Fill DA Y MO UN I N , AUGUST 10. For Governor, SILAS H. J3NISON. For Lieut. Governor, DAVID M. OAr.TP. For Treasurer, HENRY P. JANES. SENATORS FOIl CHITTENDEN COUNTY JOHN N.POMI2KOY, JOSHPH CLAUK. FOR GRAND ISLE COUNTY. JOUL ALLEN. For Congress. HOW. HSMAN AKLEK. COM.MONICATION. Mn. Stacv: In looking over the arti clcs in your paper on !he subject of the election, one is struck by (ho feverish anxi cty that is occasionally manifested. It is quite natural that our elections should be regarded with interest, it is proper that it should be so- The election is the combined will of a free people on the momentous subject of their own government, putting into practice those principles which bear on our prosperity. While therefore, il should be regarded with interest, there is no occasion for that restlessness so often displayed. The power is where it should be, in the hands of the public, in the hands of a people intelligent, virtuous and free. Where then is the ground of apprehension ? The people arc doing their own business, their intelligence cannot fail to point out what is necessary, and their own interest ns well as their sense of right, unite in urging them to do it. The history of the past is a gurantec for tho future. No spot of earth has sent up a purer flame of liberty than Vermont. From the first committees of safety, tho rudest forms of organized government, to the more perfect administration of our own day, a spirit of liberty has actuated all classes and conditions, and a high sense of responsibility has guided all our conduct. There may be a spice of pride in the feel ing, but what son of Vermont does not rejoice in the position which our mountain stale has maintained. She has not only been free, but all the arts of the adminis tration, tho 6cducemcnts of official patron ngc, and the drill of party demagogues have not turned her from her republicanism. While the past gives us confidence, the future is full of hope and animation. The revolution that is sweeping over tho land has its foundation in that intelligence and virtue which is the stability of our govern ment, will be as extensive as the intelli gence of the people, and as decided as the active nature of their virtue. Tho idea that an intelligent and virtuous people will not keep in view ihcir own prosperity is o solecism. Tlio existence of measures of injurious tendency presupposes that the people cither do not understand their nature, or that virtue has given place to 6ome selfish end or ambitious project. That individuals may bo found whose love of office or craving for power, has silenced the still small voice within, is proved at every election, but that a whole people may bo 60 corrupted is not to be supposed. It is often said that the people in the end judge correctly. On the ground that I have assumed it must be so. The conse quence is that all intelligent ond virtuous men will in tho end come 10 a similar con. elusion. There is another adage: great India move stow that has a forcible application to the movements of bodies of men. Some leading measure, some great principle is proposed j at first it excites thu attention of the few, but by degrees is communicated to all. In due lime the whole body U alive to the subject, and then conies the conclusion, slow, but resistless as the ocean's tide. If then the revolution which in other states has swept away the cobweb power of this administration, has its foundation in intelligence and virtue, it must produce a lika effect here, our pcoplo being equally intelligent and virtuous. This is a mere philosophical conclusion, from the principles of our nature The inference to bo drawn from the foregoing reasoning is, if men have the sumo intelligence hore as elsewhere, if virtue has the same dominion over them. if they havo tho same prosperity in view, that changes will continue to be mado from the Jackson party to the ranks of tho whigs. If this is not tho case, then assuredly human nature has experienced a chougo in Vermont, and a dream has come over men to blind their clearest visions. l.l! ...... ubiiuvo i am not an entiiUBiast, but 1 can. not resist tho conviction that thousands of the Jackson party will adopt a different courso, They havo done thus in other slates, why should tlicy not here? Why should whigs conclude that they will not ? 