23 Nisan 1845 Tarihli The New York Herald Gazetesi Sayfa 1

23 Nisan 1845 tarihli The New York Herald Gazetesi Sayfa 1
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THE NEW V O R K #r7* i <?* * i t A L D Vol. ri? Mo. in? Wtiot? Ho. 4073. NEW YORK. WEDNESDAY MORNING. APRIL 23, 1845. *XlC9 Two CutK Arinms <fc Co Express over Long Islantl Knll Road. VERY IMPORTANT FROM EUROPE. ARRIVAL OF THE CALEDONIA AT BOSTON. 8EVEN DAYS LATER. IMPORTANT * Debate in Parliament on Oregon ! The Ultimatum of Great Britain. Probable War between England and America. CRI8IS IN AFFAIRS, Firmness in the Cotton market DECLINE IN CONSOLS. RIGHT OF SEARCH. AFFAIRS X2T SWITZERLAND. Arrival of the Overland Mnil, &c. &e. &e. The Caledonia, Captain Lott, arrived at Boston at 11 o'clock on Monday night. She sailed from Liverpool on the afternoon of the B'.h instant. The intelligence received by her is of a charac ter more iwiportRnt than any that has reached us since the war of 1812. Th?re has been an important debate in th? Bri tish Parliament on the Oregon, disclosing the view of England on that subject. It was deemed so important that the opinion of the British Ministry should be kdc wn in America,that the Caledonia was detained one day in order to bring out the debate on the question which took place in Parliament on the l'.h instant, and which we give in another co lumn. This debate exhibits the ultimatum of the Bri tish Government on this question, and we may now expect a serious difficulty between England and Arneriaa. We do not see what is to prevent it America has assumed her position, and England has now taken hers Neither, therefore, can re ccd an inch. This state of things affected the money and cot ton markets on the 5th inst. Cotton became firm and consols declined. Apart from this the news is unimportant. The railway fever continues unabated in Eng land. The spring is extremely backward in Great Bri Uin?which is altogether more favorable for the fruit crop. The operation of the new tariff, especially as re spec's foreign free grown labor sugars, is becoming more general than waa in the first instance cogtem platrd. The grnaral produce markets are very firm, and a conaideruble amouut of business is doing private ly in wool?, indigos and cotton wools. Money continued plentiful. The executiou of John Tawell, the Quaker, seems to have excited a prodigious interest. Nothing important from France. Switzerland continues in her Jesuitical excite* ment. There were no later arrivals at England from the United States, between the departure of the West ern and Caledonia. The Queen and Prince Albert go to Ireland in July. The packet ship Montezuma hence was off Tus kar ou the 6.h inst. The French Government intend to organise a line ot Trans-Atlantic mail steamers immediately. T ie Minieter ot Marine has reported a law, pre. cicely like that ot 1841, by which four steamer* are to run between Cherbourg and New York. It was re jorted in Dublin, last week, thai Mr. O'Connell, unable longer to withstand the pressure from the leaders of the Young Ireland party, will attempt, in the course of the ensuing summer, to reorganize monster meetings on the same scale as those which created so much apprehension in the year IK13. It appears that O'Conctll has become perfectly rabid on the subject r.f the annexation of Texas. I' is reported that he could not find words in the Eng lish language to express his contempt for biave holders, and for Americans generally. Parliamentary.?'The House of Commons met, after tne Easter recess, on Monday night, when Lord John Russell gave notice that ne would Uring under the notice of the House on Friday next, that portion of the American President's Message which relates to the territory of the Ore ron Tne evening was mainly occupied in dis cussing the navy estimates, naval architecture, and Admiralty arrangements. The discussion gave rise to an interesting episode relative to the right of search, and what Lord Pal meratoR contended to be the voluntary surrender of that right by Eng land to Frince, in which the noble member for Tiverton, Sir Robert Peel, and Lord John Russell took part. With this discussion, all interest in the night's proceedings ceased. The subject of the grant to Maynooth was dis cussed on Thursday last, and the feelings of hosti lity which it tins evoked was apparent at the com mencement of the debate, when upwards of a hun dred membc.s rushed to the Speaker's table, armed with their petitions against it. The scene ia de scribed as having been very exciting, and however unparliamentary it may souid?veiy funny. Sir Robert Peel presented the case of the College in a very clear aud quiet manner?firm and dignified, " but terribly in earnest,"?and it is evident that no opposition which he may encounter will prevent him trom carrying the measure in its fidelity. Meetings continue to be held against any increas* ot tbe grant, aud some excitement, which will pro bably increase, Is observable; but the "organised hypocrisy" will defy public feeling o'lt of doors, and whatever may be tno penalty which they, as a party, will have to pay hereafter for this act of ex traneous liberality, there is no doubt of itn speedily becoming the law of the land. If it will purchase the notice of Ireland, it will prove an excellent as well as economical boon. Anecdote of mi Royat, Nursery.?'The Morn ins? Poit rrlat'-s an anecdotc of the Royal nursery, ??li may not be generally known that his lloyal Highness the Prince of Wales ia Duke of Rothe Riy, a* well as Dnke ?f Cornwall; and which, it would appear from the following incident, which has recently occurred, was cither unkuowntoor forgotten by his Royal father. One morning a card was presented at Buckingham Palace to his Royal Highnesa Prince Albert, upon which was engmved "The Duke of Rothesay," and an au dience solicited. His Royal Highness seemed pu-j 7.1cd, and repeated the name several times, saying he did not recollect ever having heard of such a nobleman; but he consented to give the required audience, and ordered the Duke of Rothesay to be ahown in; when he was agreeably surprised by the entrance of the heir apparent, attired tn full High land costume, attended by her Majesty's piper. The above amusing incident was productive of conside rable entertainment to the Royal circle." Malta and the Colonial Office are <U loggerheads relative to the value of the Siciliaa dollar,and trom the sf item'nt put forth bythe islanaers,they seem to hnve neeu harshly dealt with in the matter. A Bri u?h metallic currency does not exist there, and, in its absence, the government steps in, and places an arbitrary value on the money. The schism amongst the Catholics in Prussia seems to be on the increase. Great numbers have recently declared for what is called the New Ger man Catholic Church, and the Government has authorized collections in support of it. Important Debate on Oregon. IIotjsk or Lords, April 4th? Midnight.?Lord Clarendon, in the House of Lords, introduced the subject of the Oregon territory, in order to elicit from the Government some information as to our relati "iwiiih the United State* upon this question, and tiie course it was intended to pursue in case Congress, acting upon the expressed opinion of the President, ehould proceed to take possession of the country, or to annex it to the United States. Ilis Lordship, after briefly noticing the conduct of America towards Texas, and