13 Temmuz 1860 Tarihli Bedford Gazette Gazetesi Sayfa 1

13 Temmuz 1860 tarihli Bedford Gazette Gazetesi Sayfa 1
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VOLUME 36. NEW SERIES. BEDFORD GAZETTE, ■ IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING BY B. F MEYERS, At the followir? terms, to wit: SI.OO per annum, CASH, in advance. $2.00 " " if paid within the year. $2.30 " " if not paid within the year. K?*NO subscription taken for less than six months. paper discontinued until all arrearages are paid,unless at the option of the publisher, tt has Seen decided by the United States Courts that the stoppage of a newspaper without tne payment ot ar reara*( s i. prima facie evidence ot fraud and is a crimicl ofltiice. " "The courts have decided that persons are ac countable for the subscription price of newspapers, if they take them from the post office,whether 'hey subscribe tor then), or not. DOUGLAS. Men may rail about theii Lincoln ; Of their Hamlin they may tell; Of their Everett may bluster, While they brag about their Bell; But the Democrats have Douglas, Who is aimed with Truth and Right, And h s soldiers are the voters, in their majesty and might.. On the records of our country There is not a brighter name Than the honored name of Douglas, Who shall ever live in fame. He will stand a loval statesman, Famed for wisdom and for wit; Far above the man who's honored For a pile of rails he split. With the stars and stripes above us, Floating o'er the brave and free, We will vote for Stephen Douglas, Who our Commodore shall be ; And oui "Ship of State," in safety, O'er the stormy sea he'!! sail, While, behind the mast, Abe Lincoln Will be looking o'er the rail. NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. The following is the Platform of the Nation. ~1 Democratic Party, on which STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS and HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON have been placed as candidates for President and Vice President of this Union. Because of the adoption of this platform, the fire-eaters and disunionists bolted from the Convention and set up their irregular candidates. We call upon every Democrat iuto whose hands this paper may fall, to read this Platform carefully and thoroughly, and having done so, to make up Ins mind conscientiously and without pre judice, as to whether it does not set forth the true Democratic doctrine. One thing cannot be denied ; viz : it is the Cincinnati Plat form, on which James Buchanan was elected ; it is the Platform demanded by Yancey and his confederates in 1856, under the same threats made by them and carried out at Charles ton and Baltimore . it is the Platform ou which Pierce was elected, on which Cass was placed as a candidate, and on which Polk was carried into the Presidential chair. Are Democrats now prepared to violate and desert it ? Honor, honesty, consistency forbids ! Tiie Platform and Resolutions adopted by the Democratic \atiooal Convention at Cincinnati, Charleston and Baltimore. The Platform adopted by the Convention at Charleston was as follows : Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, do herpby de clare our affirmation of the resolutions unani mously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1556, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature wfmn applied to the same subject matters. [Tbe portion of the Cincinnati platform rela t og to the slavery question is the following :] Resolved, That we reiterate, with renewed energy ot purpose, the well-considered declara tion of former Conventions upon the sectional issue ot domes'ic slavery, ami concerning the reserved rights of the States : 1 That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the ■domestic inst'tutions of the several States, and "hat such States are the sole and proper judges ot everything appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the Constitution ; that all ef forts ot the Abolitionists or others, made to interfere with the question of slavery, or to tak incipient steps in ralation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming aud dangerous consequences ; and that all such ef forts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. ~ That the foregoing proposition covers and WHS intended to embrace the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress ; and, therefore, the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this national platform, will abide by and ad here to a laithfui execution of the acts known as the Compiomise Measures, settled by the Congress of 1850, "the act for reclaiming fugi tives from service or labor," included ; whicn act being designed to carry out an express pro vision of the Constitution, cannot with fidelity thereto be repealed, or so changed a3 to destroy or impair its efficiency. 