1 It is worse than vanity to consider oursolves tnoro intelligent than they ; it is bigotry to claim any superior virtue. When circum stances, therefore, havo occurred to present the subject in a new light, freed from tho influence of preconceived opinion, they will reason as wo do anil come to tho same conclusion. Wo havo pledged all that we hold dear, that the principles wc profess aro sound and true. They ore so, they havo been examined, and received the approval of tho wise and good j they havo been tested by tho practice of ogos, and the result has been national prosperity. What has been put in competition with them? tho dreamy conceptions of visionary men, the vagaries of undisciplined minds, tho experiments of ambitious, selfish men, chieflv intent on place and power. Under these circumstances to doubt that acccs sions will continue to be made is to disbc licve the omnipotence of truth, or fix a libel upon the charactor of our opponents The forco of predjudico is very great Men aro slow to shako off preconceived opinions : but all honest men do it when convinced. There wore strong and pow crful reasons which impelled men to join the Jackson party, which have little or no nflucnco to retain them in the ranks of Van Burcn. Gen. Jackson was what may be called a strong man, bold in his conccp lions and firm in his purpose. It is gencr ally granted that, though rash, ho was a man of integrity. In addition to all thi thero was a chivalrous spirit about him ; he was the bravo captain, the successful general ana tnougii in mm lucre was much to condemn, there was much to adir.irc. There was not a man in the nation that did not read his letter to Mr. Monroe with undivided interest. Who then shall marvel that the very children should hurrah for Jackson. But turn from him to his successor, and what change. It is said that nature produces but one progidy in an age. Most truly it i verified here. If nature intended Van Durcn for a great man, his production was an abortion. Tho elements of greatness are not here found, the inspiration of soul necessary to the constitution of a man was never breathed upon him, tho impress of intellect is not there. He is a little man. a contriver ot small things, a ucaicr in small wares. He has studied man in his worst condition, and may be an adept in managing their bad passions ; but with the generous, the noble and the great he has no fellowship. Ho is a creature of nega tives, his success is an anomaly, and his fall certain. His measures arc the patch work of disjointed schemes, without form and without symmetry. A little mind can never entertain a great conception ; hence, his plans arc but expedients. The vast interests of the' republic are too grand for him, he cannot grapple with them, his examination is by halves, and his views extend but to parts. Look at those who have gone before him, and wc feel tho native pride of an American bosom as wc behold tho majesty of mind, tho grandeur of conception, and the force of intellect, that is shadowed forth in their measures. Their broad views were only circumscribed by the world, their desires went out into every corner of the land. Read the innu- gural address of Jefferson, and then of Van Burcn; tho one is the stupendous exertion of a great mind, tho other tho frothy oxer lion of a sophomore. 'Tis not in thu nature of things that Van Burcn can suc ceed. He fulls never to rise again. Party discipline may retain men for a while, but truth is more powerful, and in the end will 6et them free. When men begin to shako off the influence of precon ceived opinions, they readily sco things in their true light, and will follow when their interest leads, and on the supposition that they are virtuous, duty and interest coin cide, leading to national prosperity. The signs of the times sufficiently indicate the direction that men arc taking, and wc shall soon witness tho demonstration of it with great power. The people of Vermont havo a decided interest in adopting the view we havo attempted to take. As an agricultural people, our first object should bo to en courage industry. Industry is tho golden secret of wealth, and the farm is tho field on which its trca6uros aro displayed. Every measure, therefore, which tends to promoto industry demands our favorable notice; and every plan which diminishes tho inducements, or limits the field of industry should receive an unqualified con dcmnatlon, That tho general tendency of tho plans and measures of government havo tended to discourage industry is too clear for argument, and to point out par ticularly the several measures would bo a work of supcrcrrogatioii. It is, moreover, very important that tho administration intend to persist in their ruinous measures. The consequence is that tho pcoplo must in self defonco restrain them, and tho only effectual way to do this is to dieplaco them and put ethers in their etcatl, It cannot bo expected that arguments will bo offered to pcrsuado men to this course. Arguments addressed to tho feel ings or passions may produce a temporary impression; but they aro of littlo