the. extraordinary terms in which Mr Polk had declared the unequi vocal right of the Uuited States to the whole ter ritory, temperately reviewed the grounds on which the British claims are founded, and concluded by expressing hia anxious hop*, that while whatever could be justly claimed 6hould be readily conceded, the Government would not shrink from vindicating, if necessary, the nation's honor, or upholding her Interests The Earl of AnEKDKEN?I think it is perfectly natural that in such a conjuncture as the preper.t the noble lord may reasonably expect to receive such information Irom her Msjestv's Government as they in the discharge of th"ir du'y, may feel it possible to give. I oin far from objecting to the course of putting questions to the Government npon any matter cf public importance, and certainly not on one of such paramount interest as this. My lord?, if I f ollowed my own inclination in this mat ter, 1 should at once be disposed to lay on the table of the house every part of the negotiation which has taken place upon this subject from the period of the treaty of Washington up to the present day. I am sure that if I did so I should not only receive Irom the candor of my noble friend opposite an opinion approving the course w'.iich has been pur sued, but might fairly appeal to the public at large, and even to the whole of Europe for its confirma tion. A time may come whe n such a course may porsibly be necessary. At present it would clearly be unsuitable and impolitic. I could wish for an opportunity to explain a little more at length the Btate of this question, as aflects the interest and the claims of this country to the disputed territory. The noble lord ha* cursorily described the claims of this country and of the United States with suf ficient accuracy, as far as he has gone. They, however, would admit ?f a much more detailed examination, and, although I might now enter into that examination without injury to the public ser vice, I feel thai I cou'd not do it without inconve nience to your lordseips, and this p.!=io I tnink it belter to deler to a future occasion. I thall, there fore, only address myself to the irqairy of n.y no ble lriend. I wi5h to state that ihe negotiation which has taken place, ana which is still pending upon th:s subject, was commenced immediately fit ter the signing of the treaty by my noble friend near me. Without, of course, explaining to your lordships any of the s'eps that have been taken in the progress of that n satiation, I wish to draw your attention to the last act of the late President before his resignation frr m office. The Senate of the United States having nddrees^d Mr. Tyler so long ugo as the month of Dec -mb' r, requesting him to comrcfunicate wiih them and inform them as to tnc progress of this negotiation. Mr. Tyler, in hie answer, which was not delivered until the 19:h of February, states?"In n.y opinion, as this negotia tion 13 slil! pending, the information sought for csnnot be communicated without prejudice to the public s"rvice, but I deem it propier to add, that considerable progress has been made in the negotiation, which has been carricd on in a very amic&bta spirit between the two gov ernments, and that there in ree?cn to hope that it may be brought to a clrde within a ohort period. I have delayed aae'vering the resolution of the Senate, under ?he expecta tion expressed in my annual menage, that the ne gotiation would he terminated before the clo?e of i in oresent session, and that the information called f >r by that resolution might be communicated " I am bound to say that I think the late President took somewhat too favorable a view of the state of the negotiation when he made that answer to the Senate. At the same time, as an indication ot a friendly feeling, and of a desire to bung it to an amicable termination,such a declaration of opinion must be highly satisfactory. My lords, in a fort night after the. delivery ot this answer to the ad dress of the Seuate, the new President made the inuuguralspeech r<f. rred to by my noble friend. I wish to observe that this speech is not an address made to Congress?it is a speech made to the pub lic. The Congress not being sitting, no speech of the kind could be made by the President of the United States without drawing towards it the most serious attention. Nevertheless, it does not possess the importance of an official document, nor can it be regarded aa forming part of legislative pro ceedings. I do not undervalue its importance; but i must ooserve, mai 11 nas not quuc ine cnu actsr of an address made to the Congress us the foundation of any legislative measure. I have el ready mentioned that that declaration ot the late President ia the last act of which we have any knowledge at fur as the negotiation ia concerned. The new President had no ministry nt the time he made his srcech. His Administration was not formed, ana no communication hud taken place between Her Majesty's Ministers and any Govern ment ol the United States since the resignation of the late President and of Ins Administration. We therefore stand precis" Iy in the position iu which we stood at the time of the answer of the late Pre fident. with the exception of such a character as the relation may have received Irom the speech pronounc-d upon his inauguration by the nt w Pre sident. My lords, I wish also to stnte, that our position is precisely such Bait ha? been tor the last eighteen years, with respect to our rights, anil the treaty which was made in 1827, renewing or rather continuing the treaty of 1818, which was for ten years. The treaty of \?f?7 continued that treaty for an indefinite period, but with the provision that either party might terminate it by a year's notice There 13 nothing whatever to prevent the Govern ment of the United States or Her Majesty's Go vernment, ii thev thought proper, from terminating that treaty of 1827 by giving a year's notice for the purnose, which, however, the President has not saia he means to give ; but if he does mein it, he cannot effect his purpose without a vote of the Congress authorising hint to do so ; the Congret-s will not meet unless specially called togetner until the month of December, and even then the treaty cannot expire without a year's notice being given from the time at which the President receives the necessary authority to give such notice. Your lordships will see, therefore, that in point of time, the matter is not so urgent as misfit be supposed. I need not say, that her Majesty's Government will continue to avail themselves of the intervening pe riod which may exist in the hope of bringing the negotiatins, which is still pending, to an amicable conclusion. The negotiation was founded upon the principle of an amicable adjustment by the mutual concession of extreme claim on both sides, and on thatprinciple it will be continued. My nobie friend has by no means expressed nny censure of the mode of proceeding that her Majesty's Go vernment have adopted in this matter; at the same time, I have seen in other places some in timation, some apprehension of too great conces sions of a total abandonment of wh it ib called "ilie high ton# although, I nm accustomed nlmuat daily to see myself characterized n? pusillanimous, cowardly, mean, dastardly, trncklirg, ba3??(A laugh )?I hope I need not nay that I vievrtheee ap pellations with indfurence; 1 view tlirm, indeed, really with satisfaction ; because I know perfectly well what they mean uud how they orght to beiuid ar<; translated. 