3 That the Democratic party will resisUall attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made. 5 That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798, and on the report of Mr. Madison to the Vtr gioia resolutions in 1799, that it adopts those principles as constituting one ot the main foundations of its political creed, and is resolv ed to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import. And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a sectional party, subsisting exclusively on slavery agitation, now relies to test the fidelity of the people, North and South, to the Constitution and the Union. Resolved , That, claiming fellowship with and desiring the co-operation of all who regard the preservation of the Union under the Con stitution as a paramount issue, and repudiating all sectional parties and platforms, concerning domestic slavery, which seek to embroil the States, and to incite to treason and armed re sistance to law in the Territories ; and whose avowed purpose, if consummated, must nd in civil war and disunion—the American Democ racy recognize and adopt the principles con tained in the organic laws, establishing the Ter ritories of Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the "slavery question" upon which the great national idea oi the people of this whole country can repose in its determined conservation of the Union-JV on inierfetence by Congress with Slavery in State and Territory, or in the District of Columbia. 2 That this was the basis of the compromi ses of 1850, confirmed both by the Democratic and whig parties, in National Convention ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the organization of Ter ritories in 1554. 3 That by the uniform application of the Demociatic principle to the organization of Territories, and to the admission of new States, with or without domestic slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights ot all the States will be preserved intact—the original compacts of the Constitution maintained inviolate—and the perpetuity and expansion ot this Union insured to its utmost capacity of embracing, in peace and harmony, every future American State that inay be constituted or annexed, with a republi can form of government. Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents and whenever the number of their in habitants justifies it, to form a Constitution, with or without domestic slavery, and be admit ted into the Union upon terms of perfect equal ity with the other States. [And the Charleston Convention passed the following additional Resolutions :] Resolved, That it is the duty ol the United States lo afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign born. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the agp, in a military, commercial and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States, and the Democratic party pledge such constitutional power of the government as will insure the. constructiou of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. Resolved , That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of Cuba on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and jus' to Spain. Resolved, That the enactments of State Leg islatures to defeat the faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are hostile in character and subversive to the Constitution, and revolutiona ry in their effects. To the foregoing the Baltimore Convention added the following resolution : Resolved, That it is in accordance with the Cincinnati Platform that during the existence of Territorial governments the measure ol re striction, whatever it may be, imposed by tba federal constitution on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been or shall hereafter be finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the general government. fGF"F. VV. Hughes, Esq., anti-Douglas dele gate to the National Convention from Schuyl kill county, publishes a card in his county pa per, from which we take the following para graphs : "At Baltimore 1 voted for the minority report upon the contested seats, for reasonsjthat were conclusive to my own mind, but which it could serve no good purpose now to discuss. Wheth er the action of the Convention was right or wrong on this subject, still a decided majority of the original convention remained unaffected either by the new delegates admitted or by the withdrawal of others on account of such ad mission. The Convention then remained as the only true National Democratic Convention. I therefore felt it my duty to continue to act with it. Accordingly I participated in the two bal lots for the Presidential candidate, and voted both times for James Guthrie. I also assented to the resolution declaring the nomination of Stephen A. Douglas to be unanimous. In view, therefore, of the facts that Stephen A. Douglas stands upon the platform of prin ciples which I supported at Charleston, and that he is beyond all successful ground of question, the nominee of the only National Democratic Convention, I have not hesitated as to my du ty to give that nomination a cordial sup port. Besides, too, in|Judge Dougias, the Democrat ic party of the nation will have a standard bear er and champion of the principles incorporated in the platform of the Convention, for which he has heretofore contended with almost superhu man power, and which affords for him the guar antee that in case of his election to the Presi dency, those principles will be faithfully en forced." EXTRAORDINARY elopement.