Newspaper of The Washington Standard, November 16, 1861, Page 1

Newspaper of The Washington Standard dated November 16, 1861 Page 1
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Hashtttgfiit mm Standard. VOL. 11. IK uiiiktm mum —tl t*st «T> KTttl HTf«!*AT ■«*»*!*«; JMX lILLEB LIBPAV, Kditor and Proprietor. NNf rlptlf Rate*: Pw Amamm - *"! •• " Sta iMtki 2v) I.WAKIAIii. J IX AbiA\C£ ISirrtMaff teles: Omr fcj>ia»T. insertion. f 1 o<> Kv h •ililitmul inwniuß - Itw Bu>iar->- Card*. ftt <ju»rler i W A liberal deduetion will be made in favor of tin;;* "bu adtrrtisc fuur squares, or b; tbe year. of birth', marring""" and death' in serted free. ae-IlUukfi, Bill Heads. Cards, Hills of Fare. Circulars, Catalogues, l'auiphlets, Ac.. executed at reasonable rates aajHAll communications. whether on business or fur publication should be addressed to the cdi itor of the WASHINGTON STA>SAI'.II. Orrii E —ln Barnes's HniMing. corner of Main and First Streets, near the steamboat binding. What We Want. We clip the following from the Bing hamton Democrat , a known Democratic journal, which speaks the sentiments of Union men in New York, as well as Union Democrats in every other State: Here are the concessious we are in favor of seriatim. 1. We want the Southern States to concede that ours is a Government in deed, and not « mere compact between States. 2. We want them to concede that a State cannot dissolve its connection with this Union at *.ts own pleasure. 3. We want them to concede that this Government has a right to enforce its laws and protect its property. 4. We want them to concede that it is the duty of this Government to re take from Southern traitors its stolen forts and arsenals. '* , r >. We want them to concede that old Abe was constitutionally elected, and had a right to his sent. G. We want them to concede that the seceded States have violated the Constitution, and, while they are in armed rebellion against its authority, it is tlie duty of this Government to put that rebellion down. 7. We want them to concede that the taking of the Federal forts and firing upon our flag arc wrougs which should be atoned for. 8. We want them to concede that Northern creditors have a right to sue for and collect their demands in South ern courts. 9. We want them to concede that they have no right to tar and feather every Northern citizen that goes among them. 10. We want thera to concede that it is the duty of this Qovornraent to hang or shoot every one traitor scoundrel in it. And in demanding all these things do we ask the South to make a singio concession which the Constitution of the United States does not require of them? IIUHOR3 OF THBCAMP.—A correspon dent of a Washington paper, writing from Bailey's Cross Roads, says: There is no little chaffing between the opposition sentries when within earshot of each other, and the following dialogue occurred to-day: Seoesh—" When are you coming up ter take the hill?'' Michiganer— 44 Oh, after yeou is man ners; when are veou coming to take the.Capital ?" BectjrfL—** lieckou yer don't like tbe Bull Kan rente to Maiuawr!" Michicaner —" Waal, we calc'late to go next time by the way of Ilatterae." MT Uow to make borm shine is thus lucidbr explained: brash us et curricomb us, ad libitum; elbow greasum, quau turn sufluit, blanket us. first nlus; stablus warmn», (in winter;) fodderus not dietus, but memlus et oatus; exer oieus, 800 -eotn pram isua. Tbe effort will he eoatus shinus; app«titus wolt isb; mascularius twe-forty-ua. war Some malicious fellow penned the following: " Ere did not know as much as her daughters of the present day. Hud they been in her place, in deed of beiflg deceived, they would have deceived the deed." SLch a chap thoald be expoeed to tbe fascinations of the fkir sex a whole fortnight, and then fed on bread aud water till ho regained tie rraaon. ii* The Interior Department haa re -rtdcU from its decision in regard to land "arrante as signed in blank, and they «re now received as they always have '•"en. OLYMPIA, WASHINGTON TERRITORY, NOVEMBER 16,1861. We copy from tbi 8. F. Alta of Oct. 26th, the annexed brilliant pungM from public ■dire— ea of lliat matter mind—Col. linker. The Alt* MVI: 44 Maur paasagss of hie eloquence will long be cherished as model* of 4 reason peuetrmted and made red bot by pas sion.' U nfortunately he almost always spoke extemporaneously, and never wrote out his orations; so that almost all his eloquence have been lost, save as a remembrance of the general cfl'ect on tbe minds of those who heard him. The few orations, however, which have l>een reported, are sufficient to give him a high place." The following is from a speech made in the American Theatre, San Francisco, in October, lt<6o, when he was on his way to Wash ington as U. S. Senator from Oregon: 44 We are a city set upou a hill. Out light cannot lie hid. As for me I dare not, I will not be false to freedom. Where the feet of my youth were plant ed, there, by freedom, my feet shall ever stand, I will walk beneath her banner, I will glory in her strength. 