1 feel perfectly satisfied that the*e vituperative terms are translated ar erplicnble to conduct consistent with justice, reason, modera tion, and with commui sense, and I therefore feel, ns I said before, really not indifferent, but positive ly satisfied, when 1 see such otimvattons (Loud cliecrn ) I believe I miy conscientiously ray that 110 man ever filled tin high situation which I have th.^ honor unworthily to hold,who felt more ardent ly dec rous than 1 do to preserve to the country the blei-s: Jgs <<f peac*, or who would be disposed to main- grea'er sacrifices to maintain it My Lords, I c jnsid. r war tobe the greatest tolly, if not the great est ciime of which a country could be guilty, if lifhtly entered into; and 1 ar?ee with an honorable writer who said that if a proof were wanted ot the deep and thorough corruption of hum-in nature, we should fiud it in the fact that wnr itself was rome times lawful. (Cheers) It is the duty, and I am sure it u ihe inclination, of Ivr Maj'Sty'a Govern ment to preserve peace; at the s inie time there are limits which must not be packed; and 1 say that without attaching too much weight to questions of honor, for I think, fortunately for this country, that we need not be very sensitive on these matter*?it is not for us, God knows, to seek the " bubble re putation at the cannon's mouth" or anywhere else; our power, our character and position aretuch sato enable us to look with indifference on that el which other countries might be perhaps more jealous? bui our honor is substantially property that we can cer tainly never neglect, and most assuredly we may owe to ourselves and to our posterity to adopt 11 course contrary to all our desires?to all our incli nations. My lords, from what I have said, your lordships will perceive an earnest of the spirit of peace which shall pervade (his matter, if 1 con tinue to conduct this negotiation; ana I cannot brmg myselt to think that at thia day anv civilized Government would dejire to nee any other course pursued; an'l I hope-, therefore, and fully believe tlmt we shall have the happiness of seeing tliu im portant question brought to usatisfactory and ami cable conclusion?(Loud cheers ) Should it be otherwisv, 1 can only say that we possess rights which, in our opinion, are clear and unquestiona ble, and, by th?- blewing of (Jod, and with your support, those rights we are fully preps red to main tain. The noble earl i*umed hid seat amidst loud and general applause. Hot'SK ck Common*. Aran. 4, Midnight In the Hous'e of Commons Lord J. IIushkll, on reading the order of tha day for going into committee of supply, colled the atten tion of the House to that part of tho message of tfce Presi dent of the United State* which related to the territory of Oregon It was net his intention, be said, to enter nt all into the question of the foreign polity of her Majesty't Government, or even of their j?olicy ru this very subject of the Oregon, nei lier was it las wish by any observa tions whic k he might then mr.ko to em'urrass their pro ceedings. But the inaugural address of President Polk had taken this question out of the ordinary course of di plomatic arrangement, mid require ! sonus notico on the part ot members of that House. That distinguished func tionary had adopted a course entirely now, which if it wern not met with something unusual on their parts, would let questions ot great national importance be de cided hereni'er by popular ad dr rises Irom the head of tho Government, and by the popular action resulting there from The Pr< sident in his message hud alluded to the annexation of Texas to tho United States, an allusion which he oaly noticed for the purpose ot showing that tho present policy of the executive Government of United btutes tended to territorial aggrandizement. In, his next sente.ice the President declared bis inten tion to assert and maintain by all constitutional means, the right of the United States to that portion of their territory which was situate beyond the ltocky Moun tains. " Our titlo," said he, '? t> the Jcountry of Ore gon is clear aud unquestionab'e, and already are our peoplo preparing to perfect that title by occupying tt with their wives oad children." In corsrquence of this declaration, he (Lord J. Russell) felt com pelled to call the attention ot the house end the country to this question, in order that they might see how far the President was justified in saying that his title to the coun try of tha Oregon was clear and unquestionable, and in declaring his intention to take it into his possession with out any regard to those treaties, which were generally the bonds of peace between independent nations. There were three modes by which a title might be acquired to a country lihe the Oregon:-the first was by tho ancient discovury ; the second by treaty; and the third by dis covery ancient or modern, followed up by occupation and settlement. He then entered into a statement of con siderable length, for the purpose of showing that if the title to the Oregon rested on ancient diicov ry, England con/'d put in a claim far supsrior to that of the United States; that if it rested en tr? aty, we lind a claim that was undeniable, whilst that of thu United Slates had no ground whatever to stand on ; ud that if it retted on mo dern disjovery, the discovery of tbe Columbia, mado, car ried on, and authorized by regular cflleers oftbo Bri tish Government, nml the subsequent settlement of the territory su rounding it by British subjects, gave uh a title which the American Government c uld not displace. Capt Vancouvrei had discovered the river Columbia ; his lieutenant had sailed 00 milts up its stream, and British rubjeuts from Canada hud erected 13 forts onitsban'is, am had long carried on a favorable trade thwreu He then gave a history of tho negotiations between Great Britain and th? Um'ed .States r. spiting this country, and traced them from the ccmmeccement to the period when t'no ex isting convention was formed in 1827, between Mr. Rush on the ono side, and Mr. HusUisson on the other. A new circumstance had naw risen up. The President ot the United States bad made a peremptory claim to ull this territory, and had called upon the citizens ot tho Unit'd States to go forth with their wives and children to take possession of it. Naw, ( oiunr.bia was become of mere im portance each sticceding year. The government ought, therefore, to insist on a speedy solution of this question ; for there was danger lest tho citizens ef the United States should distorb British subjects in the enjoyment of their property on the Oregon, and should thus produce a col lision between the two governments. He wus not pre pared to say that Great Britain should abate any ot her Juit pretensions, nor where we should draw tfce line be tween tho Americans and ourselves. Ha thought, how ever, that we could not accede to a proposal less than thst made by Mr. Cannicgin 1837, with any regard to ourown interest*. He had heard it ?