—Mr. Jones' dog eloped with Mr. Brown's dinner. BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 13, 1860. THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST. SPEECHES OFTHE CANDIDATES. On Saturday night, near mid-night. June 23, Judge DOUGLAS was serenaded at his residence in Washington. After two bands had played seveial airs, loud calls were made for Mr. DOU GLAS, and when he presented himself on the steps ol his residence, another immense shout went up. When the enthusiasm had somewhat subsided, ha said : j FELLOW-CITIZENS :—I thank you for this manifestation of your kindness and your enthusi asm. -The circumstances under which this vast crowd have assembled spontaneously, anil with out previous notice, demonstrate an earnest ness of feeling which tills my heart with grati tude. To be the chosen standard-bearer of the only political organization which is conserva tive and powerful enough to save the country from Abolitionism and Disunion, is indeed, an honor of which any citizen may well be proud. I am fully impressed with the responsibilities of the position, and trust that Divine Providence will impart to me the strength and the wisdom !to comply with all of its requirements. [Ap plause.] Our beloved country is threatened with a fearful spctional antagonism which pla ces the Union itself in imminent peiil. This antagonism is produced by the effort in one sec tion of the Union to use the Federal Govern ment for the pui pose of restricting and abolish ing slavery, and a corresponding effort in the other for the purpose of extending slavery iato those regions where the people do not want it. [Cries of "That's true."] The ultra men in both sections demand Congressional intervention up on the subject of slavery in the Territories.— They agree in respect to the power and the duty of the Federal Government to control theques-' tion, and differ only as to the mode of exafci- I sing the power. The one demands (he inter- i vention of the Federal Government for slavery | and the other against it. Each appeals to the ! passions and prejudices of his own section a-j gainst the peace and harmony of the whole country. [Cries of "That's so," and applause.] On the other hand, the position of all conserva tive and Union-loving men is, or at least ought to be, that of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the Territories. ["That is the true doctrine," and immense applause.) This was the position of the Democratic party in the Pres idential contest of 1848, 1852, and 1856. This was the position upon which Clay, and Web ster, and Cass, and the friends of the Union, of all political affinities at that day established. the Compromise measures of 1850. Upon this common ground of non-intervention they routed and put to flight the Abolitionists of the North, and the Secessionists of the South, in that mem orable contest. [Cries of "We will do it again," and thrpe cheers.] It was on this common ground of non-intervention that Whigs and Democrats agreed to 9tand in their respective party platforms of 1852. The Whig party ad hered faithfully to this principle so long as its organization was maintained, and the Democrat ic party still retains it as the Keystone ot the political arch which binds the Federal Union together. [Tremendous applause.] To this cardinal principle ot non-intervention has the Democratic party renewed the pledge of its faith at Charleston and at Baltimore. [Cheers and cries of "We will keep the faith."] As the chosen representative of that great party, it is my fixed purpose to keep thp faith and redeem that pledge at all hazards and under all circum stances. [Three cheers for Douglas.] The safety of the Union depends upon a strict adhe rence to the doctrine of non-intervention. In tervention means disunion. Intervention, whether by the North or by the South, wheth er for or against slavery, tends directly to dis union. Upon this'identical question an attempt is now being made to divide and destroy the Democratic party. Because the minority of interventionists could not intimidate the major ity into an abandonment of the doctrine of non intervention, they have seceded from the organ ization of the Democratic party, and arejendea voring to form a new party in hostility to it.