Union, or muke us a land ot slaves—no, never. We intend to stand as firm as adamant, and as un yielding asotirowu majestic mountains that surround us. Yes, we will profit by their example, resting immovably upon their basis. Wo will stand as long as wo can; and if arc we overpow ered, and liberty shall be driven from the land, we intend before she departs to take the flag of our country, with a stalwart arm, and a patriotic h&art, and an honest tread, and place it upon the summit of the loftiest and most majes tic mountain. We intend to plant it there, and leave it to indicate to the in quirer who may come in after times, the spot where the Goddess of Liberty lingered and wept for tho last time, be fore she took her flight fr m a peo ple once prosperous, free at,J happy. THE REBELLION CANNOT TRIUMPH. My faith is strong, based on the eter nal principle of right, that a thing so monstrously wrong as this rebellion is cannot triumph. Can we submit to it? Can bleeding justice submit to it? Is the Senute, are the America people prepared to give tip the graves of Washington aud Jackson, to bo encir cled and governed and controlled by a combination of traitors and rebels ? I say lot the battle go on—it is freedom's cause—until the stars aud stripes (God bless thcin) shall be unfurled upon ev ery cross-road, aud from every house top throughout the Confederacy, North aud South. Let the Union be roinsta stated; let the Constitution bo supreme. If the Congress of the United States were to give up the tombs of Washing ton and Jackson, we should have rising up in our midst another Peter the Her mit, in a much more righteous cause— for ours is true, while nis was a delu sion—who would appeal to the Ameri can people and point to the tombs of Washington and Jackson, in the pos session of those who are worse than the infidel and the Turk who held the Holy Sepulchre. I bclievo the American peo ple would start of their own accord, when appealed to, to redeem the graves of Washington. Jackson and Jefferson, and all the other patriots who are ly ing within the limita of the Southern Confederacy. I do not believe they would atop the march until again the flag of this Union would be placed over the giaeee <4 thoae distinguished men. Do aot talk abort Eepobtteaas; do not talk aboot Demoemts BOW; do Ml talk aboot Whigs or Ameneaae now; talk aboot yoar coentiy aad the Coaab tation and the Union. Save that; pre sent the integrity of the Governaseat; aadjdace it ereet among the aathma or the earth; aad then if we want to di vide about qaeatioos dart aqr arise in oar mid*, we have a geieiaaiaat la iiMiia. NOT A WAR AGAINST SLAVERY. I know H has beea arid that tha ab ject of this war is to make war oa Southern iaatitatioaa. I hare beea ia free Mates aad I base beea ia riave States, aad I than* G«d for at I hew been, tbaeeNsbpea we aaisw sal disclaimer of aay parpoaiL It {a a war upon no peealier institution; bat itie war for the integrity of the Gov ernment, for the Censtttatton, and the supremacy of tha law*. That Is what the icderetandi H. NO CAUSE DISCOURAGEMENT. Although the Uurcrnment Hat met with a little reverse within * short dis tance of this city, noon* should be dis couraged and no heart should he dis mayed. It ought only to prove the necessity of bringing forth and exert ing still more vigorously the power of the Government in maintenance of the Constitution and the laws. Let the energies of the Government be radoah led, and let it go on with this war not a war upon sections, not a war upon peculiar institutions anywhere, bat let Constitution and tho Union be its front ispiece, and the supremacy and enforce ment of the laws its watchword. Then it can, it will go on triumphantly. We must succeed. This Govern ment m nst not, cannot fail. Though your flag may have trailed in the dust; though a retrogado movement may have been made: though the banner of our coun try may have been sullied, let it still be borne onward; and if, for the proseeu tion of this war in behalf of the Gov ernment and the Constitution, it is necessary to cleanse and purify that banner, I say let it be baptized in fire from the sun and bathed in a nation's blood! The nation must be redeemed; it must be triumphant The Constitu tion—which is based upon principles immutable, and upon which rests the rights of men, and the hopes and ex pectation of those who love freedom througout the civilzed world—must be maintained. THE FOULNESS OF THE CONSPIRACY. When we look all around we see how the Governors of tho different States have been involved in this con spiracy—the most stupendous and gi gantic conspiracy that was ever formed, and as corrupt and foul as that attemp ted by Cataline in the days of Rome. We know it to be so. Ilave we not known men to sit at their desks in this chamber, using the Government's sta tionery to write treasonable lettors; and while receiving their pay and sworn to support the Constitution and sustain the law, engaging in midnight conclaves to devise ways and means bv which the Government aijd the Consti tution should be overthrown? The charge was made and published in the papers. Many things we know that wc cannot put our lingers upon ; but we know from the concert of action, the regular steps that were taken in this work of breaking up the Government, or tiying to break it up, that there was a system, concert of action. It is a scheme more corrupt than the assass ination planned and conducted by Cat aline in reference to the Roman Senate. The time has arrived when we should show to the nations of the earth that we are a nation capablo of preserving our existence, and give them evidence that we will do it. • „ jjfigr At a late revival meeting in East Mississippi, one of tbe brethren became anxious to pile the altar with mourners, and for tluit purpose left his seat and Went among the congregation, personally exhorting his acquaintances to quit the error or their ways. Ap proaching towards an individual who druwingly talked through his note, he began with: " Don't you want to go up!" •♦Nay." "Don't you want to join the church ?" "Nay. "Why, what would you do if tfca Lord was to eome fur you !" "Well," tbe siiiaar&awled oat, U T& kill • chicken, cook aome biscuit, and do tbe beet I could. Dou't reckon beM get mad at that.** Hedidatgoap. A Cot— Bttu. -L— - mtoa tbi mi, aa be was timlinf iat* th* wjii, • print, vbo ra riding pnt, aal bwm injr bin to flop, mM Bftttihr— "WhtoM COM IN! WbM «- ryssL Liinsar 1 H TMiUlte^K N npliilllMkiv: And in • few dm pr«aMtoi kha to« to ft TftloftU* Imag. *""V7im s .) I M ifT NO. 44. ,* 1 r IVi £* * •

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