>id that the value of this terri tory was a matter of indifference to us; but it was not a matter cf indifference to us whether we should yield any portion of our territory to wliat he must bo ]>ermittrd to call a bltuteiing announcement. It was cot r matter of ind.fference to us, that the means of commnnica'ion be tween Columbia on the one hand, and our possessions in Indin and China on the other, should bo suri-en fared to a lorcipn power. It was not a matter of indifference to us tbat thu tone and character of England shoufd bo lower ed in any transition which we carried on with tha Uri ted States. Ho shruld have abstained from entering into tbi?qu*stion if it had been lelt as a diplomatic question between the Earl ot Aberdeen ard Mr. Ctishunnu, as the agents of theBrituh and American Governments; but s? it hail b"*n tsken out of their hsnds, he could do whsr thv Millin er of the Crown was precluded by his position from dcipg?ho could ststo to the people of Enatsnd what wm their right*. Hsvir.g Bi?de that st"t*ment, ho should leave the whole matter in the hands of the Go vernm?nt, and he had no doubt that thev wouid con suit the interests of the country and the honor ol the Crown Sir H. Pcel could not be surprised, and should net feel rrftrrt, that tho noble Lord had taken the course which he had pursued. He was of opinion that, whilst those mttlers were pending in negotiations between the two Government!, it was politic to abstain from escere.iring the right of discussion on subjects calculated to excite popular feelicg, unless there were cogent reasons to the contrary. If the noble Lord had thought it light to do pni t from that course on thii occaaion, he ought not to be he'd responsible for the consequence*; for it appeared that this question had been withdrawn from the cogni zance of those to whom it'had been intrusted, and that a popular appeal had been made to the passioca of the pro plo In the United Statea by those who ought to have di? countecanced such an appeal. The noble Lord had said, that a .Minister of the Crow n spoke on tuch a question as the present under a responsibility to which he (Lord J, Russell) was not liabla. That was undoubtedly true, and ho should therefore abstain from following the noble Lord through his statemeLt, ns he could not do so with, oat implying opinions from the expression ot which he ought to abstain. He felt, however, that it was open to him to inform the housu of the gene ral state of enr negotiations with the United States on this question. In the year 1313 the northern boundary of the possessions ot the United St. tes and of Groat Britain, westward of the Rocky Mountains, was defined No agreement was mado as to the country be yond the llocky Mountain*> but ? convention signed be tween the two Governments in 1818, which was to con tinue lor ten years, gave a right ol joint occupation to the subjects of each country. In 1824, and again in 1820, Mr. Cauning made several attempts to come to an amicable adjustment of our respective claim? with the American Government. Those attempt* entirely failed At the end of ten years the convention expired. A new conven tion was framed in 1827, which continued in fer-e for ten years the convention of 1818, with this proviso, that the convention ol 1827 should not necessarily determine by the lapse of time, but should extend beyond the term of ten years, and should terminate after a yeai's notice Irom either party, when the rights of both should revive. That was the cenvrntian which now affected the territory of tho Oregon.}? Mr. Pakenham, our Minister, bad been di rected in 1843 to form an amicable arrangement of tho claims of the two countries on i qultable terms. He read a message of President Tyler, dated the 3d of December' 18*13, for the purpose ol showing that he had expressed an equal desire 'o come to un amicaDle arrangement Noy morti, on the lPth of February, lfl?, about a fort night before this toatigurwl address was delivered by President Polk, President Tyler, in reply to on address from the **njteof ths United "Metes asking for informs tlon relative to the negotiations pending on this question with F.nglnnd, cbserrcd?"I haro only to say that, si the negotiations are still pending, '.his information cannot be given. Considerable progress has been ma le in the ne gotistiom, which have been carried on in on amicable epMt between the two countries, and I hope that it will ha speedily brought to an ami able termi nation." He (Sir Robert reel) could confrm the language of President Tyler respecting the amiable spirit in which the negotiations had been carried nti; but he could cot confirm his statement as to the progress of the negotiations, an I to his hopes of an amicable termination. On the 6th ofMnrch, 18*A, Mr. Polk made his inaugural address ne President. Since that time we had received no communication from our minister, who hid only been able to communicate the message, but had not had time to inake any comment on it. The Government oi President Polk had been very reoently appointed, and no diplomatic communication, aa far aa he] was Informed, had taken place with it. He thought it highly probable that Mr Pakenham would have continued with the present Go vernment the negotiationa which he had commenced with the last; but he had no information on the subject He trusted that the negotiationa would be renewed- At BO very distant period they would know the result of them, ne did not despair of their favorable termiaation, but if the proposals of the British Government should be rsi'Xted, and no proposals were ma le by the Government of (lie United State* to which we could accede, he should net object, on the part of the Government, to lay on the table 1.11 the communications between the two Govern ments. He still hoped that an amicable and equitable ad justment of the claims of the two countries sight be made. Ha mast, however, express hia deep ragnt that, while the nagotiations were (till pending, the Trepidant of the Unitrd state* should,contrary to all usage, have re lerred to other contingencies than a friendly termination of them. 8uch an illusion waa not likely to lead to such a r.solt as the friends to the real interests of both countries desired. He regretted not only tho allunion, but alto tho tone and temper in which it wa? made. As the subject had been brought under discussion, he felt it to t? his duty, on th? part of the Government, to state, in language the most temperate, but at the sanio time the most decisive, that they considered that we have a right to this territory oi'|Orcgon, which is clear and unques tionable ; that we dtsire an [amicable adjustment of the differences between ourselves and the United (states ; but that, having exhausted .every effort to obtain it, if our rights are invaded, we are resolved and prepared lo main tain them. A tremendous burst of chcers from all parts of the house followed this annunciation. In coni^quMice of an intimation which Sir R. Peel gave ot tlin termination of his speech,that it might bo ex p dieut for tha house not to express any further opinion at present on this subject, the sutyect dropped after a do. cl.nation from Loid J. Russell that he would not lubmit ?ny mation on this subj.