— [Cries ot "let them go," "we can whip the dis unionisls North and South," etc.] Secession is disunion. Secession from the Democratic party means secession from the Federal Union. ["That'* so," and applause.] Those who enlist under the secession banner now, will be expected on the 4th of March next to take up arms against thej o ntituted authori ties in certain contingencies. Welhave been told that in a certain event the South must for cibly resist the inauguration of the President e ltct, while we find those who are loudest in their threats of such resistance engaged in the scheme to divide and destroy the Democratic party, and thereby secure the election Jof the Republican candidate. Does not this line of policy look to disunion ? [Cries of "Yes "It cannot be ef fected," &c.] Intelligent men must be presumed to under stand the tendency and consequences of their own action. Can the seceders fail to perceive that their efforts todivide and defeat the Demo cratic party, if successful, must lead directly to the secession of the Southern States ? I trust that they will see what must be the result of such a policy, and return to the organization and platform ot the party be/ore it is too late to save the country. [Applause.] The Union must be preserved. [Cheers.] The constitution must be maintained inviolate, [renewed cheering,] and it is our mission under Divine Providence, as I believe, to save the Constitution and the Union from the assaults of Northern Abolitionists and Southern Disunion ists. [Tremendous applause, and three cheers for Douglas.] My friends, I have delained you too long, and will close by renewing the expression of my sincere thanks. I Many voices—Go on, go on. Mr. Douglas. No, it is nearly Sabbath morn ing. [A voice, We will listen to you for a year Freedom of Thought and Opinion. Judge]—and I merely made my appearance to acknowledge the compliment you have paid me by so large a meeting at this late hour of the night. I recognize among you the faces of ma ny of my old friends, and a large number of my immediate neighbors from Illinois, as well as others from almost every State of the Union.— 1 only regret that my house is not large enough to enable me to invite you in and take you indi vidually by the band. [A voice, Your heart is ug enough." Tremendous enthusiasm and three times three cheers lor Stephen A. Douglas, the next President of the United States.] SPEECH OF HON. HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON. DEMOCRATIC NOMINEE FOR VICE PRESIDENT. WASHINGTON, June 26.—The following is the speech of the Hon. Hereche! V. Johnson, of Georgia, last night, at the National Hotel, on accepting the nomination for the Vice "Presi dency on the ticket with the Hon. Stephen A. Douglas: Mr. Chairman, Gentlemen of the National Democratic Party, and Jellow-citizens : I was taken by surprise when 1 received a telegraph ic message in Baltimore, at three o'clock this day, that the Hon. Benjamin Fitzpatrick had declined the nomination tendered him by the j Democratic Convention, and that it was de ma tided of me to accept it. It is known to ma oy of you that my name was freely mentioned : in Baltimore in connection pith this nomina tion, and that 1 persistently refused to counte- ' nance it, but invariably arcued that if Georgia were to be (bus honored, it was due to another ; of her sons, most distinguished for his talents and great public services. This was my earnest desire, and the desire of the delegation of which I was a member. But the Convention in its wisdom deemed it best to nominate a statesman of Alabama. It was en tirely satisfactory. Alabama is the child of Georgia, and the mother cordially responds to any compliment bestowed UDon her daughter. 1 hese are the circumstances under which I have been assigned this distinguished position, and which demand that discrimination should yield to the voice of dutv. The National Democratic party is in a pe culiar condition. It is assailed in the house of its professed triends, and threatened with over throw. The country is in a peculiar condition. It is on the eve of a sectional conflict, which may sweep down all political parties and ter minate in a dissolution of the Union. It is the duty of patriots and statesmen to unite in aver ting these threatened calamities. * It may not be inappropriate to refer to fhe c.mumi„. W h;,, , mD e r il the National De mocracy. Ibe Alabama delegation went to the Convention at Charleston instructed to demand the incorporation into the platform of the par ty the proposition that Congress should inter vene for the protection of slavery in the Ter ritories, and to withdraw if the demand should be refused. It was refused, and I think proper ly refused. That delegation did retire, and with them a large portion of the delegations from