1 hav# watched her, in history, struck down on an hundred chosen fields of battle. I have seen her frieuds fly from her; her foes gather around her. 1 have seen her bound to the stake; I have seen them give her ashes to the winds. But when they turned to exult I have seen her again meet them face to faeo, resplendent in complete stool, bratidiHbing in her right hand a flam ing sword, red with insuflerable light. I take courage, The peoplo gather around her. The Genius of America will at last lead her sons to freedom." There is not a more eloquent apos trophe to Liberty than that in all the poetry that ever was written, or in all the orations that ever were spoken. The career and death of its author gives it an additional significance, and it should be carved upon his tombstone as the principle by which he was guidod through life. The next quotation is from the ora tion which he delivered on occasion of the Cable celebration in San Francisco, on the 28th September, 18f>8: "Wo have accomplished a great work; we have diminished space to a point; we have traversed one-twelfth of the circumference of our globe with a chain of thought pulsating with intel ligence and spiritualizing matter. But, even while we assemble to mark the deed and rejoice at its completion, the Almighty, as if to impress us with a becoming sense of our weakness when compared with his power, has set a new signal of His roign in heaven. "If to-night, fellow citizens, you look out from the glare of your lllu miuated city to the north-western hea vens, you will perceive, low down on the edge of the horizon, a bright stran ger, [the comet of 1858, then supposed to bo tho comet of Charles V.,] pursu ing his path across thesky. Amid the starry hosts that kept their watch, it shines, attended by a brighter pomp and followed by a "broader train. No living man has gazed upon its splen dors before; no watchful votary of sci ence has traced its course for nearly ten generations. It is more than three hundred years since its approach waa visible from our planet; whan last it came it atartled au Emperor on hia throne, and while the aaparstition of his age taught him to perceive in ita presence a herald and a doom, his pride saw in ita flaming course and flery train the announcement that his own light was about to be extinguished. In common with the lowest of hia satyects, he lead omens of destruction ia the baleful heavens, and prepared himself for a fate which alike awaite the ntigb- j tiest and the meanest " Thanks to the present condition of scientific knowledge, we read the boor, ens with a fur clearer perception. Wo sec in the predicted return of the rush ing, blazing comet through the sky, the march of a heavenly muss soger along its appointed way, and around its predefined orbit For three hundred years be has traveled amid tbe regions of infinite spece. 'Lone wandering, but not lost,' be has left behind him ; shining suae, biasing stars and gloom ing constellations, now nearer to the i Eternal Throne, and again on the con fines of tbe unirorao. Tie retarn% with visage radiant and benign; he returna, with unimpeded morcb and unobetract way; he returns, the majestic, swift, electric telegraph of tbe Almighty, bearing upon hie flaming front the tid ings tbat throughout the naivorae there is still peace and order; that amid the immeasurable dominions of the Great King his rule is still perfect; tbat suns i and stars and systems tread their end- i leee circle and obey the Eternal Law." < Ii • recent speech made in Boston, by Col. T. F. Meagher, late of the six ty-ninth, be referred to a visit to Ban ker Hill Monument, and apoetropkiaed the flag floating at the top aa follows: A national flag is the moat sacred thing which a nation caa possess. Li braries, museums, exchequers, the tombs and statutes of gneat men—all are inferior to it. It is the iltaminated diploma of its sathority; it is the im perishable epitomiaation of its history. As I cant my aye along that shaft of granite, what did I see there ? 1 saw CornwalMs delivering up his sword. I saw the British troops evacuating the city of New York. I saw George Wash ington inaugurated as the first Presi dent of the United States. I saw the lofty brow and gaunt frame of Andrew Jackson. I saw the veterans of the Peninsular War reeling before the fire of Tennessee rifles in the swamps of Louisiana. I saw the thunders of Lake Erie, when Perry commanded them to go forth and sweep the friend of the South and the enemy of the North from its waters. I saw the American sailor, pursuing his desolate and heroic way up the interminable stream of the Am izon, disclosing a new world even with in a new world to the industry and the avarice of the age. I saw, in the bay of Smyrna, the hunted prey of Austria rescued