avail. To arrive at safe conclusions men must bo left to the influence of their own minds ; they must think and act for themselves, and wc shall see tho forco of their reason ing in the course they adopt. Men of sound minds will not be apt to proclaim that a change has taken place in their views, It will bo quite enough that their actions show their sincerity. The babling brook soon spends its fury : it is the deep stream that moves in silence, whose force is felt. and whoso waters nourish. This subject addresses itself with pecu liar forco to all intelligent toon, and is it too much to say that tho prosperity of our common country calls upon all for tlcop thought, consideration, and action. There is a crisis in our affairs; the elements aro in commotion, and men arc called on fur renewed examination. In this course thero is no room for danger and may bo much of benefit. I say not that the fato of tho re public depends on the issue of this election, but that it is a moans of promoting or ro larding our prosperity U certain. It is left in tho hands of men whose intelligence is admitted and whoso virtue none arc at lib. orty to doubt. SENEX. For the Burlington Free Press. Mr. Editor: Although I am not in tho habit of taking an active part in the elec tioneering campaigns of tho day, being usually content with the exercise of my right as a voter, yet when I consider the state of affairs in this congressional district, and view the movements which arc being made among the pcoplo of some of the towns embraced within its limits, in oppo sition to the regular nomination of Mr. Allen a tho candidate af tho Whigs at the approaching election and all this too be cause they were disappDintcd at tho result of the nomination made by the late conven tion, in not obtaining taat honor in favor of Mr. Briggs, I feel tlat I cannot answer my conscience without offering a few words on tho subject by way nf remonstrating a. gainst a measure which at this late period can only answer the purpose of dividing the votes of the whigs at this momentous crisis, and defeating, at least for this time, a choice by the majority of the freemen. I have it from good a authority, that not a few of the inhabitants of this tnd other parts of tho district, arc determined to set aside the decision , of the convention which nom inated Mr. Allen and to vote fur Win. V. Briggs, notwithstanding the friends of this gentleman, did there with a very few ex ceptions, wave his claims as a candidate, ,n favor of the present incumbent. A de monstration of this disposition to withstand tho vuicc of tho convention, too manifest to bo mistaken, was last evening made in the hearing of the writer of this, at a caucus held in our town, where resolutions wero passed expressive of the determination of i 1 6 members to go for the man of their choice. Now while I would admit llie right of every freeman to vote for whom he pleases, and though I have no', n word to offer against Mr. Briggs' character, or qualifications, I must say that I fur one, regret to see buch a disposition manifested by those who profess to be of tho same po litical creed with Mr. Allen, to stand it out against the declared choice of a respect able meeting of delegates from the several towns in the district appointed for the ex press purpose of agreeing on a candidate, that should unite tho votes uf the Whig party. 1 regret it, and so must every whig who wishes to seo the cause triumph in the election of a man opposed to the reckless and ruinous policy of tho administration. It can be productive of nothing but divis. ion, and distraction in the whig ranks, and as I said before of defeating a choice, and the consequent trouble and expense of an. other, and none knows how many more,) canvass. Auu all this is to como of tho stubbornnesb of a faction, (I can ca'l it by no bettor name) who would gratify their preference for a favorilo of their own, at the expense of tho cause, which should be the thing kopt in view. I ask what if Ho man Allen has served two or more terms in Congress? does not our Constitution admit of repeatedly reelecting tho same man if tho pcoplo liked him well enough? I say yes, just as much as it does of putting in a new ono at every election. Besides, if individuals may set up their notions, and wills, in this way, in regard to a favorite whom they chance to want, instead of con ceding any thing for the good of tho cause, when, and how, I ask can an election ever be made? especially where tho law requires a majority of all the votos to make a choice. Tho matter, Mr. Editor, op pears to mo so palpably inconsistent, and childish, (I mean this obstinato haggling for a candidate, whoso claims the conven. uon 