-ct to the house until all the pa pers connected with it were laid on tho table by Her Ma jesty's Government. Lord P.ilnivrston then made a short explanation rmd defence of the observations which be had made on a for mer evening rmpecting the Ashburton" capitulation,'' and replied to the speech made in behalf ol it by Lord Ashburton in the House of Lorda. Opinions of tUe Press. [From the London Times, April a.] The American picket, the Caledonia, which has been detained till this morning, will carry out the distinct and emphatic declaration of the British Government on the subject of the Oregon territory, which was received last night with the strong and unanimous satisfaction of both Houses of Parlia ment. When the interests and dignity of the country, aud the preservation of the dominions of the Crown, are really at stake, there is no equivo cation in the language of the Government to foreign powers, and no semblance of weakness or hesita tion in any political party. Lord Palmerston may nbuB? Lord Ashburton for acceding to the very same conditions wh<ch he had himself not only accepted but urged upon the Cabinet of Wachington ; and Lord John Kussell may braat that his last official act was to sanction the rejection of a proposal in a negociation which turns out to have been a mere provisional arrangement; but these attempts to depreciate the satisfactory adjustment of a former dispute, which the whigs had been unablo to eettle in ten years of negotiation, are only proofs that the tricks of party have no effect whatever on the honest convictions of the country . We are justly proud that on the Oregon question, as well as on that of the North Eastern Boundary, the British Government has uniformly bhuwn its moderation as well us its firmness ou our side. It is impossible not to depiore, on the other hand, that ill-regulated, overbearing, and aggressive 8pint 0| the American democrucy, which overlooks th* real present inte rest of the two nations in the Oregon territory? that, namely, of letting it alone for another half century at leasr, or deciding the matter by arbitra tion, before any local national interests have sprung up there too powerful to be so disposed of. But, since the Americaus, and even the President of the United States, are determined that this question shall not be a lowed to rest any longer?since thev have rejected the proposal of an arbitration, and ostentatiously announce claims and measures ut terly inconsistent with the system ol joint occupa tion, or the equitable recognition of any concur rent rights at all, it is fit that they be warned in the most explicit manner that their pretensions amount, if acted upon, to ihe clearest casus btlli which has ever yet arisen between Great Britain and the American Union. In this case the strong determi nation and convictions which were expressed last night are not those of particular statesmen, or of 'he present Ministers, but of the British Parliament and of the country. If the question.was to be de termined by the arguments and in such dis cu^ior.s?that is to say, by a reference to geo graphical facts, to discoveries, to history, to trea ties, and to occupation?the case ou behalf rf the British claim, as it was ably slated hy Lord John Kusse 11, is complete; and it ia only in consequence of udmisaions made with too much laxity on Bome former occasions? especially in the inteipretatiou of the treaty of Ghent?that any concurrent right cau be admitted to exi&t 111 fee United States to any portion ol the tertil )iy B.it Irom the character of the recent foreign policy vif tho Americans, and the extraordinary declara 01 mr. roia, u is eviuem mat no argument will produce any effect; and we can scarcely anti cipate that a government so constituted and di rected will even take a dispassionate or correct survey ot the frightful and inevitable consequen ces et it<* extravagant references of diplomatic quc-s uoni lo popular clamor. According to all ordina ry political calculations, and assuming that Mr. Polk's inaugural address was the manifesto of a Government, and not mere declamation for the hustings, the President already finds himrelf and the Union placed in presence of two ware, for the avowed purpose of territorial aggrandizement, and ia direct violation of the whole policy of America, from Gen. Washington to Mr. Webster. The one withMexico is so imminent that wcare awaiting witlianxiet v the next arrivalslrom that countiy; the other with Great Britain is more remote, but aiao more inevitable, it the ineaaces of the Americana are anything but mere vapouring and bluster. Un der these circumstances, a statesman of ordinary caution would dircct the public attention, not only to the passions and objects .which are likely to cause these wanton and wicked contests, but to the consequences which must attend them. The Uni ted States Government is very apt to provoke quar rels, but it is very ill prepared to carry them on. The same democratic folly which makrs them ar rogant in the Cabinet, makes them habitually fee ble in all that constitutes a nation's strength in the field. In a military point of view the consequences of a declaration of war by the Government of Mexico Bijainat the Uuited States, would probably be contemptible and indecisive ; for neither of the belligerenu po?see3 an army at all proportioned to the vast extent of the operations necessary to ac complish any practical result. Bu. if the actual contest on land would probably degenerate into something little better than the partisan warfare of the States of South America, it is not less certain that the state of war between the two countries, and the cxercise 01 belligerent rights, would be attended with most seriouj consequences, not only' to them selves but to neutrals all over the world. The system of letters of marque, which the Americans them selves made no small use of in their last war with Great Britain, places the whole commerce of the U. States, undefended as it is by auy considerable naval forces, at the mercy of the privateers and adventurers cf all nations; and in a war entirely provoked by American rapacity and violence, uo usages which have ever been justified by the laws of nations, and by the example of the United States, could be regarded as unwarrantable. The Mexican territory commands both oceans, and the pobition of the port ot Ac.ipulco on the Pacific would facilitate the most extensive operations against th;- whole .Asiatic trade of the United States aud their South Sea whale fisheries. Such a war would be inglorious, and repugnant to the interests of civilization ; but it would be worthy of the nefsrious transactions in which it had origi nated, and if Mexico has been plundered of a pro vince by her powerful neighbor, the practices of war would amply justify her in risking reprisals wherever she can tisd them. Letters of marque re flect no honor, and ore of no great advantage to a power which may bs dnly represented on the seas by its own cruisers: but they tend to remove the man time disparity which exists between two states like Mexico aad the Union, and they are not an impro per weapon in the hands of the weak for retaliation on the aggreseions of the strong. It is extraordinary that the United States should have advanced so near the brink ul war as to have carried through the Senate a measure for annexing Texas, and failed by only two votes in a measure for eer/.ing'Oregon, without having taken any per ceptible care to provide for the means ot consum mating such nnparalelled acts, of defending them selves from the consequences of them. Are they not aware that in proportion as they assume the illegal exercise ot sovereign rights on the desert shores ot the Pacific, they expose the populous cotrts of the Atlantic to the broadsides and block ade of British fleets') Have thiy forgotten, in their anxiety to extend their "domestic institu tions" to the whole continent of America, that in the event of war they will have to encounter the most novel of all dangers?that arising