bcueath the Stars and Stripes. I saw the tow ers of Mexico ana the causeway over which Cortex went. I saw those tow era and that causeway glistening in a glory greater than even Cortez brought to Spaiu. I eaw the white bird scared as the explorer stood upon the shore of the sea in which the human form had never before been mirrored. These and a throng of other grand incidents passed like a vision over those folds, aa I stood beneath them this day, Oh, may that flag never incur another disaster! May the troops that carry it into action die where they receive the fatal fire, rather than yield one inch of the soil over which it has a right to float. May the troops that carry it into action from henceforth have this motto written upon its folds: " Death if you will: victory if God will give it us;"but no defeat mul no retreat." Oh! if this is not worth fighting for, if that flag is not worth lighting for, if the country which it typifies, and over which it has a right to expand its folds, if the principles which it symbolizes— if these aro not worth figliting for—if the country which Mirabeau, with his superb diction, spoke of glowingly even in its infancy, which DeTocqueville recommended, with such calm wisdom and accurate philosophy, to tho accept ance and respect of the statesmen of the old world, wnich Burke, with tho mag nificence of his mind, pictured in its development, even when there was but the "seminal principle," as ho said him self, of its magnitude on earth—if this and these aro not worth fighting for— infinitely better worth fighting for than all the kings and queens, thau all the Gibraltars and seraglios, than nil the jungles and pagodas which Irishmcu nave fought for under European flags —then I staud in a minority. But it is not so. If in a minority I stand to-night utteriug these words and this invoca tion, it is a minority of twenty millions against ten. This, too, I know, that •very Irishman this side of Mason and Dixou's line is with me. If there is one who is not, let him take the next i Gal way steamer and go home. Ta« EKIMT AT HOME.— If we were ' war with England, we should not permit British agent* to set up with British gold a British newspaper ia this oouutry, to support the enemy whom the nstiou ares in arms against. To state the case is to show its absurd it?. Bet by whst reason sre we cslled aa to safler the wickad conspirator* against oar liberties to do that which we should refaes as a matter of course to any opea and honest enemy.

I * *w«e»7,lately, j about mobs. Traitors ia our midst, who have always endeavored to teptess freedom of the press, cry out when the tarn comes to them. Wedoaotadro catemablaw. Mobs are aiwsrs wrong. Bat let the Government do its duty, aad thai anil he ao mobs. *am to defead the Union afainst all Ms enemies. And it is the Government's duty to pat dowa evenr ■■•my of the Union, whether he he | North or Boath, whether his weapou be a musket, a pound of arsenic, or a sheet of paper. We cannot make die-! tiactioas. Whoever ia not for as is Maiaat as. So said Waahinitoa and hia fellow patriota. So we mart aay to day.— Mitt ijo h (\>ur<rr. Ia the Chicago /W, J. W. Shehaa, hiographai of Htaphaa A. Dnagfas, 0*« tha fuilowiag as the doty of Maoents: The Democratic party owe no grati tade to the miscreant* now in rebHlioa. The wretch who, ander the disguise of • Democratic platform, cries oat for for- i btaraoce toward " our brvthreo of the ftiuth," is not a Democrat, bat a mere j tool of the enemy. There is no brother hood between the Democracy of the Vorth and the men now in rebellion. The ties of brotherhood hare long since jeea severed. The only allies, the onhr men at the North who can be claimed by the rebels as brethren are the Garrison's and Phillipscs. Between the two there is an irrepressible sympa thy. Both hate the Constitution; Both fcek to destroy it, and between both a id the Democracy there is a gulf so deep that no humau science can in vent a bridge strong enough to euable a union of their members. One year ago "our brethren" unmasked them selves at Charleston. For twenty years the Democrats of the North had been beasts of burden under their " Southern brethieu they had walked while the gentlemen of the South rode ; they had carried upon their shoulders the bag gage and the camp equipage, and they had done all their " Southern brothreu" had asked of them. At Charleston they were required to become menials, to become body and soul the slaves of the Yanccys, lihetts and Slidells. They refused. To their eternal honor be it said, thoy declared themselves free men, aud that they would be pack horses no longer. In the city of Charleston, in sight of Sumter, they refused to bo degraded, and insisted upon their freedom. How were they treated ? Did fraternal affection, or the memory of long years of devotion soft en the hearts ot tlicir "Southern breth ren" Not so. State after State