6aw ucst 10 wavo lor tho sako of union) that Mr. B's friends must bo blind not to percievc it, though they chooso to risk the consequence, I hayc not the least wish nor design to draw on invidious com parison between Mr. Briggs and Mr. Allen. Had tho former been nominated by tho voico of tho convention 1 would support him hoart and hand. As it is; tho regular candidate by them proposed for our suffrages, being our present represen tative ho shall rcciovo the sanction at tho ballot box, of A VoiEn. Huntington, August Gth, 1030. AwonDTOTirn Wiiio Youko Mkn. Much oflhe success obtained over the spoils party in Connecticut, New York nn.l oilier suites, was civ ing ton thorough organization inn) vigmous notion on llie pai l of ilio young men. I'hcy mo not tram melled by old lusocialion nor governed by old names but iii'llnclivcly, ns it were, discriminate between true mill lalsu patriotism. They (o for llto country and llui incisures calculated in promote ils vvclfaie, icgaitlless of parly slang nndpaiiy tac tics. No class of our population liavu suffered so tevcrcly us lliey havo fiom tlic destructive incisures of the administration, which have doomed lliom to inactivity. They feel mid know that their free spirits an J noblo energies liavo been crushed un der the weight of a leailen despotism which would deny them tho use of harrowed rnpilnl, becaue it can oniy no obtained liy credit, Uui manuracluies have been nearly ilesliojcd inlerual improvements have been checked business of every kind h.is been brought to n dead stand, and all this to carry nut llie insane piojects of our rulers. And where nre the voting men of Vcimoni, in such it state of things 1 driven from their native green hills in swarms to tho legions of the west and south west.
They me full of health and activity lliey love en. lerpiisn they cannot ictnain hero idle and inact ive. Those that lemain may . much to bring about a belter stale of things. Let them now come forth in a body nnd sustain llie men and the princi pies llial willsustain iliem. Let ihein eschew llie baneful doctrines of loco focoism which would de stroy all incitement to honest industry by rendering ils Iruits inseciue. Uy their united itinl vigorous efforts much can be accomplished. Arouse then, ye ll'hig young men, and come to the rescue. I'he country is with you. Tho wise men and the good men of the land aro with you. Our fathers our Olin, and Strong, iindLaiigdon ; our Galiisha. and I'ainier, nnd lSullcr, and I.eland the old and strong men of thu early days of Vermont, are pom. iiuj ma i, urigni example oi Honor and fidel ity in the country. Differing 3 lliey did on many political topics in their day, there is not one among them who would not have nbhoried the licentious and demoralizing principles ofthe pie.-ent loco foeo partv. The sacred duty of pieservina untarnished llie fair fame of your beloved stale devolves on you. It can only be executed by vigilance and untiring activity in resisting the encroachment of corruption ') "' wnaicvcr speciuus gaib lliey may approach. Caledonian. For the Burlington Ficc I'rcs3, Mr. Editor -Notwithstanding the bu siness of farmers is necessarily urgent at this season of the year, especially in hay weather, still I am for one by no means in attentive or indifferent to the affairs of state. Being by habit a constant reader of such papers as circulate in my vicinity, I become of course acquainted in a cood measure with the clashing views, the ad verse interests of those contending political parties whose wordy warfare is constantly agitating the intellectual atmosphere ofour country, and an observer of the various arts, iuir unu iuui io which party zeal is ever ready to resort to help its own cause and strive to put down that of its opponents. And while I Jean the columns of some of the prints which occasionally come within my notice, and more particularly of that little sprig of self styled democracy which issues both weekly and semi -weekly from your neighbor's press, I must confess that I am sometimes ready to think Ihut the manufacturers of that mixed metal called brass, throughout our country, must havo been heavily taxed indeed to furnish so much as appears to constitute tho faces of the editors, since there is no face not made of this material, but would blush crimson at the consciousness ofthe utter falsehood of many of their oft, yea constantly repealed statements. I am led to imkc this remark Mr Editor, from the pertinacious impudence with which the administration papers, are continually ringing in our cars.and insulting our understandings by repeating the self- refuting charges, that llie Whig party are the old federal party of tho days of Jefferson