from the presence of the xtandard of freedom among a popu lation of staves I Or is their blindness and infatua tion in proportion to the injustice and criminality I iImu designs, so that, in their MgtrMM to seize ta^jaccnt territories, they overlook the resources of their opponents and their own weakn ssl The consequences ot sucn a war wul , rove incalculably disastrous. They would make brave men hesitate, even in a just cause; but the boldness of democracies despises alike the justice of the caopeand the terrible evils of the probable result. We have no intention of aggravating the very serious difficulties with which the indiscreet language of Mr- P?'k has already surrounded the Oregon ?, j.'stion, ami which reuder a speedy solu Hon c( i !u<ii. pt'Oaable to the maintenance of pa cific reutio us between the two nations. The lan guage of Una country in such an emergency and in pr>j*c cce ot such opponents, cannot be too tempe rate or too decided. That language haa been used, and with ? propriety and patriotism, by the kad^rs of each oi our great parties. The r gilts of Great Britain are as clear e:;d ur.iiuestionable aa those which Mr. Polk has thought lit to make the subject of his inaugural address; and whatever he may be prepared to do, this cauntiy is, as the Prime Minister of the Crown declared last night, amidst the hearty acclamations of Parliament, "resolved and prepared to maintain them." [Krom V.'ilmer Si Smith's Timet, April 0.] In our paner bv the "Great Western,'* we mra tioned that the Oregon question was becoming one of great interest on this side of tlie wafer. Atten tion has been fixed upou it in con tquence of the boM and unequivocal tone that Mr. Polk assumed in his Inaugural Address when speaking of the American claim. Perhaps the President's diction on this point was unnecessarily strong, tor he might have vindicated his vibwb in more palatable phra seology. About whatever savois, even remotely, of intimidation. John Bull is characteristically thin-skinned. There are certain animals that may be led, but won't be driven?Bull is one. r.f them. In his intercourse with foreigners he prides himself upon his courtesy, and he expects ihe jame courtesy in return. The new President's peremptory style has stirred up his bile, and the House of Commons had hardly re-assembled after the Easter recess, when Lord John Hus3ell rose and gave notice of his intention ot bringing the subject of Oregon be fore the House. The mooted points have been analyzed in the press, and we direct the especial attention of our readeis to aa article on this subject from the London Times. The mostpowerful of all the daily press in its influence on the public mind, and possessing a control over public opinion which makes it the master, not the slave, of the Minister for the time being?this journal has put forth, in the articles to which we refer, some very belligerent notions on the subject of Oregon?promptca main ly, it would appear, by the thrent of occupancy which the President holds out. The Timet is not the official organ of the government; it is too po tent and independent to wear the livery of servitude; but there are occasions when the views of the Ca binet do peep out through its pages in advance of its contemporaries. The Foreign Minister is a favo rite with the Timrs, und probabLy Lord Aberdeen reciprocates the feeling by timely intimations of his policy. Be this as it may, the article has attracted a good deal of notice, and fixed additional atten tion upon the subject, which has been further in creased by the Government detaining the steamer to carry out the result of last night's debate. The annexation of Texas lias ceased to excite interest. People here regard the matter as settled, and view the connexion rather with indifference than wiih favor. Mr. O'ConnHl has declared, in the Repeal Association, his dislike to the measure, ground on the well-known anti-slavery prejudices. But the subject will keep until next month, when the saints from all parts of the inland flock to Exe ter Hall. It will afford a fine thpme for the exer cise of their pious indignation. Punch, it will be seen, has been try ng John Polk on a charge of stealing the dog Texas from the Mexican minister. It will puzzle the saints to treat the question in a more original and good-humored way ; but they will bark and growl at the do,? Texas whenever the opportunity presents itself. Another subjecj of transatlantic interest?the right of seurch ?has been iincidently discussed in the House ol Commons. Lord Palmerston is extremely net tled that any change or modification shoujd lake place, or b* even contemplated on this riis pet scheme. He travelled out of the record ?o attack the Government, and made ihe debate on ?h* Na vy estimates the vehicle of doing so. Thai Gu /.ot should demand the cancelling of the treaties ol 1831 and 1S33, provoked his ire, but that IVej should listen to the proposition, throws him into hystericks. Lord Palmerston is an nbJe mail and tn effective d. bater, btit ho i? ?*< ?<' < try, i.i.d ter rified by ihe ghosu; ot "co;. .t-<s- nt-? ' ai-u "capitu lations." The "A-.'iL . t/U i nj-iit;: .'iou" is one of his sfereotyrd pf:s. ii'ii! ihe "Guizot conces sions" viil henttf ,rv. 'id i'_ ire in hubills of in dictment tg linst the "Vi uis > r. The. rcplv ot .Sir R. Peel was spiii'. t and to the purpose. He denied, it will be !? t' -it li e right of search was now appended, but li. alluded to the conference be tween 'be l)u!?e de B.^'Uie and Dr. Lushington as b- : g 1:'< iv it. terminate in soi.ie arrangement quite as . 'lie... i.ij us the present arrangement.? it' * ?>;,!? <??;.!.v happy in his retort about the Ashbtmioit convention, but the combat of theee two f'.ul;amentary piadi&tors possesses so much inter? -t t. r our American readers, that we deem it supt; t"!. : Js to direct their attention it. fKiom the London Punch.] Jol?w Polk wag pat to the bur chareed with rob bing 'l?e Mexican rninisierof a favorite dog, named Texa.-, th<? eircmstancea of the case Don Bernar ds Murohy stated to be theseS>me months line, John Polk sold hid Excellency the dog, (a very large animal, kpotted black and white, that used to luti under his car riage ) suWquently a fellow named H jns'on. a country man ot Polk's, who hid been in his Excellency'* service, absconded with th<i dog, and he had that day seen it at Greenwich Fair, whither he had gene in company with Cbevalirr Bansen. The animal was tied.toavan, be longing to the prisoner, nnd from which he was haran gninr nd j>??lm-singl.?g to the company ot the fair. Policeman, X. 11, wnia? Please yc'ir worship, there has been maro picking el packets round that 'ere psalm-sing ing wan, than iu any part ot the fair. Mr. A hf.rdei n?Silence, Policcman. What has that to do with the compl>:at I The Mexican Minuter continued, in a very agitated manner, " I instantly leaegniaed ray dr.g, and gava tha scanndrel yonder in chflrjc of a pr licman " ?' Scoundrel!" the prisoner cried, (a vrry sanctimoni ous looking fellow who held the'log in his ?-irs,)?"Am I in a Christian land, to henrmyppll called by such nanu't? Are we men .' Are we brethren I Have wo blessinga and privileges, or have wo not* 1 come ot ? country the most enlightened, the most raligiou", tie most truest, hon. ektr.it, pnnctuallest, on thia Birth, I do." Mr. Arkiidkin, (with a profound bow,)?You are an American, I suppose 7 Polk?I thank a gracious, mussy I am ! I cm appeal to every ibiug that Is holy, and, laying my hand on my heart, declare I am an honest man. I scorn the accusa tion that I stole the complainant's dog. Thodngismy dog?mine by the laws ot heaven, airtb, right, naturu, and possession. Don Bernardo MrrrHY, very much agitated, here cried out?How yours 7 I can swear to the animal. 