seceded from the Convention, and the election of Lincoln was then determined on by the Southern traitors, aud that deter mination was made good. The Democracy of the North in 1860 declared themselves free. Shall they then in 18(51, go back to Charleston and pick up the dirty livery they reject ed a year ago ? Shall they now, on their knees, beg for peace from the very men who spit upon and reviled them a twelve mouth gone. " Our Southern brethen," when they commenced this unholy war, knew that there were one million and a half of voters at the North who wero not Republicans; what did they care ? They either determined to ruin these millions and a half of loyal conservative men, or oxpected them to become trait ors to tho country before God and man. Either estate was infamous, and any Democrat who claims affinity or brother hood, politically, of course, with the men who offer this insult, is just mean enough to be a traitor to his country. A TERRIBLE INVEXTIOX. —Mr. John D'Arcy, of San Francisco, has invented a cannon which ho claims will destroy a whole battalion at a single shot, aha in naval warfare cannot fail to cripple the largest ship on the first discharge. He has seut a drawing of the gun to Washington, and asks that letters pet tent may be issned to him. The model shown to us is made of brass, hand somely finished, and mounted on a miniature carriage; the barrels(for there are two) diverge slightly from the butt to the muzzles, and are tliechaiged aim iltaneouslv the vents being doee to gether. The barrels are to he laden with chain shot, the chain connecting from one barrel to the other the length to be determined by ths distoani of the object, or the divergence of the barrels; in the present model, this would be one-eighth of the distance to he unveiied: if 8W yards, then the chain to be 100 yards in length. With the dichaign the balls of eonrae cosi tiune to diverge; with the direction of barrels, and draw the chain nearly tanght that the momentof reaching the battalion, squadron of etvnlry or rissil, with what aft it mav he imagined. The only objections nfged 'j mililnij men are : Ist, that the two barrels wit not explode nt the same iaatant of time; and 2d, that the projeetilo will wit AaS , a battallion of inrantiy. To*he first ob jection Mr D'Arcy refers to his asodsl and peeves that otjection to he un founded ; to the second nljsutisu he answers that wounding an enemy is more damagiag than killing bias, be lieviug with " Garibaldi s Englishman,'' that "it takea two aonnd men to nervy one wounded m<ui to the rear, end sev er, by any chance, do they get to the front aptiu."—&. F. AHa. Uaioa papr, DM Chicago If we ars ia wnut ia DIM war for the Union—aad thiags look very mnch Kka it aow—we mm at haw ao triiiag either with traiton ia arms or with traitors ia sympathy. A aua who tmUu against the cause of tha Sapahlic aow, oaly lacks tha courage or tha op portunity to JWU against H. He ahoufd not ha tolerated for a moment. Would you give shelter to, or aaaori ata with one woo you know dssires tbe destruction of your peace or your life ? Not for an instant. Why should we be more lenient towards oua who desires the destruction of the peace and the life of our country ? We can have no sympathy with any man who ia against, or who inclines fa vorably to armed traitors, lie is our enemy—the enemy of the general good and welfare—every mau's enemy, in deed, who is not himself a traitor. Traitors have "no rights that white men are bound to respect." They for forfeited all claims to the protection of the laws, when they themselves took up arms against the Constitution, upon which all our laws are based—and they forfeited all claims to decent treatment when they themselves repudiated all de cency. « A traitor is an outlaw of the vilest kind, and a sympathizer with traitors is a trifle better. Tbo groat Confidence Man, Floyd, who, while a member of the Cabinet at Washington, betrayed the Government which he was sworn to serve and sup port, into the hands of its enemies— who robbed the Government at whole sale, and turned the muscle of its " strong arm" over to traitors—has been at last heard from. He is in command of a rebel force in Western Virginia, and had a sharp fight with the Federal forces under Col. Tyler, of the Seventh Ohio regiment near Summerville, on Monday last lib force was superior to ours, but his loss in killed ana wounded much greater than ours, aud the battle appears to have been a drawn one, and of no advantage on either side in its result It is a pity that Col. Tyler did not succeed in capturing the perfidious old wretch—or that a well-aimed rifle shot did not settle bii bash for bim. No doubt that Providence, which at last makes all things equal, has a fate in store for the infamous rascal which will not fail of giving justice its due. The rebels say they are fighting for " liberty." Yes, for the " liberty ' of destroying the