in disguise, and vice versa, of their own parly, i. c. democrats in Jefferson time, and also their charging upon the Whigs the fault and mischief, of all the bank iniquity of which they are now piteously complain ing. Sir when I sec and hear Mich slang repeated over nnd over, tlay alter day, and week after week, as if thero wero not linn drcds nnd thousands in community who know better, and as if these falsehoods havo not been again and again exposed and rcfu ted, I can well nigh believe in the doctrino advanced by some divines.of total depravity at least in regard to some men. It would seem that these tory editors, and dema gogues, whoare stoutly asserting what they all know themselves to be falso, think the pcoplo of tho United States arc such stupid fools they can bo made to believe that black is white, and white blask, or that they have lost all remembrance of tho way in which some public men in our country wero dis posed among tho federal and democratic parties in the days of Jefferson and Madi son. In denominating tho administration and tho whig parties, federal and democrat bank and anti-bank, tho Van Burcn editors make both a falso issue, and an unnecessary one. The true issue, tho only question is now aro tho men in power, tho administra tion of Van Burcn & Co. right in the pott cy they arc pursuing, or not? Tho subject has no inoro reference to, nor connection with tho bono of contention between tho federalists and democrats somo twenty six or thirty years ago than it has with the af fairs of China, or Turkey, and I would as soon think of using tho namos, old woman, , or young g'ul, to dolermino whether eucli a person bo black or white as to adopt the term federalist and democrat in the present array of political parties. There would bo no greater obstirdity in reviving the names f Guelph and Cibbolino two parties in Eu. rope in tho 10th century and applying them to tho political divisions in our day and country, than there is in dubbing them with the epithets federalist and democrat, as is now done. It is sufficient to undeceive the public mind on this subject where it would be apt to bo imposed upon by tho constant misapplication of these terms that many who were federalists in the days when tho parties wero designated alone by these names, arc staunch supporters of Jackson and Van Burcn while many who wero then called democrats aro among their uncom promising opponents. These facts alone are sufficient I say to rcfulo tho charges, tho impudent assertions of thoso who labor to make up a different issue. And also, in relation to banks, notwithstanding the un wearied endeavots of those mendacious print8ihe loco foco papers, to make the people believe that tho creation, and aristo. cratic influence of banks is chargeable to the Whigs, as a parly, it is well enough known by every ono who is well informed on tho subject that by far the greater part of these odious institutions of which the self-styled democrats complain, were char tered by Jackson and Van Burcn legisla tures. As those sago bodies hatched them out, let tho parly own, and train their lerrit- imate offspring instead of laying their faults at the door of tho Whigs. When wo bo- hold the audacious impudence, and effront ery of thoso who can in tho face and eyes of truth, and stubborn fact persist in insult ing tho common sense of community by re asserting tho allegations which I havo hero for thtHiundrcdlh lime nailed to the counter, wc may at once conclude that so destitute is tho rotten sinking cause of Van Bureni; ot every thing like reason and substantial argument, that these arc the only material ot which they can manufacture a political paragraph. A hater op lies, Huntington, August 7, 1030. THE CONTRAST. I'hero arc two principles of vital importance in our government, on winch the Whigs and Tories nre diametrically onnoscd. The Wlii mm,.,,,! for tho republican doctrines, lliatall t lie powers of uie government snowti ue miner llieir political on trot; the Tories, by their measures, lime sirn.r. gled for the concentration of all power in the hands ofthe executive. The Whias contend for the doe. trine of the constitution, that nil the turners of ilio government are but trusts to bo used for the benefit ol the people ; the Tories, by their conduct, show lliey consider the government as their own. :uu that its powers me to be used for their special ben efit. It is then the powers of the people against the consolidation of power in the executive the P'n-pcrily oflhe people against ilio special iuterrst of iho KorcrimieiH. On the one side, we have the people struggling to maintain their own rights ; on llie oilier, the adhcri'iits of the administration clinching