1 bought him of jou. Polk?You did. It's as true as I'm a free born man. Do* Bkmnardo?A man;who was an old servant of yonrs cornea into my service and steal* the dog. Polk?A blesseder truth yen never told, Dorr Bernardo?And I find the animal now again in your possesion. Polk (cuddling tha dog)?Yes, my old dog?yea, mv old Texas, it did like to come back to ita old master, it did! Don Bernardo (In a fury)?I ask your worship, Isn't this too monstrous 7 Mr. Aberdeen?Yotir Excellency will permit me to obsetvnthat we have not yet heard Mr. Polk's defence In a British court, justice must be shewn, and no favor. Tolk?I scorn a defence. Thodog returned to me by r lor of natur?its wicked to fly aa'iDKt a lor of natur. If I sold the dog, and by the irresistible attraction of cohe sion, and the eternal order of things, he comes hack to me?am 1 to blame 7 It's monstrove, heinous, reglsr blas phemy to say so. Mr. Aberdeen appeared deeply struck by the latter ob servation. Polk (continued.)?I didnt steal the animal.: flteal: Is a man oi my charactcr to becailsd a taief7 I annexed him ? that's all. Besides, what Jurisdiction hns this here court 1 what authority has any court on nirth In n ques tion purely American ? Mr bargain with I'on "ernardo Murphy took place out of thls'country?the d-?g came hack to me thousands of miles away herefrom. Mr. Aberdeen?In that rsso I really must dismiss the complaint. Allow mo to state my opinion, Mr. Polk, tha t the dog is yours ; I have no business to inquire intojqnes tioas or aonrxntion as you call it, or of robbery ai hi* Ex cellency here (very rudely, 1 nnst think,) entitles j our bargain. 1 entreat rather that gentlemen so respectable should live together in harmony; and?and I wish you both a very good morning Mr. Polk then left the office whistling to his dog, and making signs of contempt at Don Bernardo Murphy who slunk away in a cab. He bad not been rone an hour when Policeman X 31, came into the office ?nd ?ald, "P.' ate your worship, the Yankee annexed your Wor ship's Canadian wnlking-'tick in the passage." Mr. Aberdeen (sternly)?Mind yotir own business, fel low, Mr. Polk is perfectly welcome to the stick Presently another member of the force, O'Regan hy name, entered and swor* the incorrigible Polk had stolen his beaver hat. J. Mr. Aberdeen (good humoredly)?Well, well, I dare say the hat wain't worth twopence halfpenny : and it's better to lore it than to rqtiabble about it at law. O'Regan left the Conn grumbling, a d said it wa n\ so in Temple's time. [From Dublin Freeman's Journal, Maic'. ?''?) The intelligence from the Uniti d S .it. <? ? rf ih< deepen intercat. Texas is annov .f to <b. Wdm live Union. The now F.* f.th- Tiler, has had the honor and tha- /. a! . f !> v i--rI ? v d, during the period ot his si' -, ?,ir. a | to which th? whol< K....rslv >1 .o>v?r if ;ns gov. ernment lurt tor a con- .'er Wlr parted In en lilmnat exclusively drvo.t d rreat.ii-* w*a carried in tho Senate by a maturity ot t<- ? votes; the ontTN bera ut ei?!i< r aide > mn 27 to 2-1' ipawat the niea mire. And ?h'i d< ipii<? i .? ihr- ita <>' Hngland, aa despite ner aruhrj an1 '.<* in "reats, Texas is to lie ann> xe?', ?? d ihr doctrine of annexation t? proba bly t?? l come the enwiirg principle ot the United tHatral It is uue tnat this measure ia not yet completed. No formal cession of the new Repub* lie has been made on the one side, and no legalized acceptance has been given on the other. Eut both I parties are willing to enter into a compact, j and -we can all judge how readily, under such circumstances, the compact will be con eluded. We may look upon Texas, therefore, as alieady a portion of the United States. The Con gress h resolved upon the subject. It has left to the discretion ol the President the question of im mediate means. He may remit to Texas, for the approbation of its legislature, the measures adopted at Washington, or he may proceed at once to ad mit that country within the Union, by inviting the Texan people to send representatives to Congress, which haw bound itself for their reception. Con gress has, moreover, voted #100,000 towards the completion of the preliminaries, and the new Pre sident, in his Inaugural Message, which we gire elsewhere, " congratulates his couutry on the issue ot the deliberations," and pledges himself that, in his own emphatic lauguage, " lie will consummate the will ot the people by the re-annexationofTexas to the Union." What will England say to thisl We conlets ourselves very tavorably impressed by the good sense, calmness, impartiality, and firm ness which characterises the Message of the new President. We have read abler compo sitions?we have admired in those documents more largeness of grasp and dignity of style, but we never remember to have pe rused a state paper more clear and intelligible? one in which there was more success in accom plishing the calm explicitness and easy comprehen sibility ol common sense. But if the tone of the message is unpretending, the spirit of it is excel lent. H? gravely rebukes the " Native" party which has raised aloft the torch of discord in that happy land, reminding them that all citizens, whe ther by birth or by adoption, are equal: and while he regrets that this broad principle of taw and jus tice should have been forgotten, he congratulates his countrymen that in no other nation of the world has truth the same facilities for encountering and subduing error, or the people more interest in hav ing the laws obeyed. They who lookto this Mes sage for inf ormation ns to the commercial policy of the United States during the next four years, will find little to excite hope or create alarm. The Pre sident will not destroy protection where protection is needed ; but he contends that free trade should be the principle, and protection the " incident," and that tariffs should be framed for purposes of revenue, not for the undue sustainment of particu lar interests. In discussing the conduct of the " repudiating" States, the'President encourages by his approval those that have resumed the pay ment of their debts?he chides the tardiness of others, and expresses his convictions of the honest intentions ol" all. We h ive already quoted the President's language upon the subject of Texas?upon the occupation of Oregon he is fully as intelligible. While he pledg es himself that he will effectuate, by all " consti tutional means" the legislation which authorises the annexation of Texas, he declares that in "no less a degree will he maintain the right of the United States to the territory beyond the Rocky Mountains " Will England close her eyes to this development of a policy which will eventuate in herEpeedy and ignominious expulsion from the continent of America 1 The Pretident would ap pear to have mitgiviDgs as to the s'tps which En gland may (eel dispoi-ed to ttlie in euch a (nave conjuncture; and, like a prudent msn, he en ks to conciliate other nanrrs to th* measures he has adopted. He proclu r.'a to the world that the poli cy of America, io a policy cl r-aee, and, "there fore, the "xteasirn i i i.? ttiritory is but the ex