best Government that was ever established on the earth, and of rearing upon its ruins one of the worst Governments that has ever been known in the world—for the " liberty" of extinguishing the glory of the Amer ican name, ana of covering it all over with blood and blackness—for the "lib erty" of crushing out popular freedom ana of inaugurating iu its stead popu lar terror—tor the "liberty" of pulling down the very Temple or Liberty, smd scattering its sacred pillar® and .atones and timbers into useless despised frag ments. " Oh, Likaijf, what crime* have been committed in thy nunc!" 10" A twt learned and compaNion ate Jndge in Tesaa, on paaainr aentenee on one Janaa, who had been coayicted of mnrder, cenclnded hit i nnaik» aa followa: ♦•The bet aa, Jen—, thai the Coart Ad net intend la order yen to he exe cuted hafbre nest yiiy.Wtfce wnath ar ieeatyeald; onr jail nafcatnaalili a> in my had condition; aiaeh of the gbaaia the viadow* beta* broken; the chimneys we in each a dilapidated con dition tktno«n«aibe rje eon&tftaUT, fhndhii,'ie*eat ef the oneatien. In ef thaae nrauMtMMn, and wkhinff to laaaan jonr eofeerinff aa aanah aa| mil If. the Coat, in the tieftaa ef Ha hnnanitj ntnSa to the ahniT to 101 KM wBICt MM WHlOi fO ggT Tbf Mood of tb« soldier MIM the gionr of the jPMnI. The PUaMpbb SvrUk Ammom, at' Sept. 24A. contains a lon* article am aational iaaaeaa and the ability of Ac United Stale* to jay taxaa, if they are needed to maintaia the Government of the nation, from which we copy the «. ad with tbe am prudence and akHl I *"* * • - - ■ - _ -i- ■ wVini BBTw conception and inauguration, we shall be able to obtain at par all tbe money we require. We bare already seen that money ia offered more freely tlian at tbe beginniug of tlie contest. Confi dence ia growing, as it should; the re sources are ample to auatnin and hit-ream; the confidence. Those who lend are not making sacrifices, hut investments. All that the people will l>e called upon to do will be to pay ten per cent, per annum on the loans, which will pay off the annual interest and the pnuciple within twenty years. If we spend three hundred millions the first year, the charge will be thirty million, or about a dollar and a half per head of the people of the free States. If the second Year's expenses should prove to -be two hundred millions—for our mil itary equipments and navy and armv expenditure will be less the second year than the first—onr burden may bo increased to two dollars and a half. In less than two years it may be safely ex* pected that our extraordinary expend iture will have ceased, and we shall have come out of this rebellion with d debt of five hundred millions and be come subject to annual charge for inter est and reduction of fifty millions, and an ordinary national expenditure of eighty millions, making together «i hundred and thirty millions, to he paid by thirty millions of people and to bo received by them and expended among themselves. This will constitute a charge for national taxation of $4 83 for each person, which, if the taxation ot tbe respective States bo added to it will be less than one half the individual bur den of taxes borne by the people of Great Britain and France. As a mass, it is well known that the people of the United States are much better able to pay taxes than those of these countries; rich as thev are. * Great lmtaia raises a revenue of three hundred and fifty millions of dol lars from thirty millions of people, equal to nearly twelve dollars to each Eerson. Tho revenue of France is threo uudred and forty milliona of dollars, taken from thirty-six millions of people, or nearly ten dollars each. At this rate of taxation, with the aid we are about to receive from a circulation of treasury notes, this war could be carried on without borrowing a dollar. Our peo ple could, however, bear taxation of fif teen dollars for each person, properly distributed, moro easily, though per haps, not so patiently, as the peoplo of Fratice and Great Britain can bear tcu or twelve dollaia. Immense Cost of the Territories Claimed by Secession.*—Florida, Lou isana, Texas, ami tbe entire coast of Alabama and Mississippi, were acquired from France, Spain, and Mexico, widi in aixtjr years. lx>uiaiana roat slu,oo#,- IKN) when our population was 5,000,000, upreaanting, of conrse, #90,000,000 at die present daj. Florida cott 100 in ISSO, when oar population was lean than 10,000,000. eo oal to $1.1,000.- 000 at tbe pvwernt day, beetdee tbe ex penaaeof Gen. Jatrkaoa's war in IMIM, and the Florida war of I*4o, in wfaieh mhm PM*B.<W) were thrown war fnyiii Ik- U'riiMMay; in aiteSs istt ■dee tlo.oott.ooo paid to far «ir nf .t> K («lbi wkic» 4 •» Ml km. •» Xew Mrsica A m ** bo.Hcr the fart* the —r. jasA, *e eewT in i Hi iwV tr pubbc 1 i-TWassaiiiai H»t. mSSS£S Mr TW Rattle' of fifr-Pit-truf into our dsilr food. NO. 1.

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