all power and labnriii!i for ronsonsnlul i. (ion the people against their despotic rulers. On llie i ne side, llie people are struggling against ad versiiy ; on llie oilier, the favoiites of the gov eminent are riming in t he enlovment of their fit offices. It is republicanism against despotism the nppiessed people against aristocracy in disguise. It mallei!) Ititlc tli.it lliey are clamoring for (he name of Democrats, while the noivers of t lie neonl one after another, are wrenched nwny and bound up in one mass lu bo appropriated for the special use 01 1 111: iiiiiiiniisLr.il ion. Gen. Jackson commenced his administration un der llie most favorable cii cumsiances. The country win prosperous, agriculture was flourishing, the mccliamcs and maiiiilaciiiiers had lull employment the commerce ofthe nation was active. We were on ilio tide of prosperity, anil all smiled in joy and happiness. Hut the ceue was changed, and llie re sult is Known aiid fell. Agriculture I anguished. mei'h inics were nut of employment, die shuttle and the loom of the manufactory were silent, comuieice died, and haiikiuptcy spicad de.-olalion over the cilies. Owing to ihe piudent management of our fanners we have jaificicd less in Veimont ill in many others ; but I need not say that we also have suffer ed, i Why was all ihis 1 Did it happen without a cause 1 1 here was a cause and well do the people tee anil understand it; and faithfully will the peo ple apply llie remedy. The cause had ils origin in the determination of llie government lo withdraw the power from ilio people and concentrate it in themselves. Il is possible that Gen. Jackson was not conscious of thu extent to which Ins ambition led him, for none nre so soon blinded as the advo catcs of power. IIo.v else can we account for I lie lone of his ordinary language, my government, my administration, or fur his in bin ary conduct in removing heads nf departments and thousands of deseiviug men for diflVriug Willi him in oniiiion The natural ronseqiience oflhe ailniraryacts are seen in the nlteied condition of the country. The natural effect of all despotic rule is to bear haul upon the people ; for in proportion as one class is pampeicd thu oilier is depressed. It is so the world over, from the absolute despotism of Turkey to ilio more limited despotism of England. The natural effect of concentration of power is lo make tnc lavorites wealthy, lo shower privileges upon the few, and conseciucnllv lo depress the many. The tendency is lo practical aristocracy on the one side, and lo tho condition of serfs on the other. Il is a painful and il would bu a useless task to point out the nets of llie Inst and piesent adminis trations tending lo consolidation. They have all had that tendency from the rejection of the laud bill, the resistance lo the distribution bill, lo the sub treasury bill, Wc havo all seen them and felt their influence. The administration, though de feaicd in their lastgieat measure, t lie giant power the sub ireauiry scheme, have not abandoned it. It is said in high pl.ices that all lamentation shall bo disregarded, undtlieir parlizans arc nov in nil parts of thu district rmilending fur tho odious mea sure. It may be asked what measure of tho ad ministration docs not lend lo consolidation, In. quite of the first intelligent Jackson man jou meet, and lick him lo linii't out llie leading measures of the governm-nl, and what will be his answer 1 Ue may tell sou that Gen. Jackson paid off llie na. lional debt. Hut who furnUheil him the means 1 Under oio administration were I lie funds pre pared 1 lln was the advocate fur retrenchment and reform, Ho was l lie advocate for them but how did lie put them in practice 1 lie reduced thu ex penses horn thirteen millions lo lliirly-lliree. nnd reformed every independent man out of llie govern ment, nnd filled their places with your Hlairs, Whitney Kendalls and Woodbuiys, A little more retrenchment of this kind will leave nothing lo the people, But ho dcslrojed ilio national bank nnd reformed Ilia currency. Yes, with u vengeanco mid ilio nation has vviilhed and groaned under his reformation of (ho cunency, until iheir curses, loud and deep, have shaken I ho walls ol tho capilol, Tho remedy for these evlla Is nn obvious one, even within our reach. The people have iinly lo reach forth tho hand nnd Uy hold of it. VI o must itiuko the government in practlco what K win thu mtllt tin ell milln. mwl .1.. ( ,l, !, bo guulcd by iheir will, and the consenuenccs wi I.- m, 11.1.. - ! 1 ' . . .- ru- i"urpriiy. n-ntT i... . . . r it.. , " n . . r . vcar nnd tin nhi mi r, . ii. t. f r a... unnr in n nnn. , ...li. . tlr i v .uol, mjjuiu necessity. Vermont "expects every man to his duty." Tho first business and greatest pleasure of cvory man should now be to discharge faithfully the duties he owes to tho Stato and he'p unnn nvnnll ll, f2, .!..