the cotton States. Why should they have retired ? The record shows that if thev had remained at their post, they had the power to prevent the nomination of any candidate who might be obnoxious to the South. Thus reduced by the secessions, the Conven tion adjourned to Baltimore, and requested the States to fill the vacancies in their lespective delegations. The Convention re-assembled on the JBtb. The seceding delegations were re turned—some accredited to Richmond, and o thers to Baltimore, by the way of Richmond— instructed to make the same demand, and to withdraw it it be refused. Delegates were ap pointed in Louisiana, Alabama, and Georgia bv the National Democrats of those States, to fill the vacant seats of the seceders. Those of Al abama and Louisiana were admitted, and the seceding delegates rejected, and the seceding delegates from Georgia were admitted to seats, and they all took umbrage at the decisions of the Convention touching the various contests lor seats. They retired, organized, and nominated candidates lor the Presidency and Vice Presi dency.—And they claim to be the National De mocracy of the United States! Now, if they were actuated by principle ; if it was their purpose, in good faith, to obtain the recognition of the principle of Congressional protection for slavery in the Territories, why not wait until a proper time to bring that sub ject before the Convention, and then, accor ding to their instructions, withdraw from the bod}- ? The reason is]palpable : they were wa- i ging war against a distinguished man, not for the maintenance of principle. They were wil ling to jeopardize the integrity of the Demo cratic part}-, and the triumphs ofits cherished ! principles, rather than see its will proclaimed j in the nomination of its favorite.—Admitting, for the sake of argument, Mr. Douglas to be as ' obnoxious as they allege be is, yet there never was a time when the South, united, could not have defeated his nomination. Why, then, should they have seceded ? Why not remain at their post I Why seek to dismember and destroy the party ? I question not the patriotism of any, but the people will hold them responsible sooner or la ter for all the ills that may flow from their er rors. I said the demand for Congressional in tervention was properly rejected at Charleston. And why do I say so? Because it was the a greement between the North and the South that the slaveiy agitation should be removed from the halls ot Congress, and the people of the Territories be left perfectly free to regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject to the Constitution of the United States. This was the principle of the Compromise Mea sures of 1850, and practically applied to the Nebraska-Kansas act in 1854. It was adopted by the great political parties of the United States in 1852. It triumphed in the election of Franklin. Pisrce in. that year, and of James Buchanan in 1856. It is perhaps the best ground of compromise between the North and South v/hich human ingenuity can devise. It is understood by the people of all sections, and by it the Democratic party, at least, of all sections should be willing to abide. It gives advantage to neither section over the other, be cause it refers all questions of dispute between i them as to Congressional or Territorial power ' over the subject of slavery to the final arbitra ment ot the Supreme Court of the United States. It is therefore safe for the North, and safe for the South. Its practical working is not with out satisfactory results. Where the people of a Territory desire slave labor, and the soil and climate are suited to it, slavery will go, wlieie these conditions do not exist, it will not go. I That finds an illustration in New Mexico, where 1 slavery is established, and this in those Tern- i j tones where it is excluded. Only a few days ago, propositions to repeal the slavery laws of New Mexico, on the one hand, and the anti slavery Jaws of Kansas on the other, were made and rejected in the Senate ot the United Slates. Suppose these propositions, or either oi them, had prevailed, is it not certain that the coun try would have been thrown into the highest excitement ? But by their rejection, non-in- j ter vent ion was practically adhered to, and the public mind is satisfied and quiet.