tension of that j-euce." hut, appealing from the placidity io the interest of foreigners, with keener sagacity he i ^ds, that the possession of Texas, w iih her fertile territory and healthtul climate,will "open markets to the rroduce tf all nations." Thus it is that he cautiously endeavors to neutral ise lore;gn countries, while "the stripes and stars" are to fl at over the continent of America, from the St. Lawrence to Mexico! Already it may be said that the Oregon as well as Texas, is in the hands of the United States. What will England do? ItrltWIi Parliament. ThkRioht cf Shrch.?House or CohmonI, Maici 31,?The su'iject of the Navy Kstimates was brought be fore the House, end a long Ji cussion took place on tho condition ot the Bnt:?h fleet. Various opinions were ad vanced relative to shipbuilding and steam navigation, at applied to the purpose* of maritime conflict; but the chief intereat ot the debate ley in the speech of Lord Pal mertton, an J the reply of the First Minister el the Crown, on the absorbing subject of the right of search, both of which we subjoin Lord PALMfcRSToi*?1The present Government, I may say, without exaggeration, turned out its predecessor* and came into power on the pretcncc of a desire to extin guish the tlavf tra in. " Da not admit Brazilian sugar," said they, "lor such an importation mutt give enoou rageraeut to tho slave trade." Well, sir, what haa hap pened 1 The very first thing they did alter they came into power was to acquiesco in the refusal of France to ratify the treaty lor the suppression of the slave trad*. (Hear, hear) The next thiiig was, they left the United Statu out ot their engagement to co-operate fortbesup pieshion of that trade. And now they are about (indeed, tU< y have done it) to cancel the treaty with France alto gether. (Hear, hear ) Here is certainly an Inconsisten cy ; when nsUcd to encourage commerce, and give a scope to native industry, by a greater Importation of for eign sugar, then they told you that they were apprehen sive you would thereny encourage the slave trade. * ? ? ? ? This was the treaty which waa settled before we left office, which France signed, but refused to ratify,and hi.-h is no w to be caiacellod with the consent of tne go vernment. That memorandum wm transmitted to the re spective Courts, and no answer waa received till the Congress of Aix-Ia Chappelle, in September, 1P1& 1 must here observe that many persona are of opinion that the (Harts of thia country have only tended to render the traffic more cruel. ? ? ? . But it is stated here in a despatch of Lord Aberdeen, that pendirg that measure, whatever It may be, the right of senrch is to be suspended ; ond any child may see, if that right of sea:ch is suspended by the mutual consent of the two parties, it cannot he revived without the mutual con sent ot the two parties, ond ter all practical purposea it u entirely done away. (Hear, hear.) They have not the discretion to determine whether this or that measure shall be substituted far the right of search; they are re quired to find some measure < quivalent, or nearly ao,and tho government decide for them, that pending that exper mcut?,md for all time to come, though it ia not ao said? the ligiit of sccrch shall be placed in abeyance. And, to make ihe nutter morn humiliating to this country, the proposal to suspend the right of search, though obviously manufactured by the French government, appear* to be a condition arising1 Imm England, and Imposed by the government ot England on that of France. (Hear.) why, then. I say, it is painful lor me to see any two men of such high calibre as those appointed by the Freneh and English povcrnments placed in a situation in whieh they are compelled to do work so little worthy of the character they have hitherto maintained ; and 1 th nk it adds to the blame to be attached to the Government. * * I ashed, last July, for returns, to show whether the number of slaves landed on tbe coasta of the continent and island* of Amurica had not inereasad since we left office. My belief is, that it ha* increased. The measure* we adopted had reduced the number to a very mall amount Government say that it was owing to the exertions of Gen. Valdtz, and some sudden light which bunt on the Brazilian government. that the increase of alavea waa tending tr> endenger i.ie tranquility of that country?it was owing to the spontaneous efforts ef the government* of Cuba and Brazil. * r ? ? * ? There wn* the Ashburton capitulation ; there were con cessions to France on the affair* of Spain ; surrenders here, surrenders there and M. Ouizot?nndfng he had to do r ith men who, to nse the expression employed by my honorable friend, the member for Finsbury, were made ef sqaeezablt material*?said next sen; ic.n, " I have been taunted with backwardness, and I will negnolate. The case i* not quite so hopel"s* a* it was ls*t year. I shall cerhapi not expose myself to cuch a decided refuial." He did negotiate ? n* fudged rightly of the men Wtth whom he had to den! - themgotiation, though protracted some what longer than ho expectcd, hia been successful, and this government, out of complaiaarsce to a foreign power, and to Tiaintntn in his poit a foreign minister some aix month; longer than he might otherwise remain, to catch a few stray rotes In the Chamber of D.^pnHei, are going to sacriSce all these principles which this Parliament and nation have for !yeara held most sacred, and to condemn the innocent and unoffending inhabitants of Afncato an inc-eaaeof thoaeatttocitlesmhlch necesssr.h i>ecorr>*ty tho stare-trade. (Cheers) Sir, 1 shall on'y su> , if they pursue that course, it will be for all men to determine, and 1 shall leave them to chore* whetMrthey nre more justly chargeablc with then* 'mi erabie weakueaa, or the most hateful and d?tr*tnl>)> I">1- v- (LcudCheera) Sir Uoa.-.aT r*t- No lo"kt it bn very easy, in tho atateot iclattea* tietiri n Una country i?nJ France, to find oppor'*'i.i'; for ?ar, if y *i v i h? d it, but the minis ters both o: Kr ?lnn.t Krai c* thought that it would be most u.-.f?rt>iii it? t ? ' inieif tt ie civilization and humanity, as *< I h. ?.-? i !.i uif?*res'B of the two countriea, if a quar rel, an ire m ii sna llaland in the Tsciflc ocean, thou i.iirf* < i n.i.'rs cway hom both, ahouU involve them In a ft., (Cheera) ? * ? ? ii (. i weald consent to keep n very large naval force i: i* th? coi.it of Africa, cori'islly acting with na in the , ..miutioa to muke every i (Tort for the sunpreasion ef t: olivs trade, i nd if no consideration on tne score of iptate weri' eitflV red to interfere withthi*cordl?l nnioa, he believed that that course might be more rfficacieua than the right of search as it now existed. Tt waa the hope ot .(vising some such means thst the commission had been constituted. With rsapeot lo other matter* touched upon by the noble lord, as ihe noble lord oppo site (Lord John Russell) had given notice ol a motion upon the subject, he (Sir R. reel) thought it better to ab stain tioHi any reference to It, or matter* oonnected with it, until tin noble iorl had had the opportunity of bring ing forward that notice But whan the noble lord (Lord Paim riton) sa.d that, in making tho agreement whieh had been negotiated with Lord Ashburton tint the Govern ment had acted inconsistently with the honor, and bad sacrificed tho interest* ef thia country, to tbat *ta?emen

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