-. ....1 ir r Koine. Litlednmam. f mu , uuuuto iiu sion ol tho Vanites to be the democrat party appears evidently absurd when vie ed in the licht of facts. In Vprmnnt it political ontccs in 1812 "14 and so on, who were in tavor ot uie war, we now find them arrayed in the ranks of tho Democratic vvuig party; wime on the other handi many of tho leading federalists of that dav are now foremost in, ond compose the il "uy. uaiusiia, iiocj iiun lucuarus, uon. Isaiah Fisk, Gov, Butler, Gov. Crafts, and others, were or are staunch Whigs, and Chittenden and hu associates aro now ranked with the suppor ters of Martin Van Buren. Another fact in 1014, or thereabouts, the town of uiirKe gave oniy somo 14 or IG votes for the federal candidates; at tho election las', fall in that town, the vote for the Demo, crntic Whig candidate for Governor, was too, auu tor me van Uurcn candidate 31. Burke maintains its consistencv. and will at the next election, give a larger Demo cratic Whig majority than last year. What -say, ircemen oi uurKe, will you not?' lb. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. no. nr. One of the arguments urged against abolishing imprisonment for debt, is tho injury which it is alleged will thereby bo inflicted upon credit; and many have been kept back by a supposition that the argu ment is well founded. Tho foicc of tho argument rests upon the proposition, that a general credit is necessary, and henco thero seems to bo n propriety in dwelling a moment upon the subject of credit. There is a great deal of talk on this subject, but much of it without any definjjj meaning. Propositions are advanced, such as, that credit is mcessaru, that a suslem of credit should be encouraged. But such propositions aro so general that they fix nothing in tho mind, nnd we are made nono the wiser thereby. That credit is benefi cial to a certain extent and for certain pur poses is admitted ; but that it is necessary for all purposes and to any extent, is not true Thoifficuli proOlem than is to fix the limit and define the objects. This can only be ascertained by learning the truo character of credit, and the object for which it may be legitimately used. To discuss it fully would require a volumo rather than an article; and I can only touch upon it. and leave each of my readers to pursue the subject in his own way. IF I may be indulged in an attempt to give a definition or rather designation of creot, it will be this: credit is an instru ment of commerce, a means of circulation. It is therefore only allowable for commer cial purposes, and as an instrument for circulating the products of industry. If I have been fortunate in giving tho correct idea of credit, it follows that in tho multitude of transactions growing out of the daily small barter and trade going on, in the every day purchases made for ordi nary purposes and in the employment of all the operatives in the land, credit is not necessary and is not justifiable. This is probably in opposition to tho common and received opinion ; but, nevertheless, I be lieve it to be well founded. In times past, the business of Vermont has been transacted almost exclusively upon credit, upon a sort of general barter system. Farms were purchased upon the promise of cattle payment, goods sold for grain notes, mechanics paid in wood and lumber, and the doctor and tho lawyer in pork and potatoes. Tho prosperity of tho state is not owing at all to thi?, but has been produced rather in spite of it. This may have been indispensable in times past, and most probably was, but that is no reason lor extending it boyond its necessity. Wo have now arrived at a point whore all this bartering is out of fashion, tho exten sion of credit is no longer necessary, and, when tho ready pay system will accelerate our prosperity. Tho United States havo long sinco abolished the system of credit in tho sales of tho public lands us injurious. They havo long octeu upon uio reauy pay sybiem, and tha success that has r.ttended this measure may be cited as a strong argument for tho extension of it to a 1 cases of u like nature. National prosperity is the! object for which tho nation should labo.V So far as credit conduces to this object, it should bo encouraged, but no further. National prosperity is a groat Bubject, and ho has thought to but littlo purpose, who now, for the first time, turns his attention to it. Tho elements of it aro founded in tho prosperity of all the indi viduals, rather than in the increase of tho sum total of ilio wcallti of a nation, Na-