—Let us main lain it firmly and faithfully. We are bound to I to it by every consideration of interest, and ob ligation of compact. Its abandonment will prove tatal to the National Democratic party, and ultimately to the Union itself. It will drive the South into intense sectionalism and the North into the ranks ol Black Republican ism. Ido not say every man of the North, for I know that the great body of the Northern De mocracy will remain true to the Constitution, despite the overwhelming flood of its relentless cohorts. But I mean that the free-labor States would be controlled by Black Republicanism, and would not be able to return a single mem ber to either house of Congress friendly to the constitutional rights of the South. I trust that this condition of things may nev er exist • but if it should, I know of no way by which the Union can be saved. Hence the doctrine of Congressional intervention, as ad vocated by the new-born sectional party, is fraught with peril to the counirv. "1 he question is now distinctly presented to the people, whether they will adhere to the doctrine of non-intervention, or whether they will abandon it; whether they will reopen the slavery agitation, by requiring Congress to take jurisdiction over it, or whether they will give re(>ose to the public mind, and security to the Union, by leaving it where the Compromise leaves it, to the free action of the people of the JXtZ?*' UJ ll er the Constitution of the Uni ted btates. the issue is tanly made up. ±i is intervention or non-intervention.—lts decis ion involves the destinies of this great Republic, and the highest interests of the civilized world. Compared wiih it, the aspirations of men and the fate of political parties sink into utter insig- , nificance. Where shall we look for deliver ance from these threatened evils ? It has been the mission of the Democratic party of the Union, in a thousand perils, to res cue our country from impending calamities. Its past career abounds with heroic passages, and is illustrated with the most glorious achieve ments in the cause of constitutional liberty. It is the party of Jeffeison, and Madison, and Jackson, and Polk, whose Administrations con stitute grand epochs in our national history. It is the party of the Constitution. I look to it with confidence,—Where else shall the patriot look in these times ot political defection and sectional agitation ? Let its integrity be per manently destroyed, and the doctrine of non intervention overthrown, and then the best hopes of the statesman may well be clouded with gloom aDd darkness. It is to maintain these that I consent to take the position now assigned me and welcome the consequences of personal good or personal ill which that position may bring.—Nothing else could induce ir.e to brave the detraction which it invites and incur the heavy responsibility which it imposes. 1 have nothing to add but the expression ot my profound thanks for the honor so unexpectedly conferred upon me, and my cordial acknowledgment for the flattering terms in which I have been notified of my nom ination. Whatever may be honorably done, I shall cheerfully do to maintain the integrity of the party and the triumph of its principles.' '•WHICH CUP i" We once heard of a sign painted on stripes so that it read,seen on one side, "FOREIGN," on one side, "DOMESTIC," and full in the front, "LIQUORS." A sign on this plan would suit the People's Party admirably well. For in stance : "FOREIGNERS" "NATIVES," SOLD HERE. Under such a sign Col. Curtin could election ioneer to immense advantage. In the hand nearest the East he might hold the Resolutions which he is pledged to elevate at any cost—a mong them this : Resolved, That the influx upon us of for eign criminals is an eeil of serious magnitude, which demands the interposition of a proper and efficient legislative remedy.— Harrisburg, Feb. 22d, 1860. In the other hand should be nervously grasped this : Fourteenth, That the Republican party is op posed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any Stale legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to Immigrants from foreign.lands shall be abridged or impaired. —Chicago, May 22d, 1860. With a little preparatory training on the top of a barn, he might oecome so perfect that those inside of the People's wigwam could look at i him, and know exactly bow the wind might be and serve the customer accordingly. —Johnstown Echo. UIIOI.F Vlllltlilt. 291. VOL. 3. NO. 50. i S™iT. T ? M f ,EMoeRATIC PREss svv. [from the Holhday.burg D.mopr.tic bt.ntoJ, > strong Adnnnistration paper.] THE BATTIMORC NOWINATIONS —We to-day place at our mast head the name of Stephen A. j °"g la? > of I", nois , for President, and that of Benjamin f itzpalrick, of Alabama, for Vices : the* Rah n >ns ihe re & uiar nominees of 1 InH alt,mor f Convention. The Convention ended as we feared it would do. There was a j secession of some of the Southern delegates _ J They came there with but one idea-thai of protection of slavery in the territories. To this they determined to adhere, and for this sacrifice ; everything 1 hey were willing to abide by Irw . i ma J° nt J> providing that will did not conflict with their own wishes. They would have abided by any decision of the Con j vent ion, provided there was nothing in it to conflict with their slave code. In ibis whim ! hey were not sustained, and the result was that j they seceded and organized a Convention of their own. Ihe remaining delegates then pro ceeded to nominate candidates for President and 1 , !ftr "A!' and ° n tbe tbird ballot nomina r ? f ° r Preside ot, and on the first ballot Air. F itzpatrick for Vice President. VVehave no hesitation in fully indorsing these nominations. They were made by the regu.ar convention, by a voteot two-thirds of ; the delegates present, and afterwards were made j unammous-they therefore received more than two-thirds of the whole number of delegates, and that was all that was required bad all the memoers of the Convention been present. VVe therefore regard Mr. Douglas as the regularly ! nominated candidate of the party, and as such we shall yield him a hearty support. [From the Chambersburg Valley Spirit, Opposed to ouglas up to the day of his nomination-] THE NOMINATIONS —The action of the Con vention has not disappointed any one. From the course pursued at Charleston it was evi dent tnat the same men would enact the same scenes over again at Baltimore. A portion would slick by the Convention till the mo meni oi balloting, and then, when thev found then- disorganizing effort? too puny to "trample he wishes of the masses of the party under feet, they would withdraw and present a' ticket with a view to stab deeper at the vitals of the party by an attempt to defeat the regularly nomina ted candidate ot the Convention. This they have accomplished, but It is all that they will accomplish. The Democratic party can not trust not—be divided in this or any other con test ; and woe to the men who will attempt it. | VVe cannot see the wisdom or glory of suffer ing a defeat with ttoo candidates in the field when victory with one is certain. Those who lend their support to an irregular nomina tion at this time can have no other object in altogether." £uSn i8 f i&P nomination can only be averted by extending a faithful and undivided support to the candi dates regularly nominated by the Democratic National Convention. The ticket that we this day place at the head of our columns received the support of the representatives of the party who stuck by our Naitional Con vention—re mained in at Charleston and held their seats at Baltimore by an unbroken and uninterrupted cidim. Their decision we are bound to respect and can know no other. Love of parly—love of country, and fidelity to every recognized usage ol the Democratic organization, sacredly demands for this nomination our hearty support. We honestly believe that in the end all the jealousies, heartburnings and antagonisms that now exist will be healed, and that the sober, good sense of the party will impel every mau in the ranks to unite harmoniously and with en thusiasm on our ticket and carry it forward to victory. We have not the space to say much in re spect to our candidates in this issue of our pa per, nor is it required—the name and fame ot STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS are household words over the land. OLD ABE ON THE BATTLE FIELD- The friends of "Old Abe" are untiring in their exertions to make him out a great soldier as well as a great statesman. The following account of one of his performances in the military line deserves a place in hia biogra phy : At the time of the Rlack Hawk war, "Abe" enlisted. The company mustered 80 mounted men. They started off in fine spirits to engage in the deadly fray. Arriving at a point on the prairies about 200 miles from the Indian lines, the party bivouacked for the night, picketed their horses, and slept on their arms. The method of picketing their horses was that in common use—fastening a huge rope some 80 feet in length to a stake firmly planted, and then using smaller lines of considerable length, one end attached to the animal's neck, and the other to the main rope. During the night the sentinel imagined he saw the Indians, and im mediately discharged his old fusee. The camp was aroused in an instant, and each sprang to the saddle. "Old Abe" shot out in the dark ness on his charger like lightning until the ropes "hove taut," when over he went, horse and himself, headlong. Thinking himself caught in an Indian ambush, he gathered up, monntedy putting spurs to his horse, took the opposite shute, but soon brought up as before, horse and rider tumbling headlong. "Old Abe" got up, thinking he was surrounded, and shouUdout in elegant German, "GENTLEMEN INDIANS, Ick gebtn auf und sagen nichis. Ick I'tttben nan degen zu gaben. Mies ick bitten is barmher zigkeit. How THE PRESS RESPONDS. —The Democrat . ic papers of this State are wheeling into line in support of regular nominations. So far as re ; ceived at this office, twenty-two have raised the ; Douglas flag—three paid pensioners advocate I the seceder's ticket—and three have not decided ' which to support.

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