12 Nisan 1848 Tarihli The New York Herald Gazetesi Sayfa 1

12 Nisan 1848 tarihli The New York Herald Gazetesi Sayfa 1
Metin içeriği (otomatik olarak oluşturulmuştur)

m XT' A XX . Whole No. 5060. Vleoi In KnglUh of U?? Hcvoluilon In France, fKrom the London Chronicle, March II J The anpt-al to the public f rom Lord Ashley and Mr Stafford, on behalf of the 44 many thousands of English workpeople who have been suddenly driven from France, without in many instances having received the arrears of their wages, or being permitted to bring with them the smallest portion of their property," contrasts curiously with the congratulatory address from the Eng lish residents in Paris to the new republic, eotemporaueous'y reported by the newsptpers Our countrymen, both at home and abroad, have laid aside their ordinary sobriety of language and de- j ineanor, to express their adiniration of the noble qualities exhibited by the French people; our loixjinir strfteam>'n have emulated each other in disavowing the remotest wish to embarrass tiie provisional government, as well as in expressing the most earnest desire to cultivate friendly relations with the new republic; yet the Knglish are selected as the first victims of a system which, unless some Bpeedy and effectual check be put to it by the leaders (if there are leaders) of public opinion in France, will undo all that has been doing for the last thirty years to remove national prejudices, and bind over the whole of Europe, by the common bond of interest, to peace. Tha Mayor of Rouen promises compensation ; but the provisional government should come forward to denounce so flagrant a dereliction of their favorite doctrines ot fraternity, and purity their country from the stain. Have they already forgotten the Btinging reproach of Sieyes ?" You wish to be free, and you do not know how to be just." M. Lamartine is not the only member of ilie provisional government who can write with spirit and elfsci. The style of two very important circulars that have just appeared?from M Carnot, Minister of Public Instruction, and M. Ledru-Rollm, Minister of the Interior?is unimpeachable; but we cannot say the same of the matter; and as it is now almost universally agreed that u republic is the only form of government that affords a chance of the restoration of tranquillity, it seems most extraordinary that the very men who have taken upon themselves the direct responsibility of framing it, should persevere in weakening its foundations, and rendering almost inevitable the downiall of their work. It has passed into an axiom among political reasoners, that the two essential qualities m a legislator are knowledge and honesty of purpose; he should know what is best to be (lone, and he should be ready to do it Now let us see how M. Car not, the Minister of Public Instruction, writing to the rectors of the colleges or public schools, proposes to have the people instructed ?vnvAia? ntf nL/>fivi> frnnohiflp 44 Th? greatest error (be Bays) against which it is necessary to warn the inhabitants of the country, is, that it is necessary, in order to be a representative, to have education and fortune. Ab to education, it is evident that a worthy peasant, with good sense and experience, will infinitely better represent in the assembly the interests of Ins condition, than a rich and lettered citizen, who is a stranger to coautry life, or blinded by different interests to those of the mass of the peasantry. As to fortune, the indemnity which will be allowed to each of the members of the assembly will be sufficient lor the poorest." Th<- peculiar business of the National Assembly will be to resolve problems which have perplexed the wisest of mankind : to form a constitution ; to settle a new system of taxation ; and to determine whether competition or association be the best principle on which the rights of labor should be based. The repfsentaiive does uot come, merely to represent the interests ol his condition; he comes to legislate for France, for Europe, for the world; and he may come, according to this Minister of Public Instruction, perfectly uninstructed either in the history or practice of legislaiion, and trust entirely to good sense. The following ure r few ot the requisites indicated by an eminent English statesman: "To s.and upon such elevated grouud as to be enabled to take a large view ol the wide spread and infinitely divermfied constructions of men and all.nrs in a large society ; to have leisure to read, to reflect, to converse ; to be enabled to draw and court the attention ot the wise and learned wherever they are to be found ; to be a professor of high science, or ol liberal and ingenious art; to be utnong rich traders, who from their success are presumed to have sharp and vigorous understandings, and to possess the virtues of diligence, order, constancy, and regularity." The advantage of fortune is, that it gives leisure and independence; it is not, in itself, either knowledge or hquesty ; but it is, to a certain degree security for both. "Goon (wrote Junius to Woodfuli) and secure an independence, however small; without it, no man can be happy, uor, I fear 1 must add, honest." The indemnity of twenty-five franc* a nay is the very worst part of Uie measure ; for it extend* indefinitely ttie l.st of candidates, converts trie representation into n mttier, iiulda out a premium to poiiticii adventurers ot the most dangerous class, uud gives them a specific interest iu procrastinating tlie public business, and humoring the worst prejudices of their constituencies " It must not be torgoiien (continues M. Carnut) that in a great assembly, such as is about to meet, the greater number ot its members tuliil the part of a jury. Thi y judge by ' yes' or ' no,' es to whether the matters proposed by the 6Hlt ol t .e meinbi rs be good or bad. They have occasion <u..y lor honesty and good sense ; they do not intent. Tuts is the fundamental principle ol republican law in the matter of national representation." Ttiey are to judge, not invent; but it rtquin-s something more than honesty und good sense to torin a s mud opinion on political questions; aud to assimilate the members of u legislative body to a jury, ie preposterous It is e-tsy enough to say tiut in?-y aie to t?- guided by ill- cite; out who aie the il\tt! Tut rich and letu red are disqualified ; the bowgeoitie are proscribed en mam; the established celebrities, Tniers, Aloie, Odiilon Barrot, Dipin, lterryer, fee , w ill he regarded wit i suspicion if iliey get scats ; so that " the worthy peasant" will iinve to ex rcise his unsophisticated judgment at starting, in order to decide who, during the remainder ot the h ssion, is to und-rt ke the tuk ot thinking lor litin. Bur M ' uiuot knows wlmt he is about, and the re d object of this circular is clear The adhesions to the provisional government prove nothiug?rfGt. evi 11 approval, much it as preierence. dI u p publican t"rm oi government. As well arpu ill .t a inau who ciuug to a raft in a shipwreck, prclrrred a rait to 11 ship. We may tat It that tlu- subdivision ot pr.qu riy, mid the inipos nihility of raising bulwarks nil-id a throne in I-' tuc?-, I ave 110 alternative lor the present; but tin re 11 mill a s rung leeling in lavor ol monarchy i" some ol the agriculture! districts, n? well hi inion the mul-lle class, who are oegnning to be very seriously alarmed at the shock given to commerce, and the (narked hostility directed against themselves. The object of M. Carnot's cucul.ir 18 to counteract tins feeling; and or summons the 30,000 primary instructors "to rise nt I as appeal, inM contribute the tr put in foundtatr ilte republic 5" that is, in inducing ihe elrct irs to vol s .leiy tor republicans " What France r< quires is new Men. A revolution must not only renew institutions, but men ulao." Ai. Ledru Kollin, in his Circular to the comniissarics <>l depurtm -nts, spcasa u still more decided language: "Let not generosity degenerate into wv-kn-ss. Tike lor your rule that public functions, in wha'ever degree ol the hierarchy,cm only oa confided to tried republicans." ?" A' the head of each urrondissem-ni, of each municipality, place sympathetic unri resolute men. Don't be tender of your instructions to them* uiiininte their zeal Hy m ans of the coming elections, they hold 111 their hands the destinies ol France. Let them give us a National Assembly capable of comprehending and completing the work of the people?in one word, all men of the eve. and not ol the day alter?tons hotnmcn ile la vi ille et pa 1 du Itndemain This is a striking illustration of thepaes'ge we quoted the oih-.r day from M da Tucquevilie, to show how a system of centralization might be employed by a dominant party in France.? Suppose, every branch of local administration in Lngtand to be under the immediate, control ot n metropolitan authority ; suppose sheriff-*, clerks of the peace, local judges, county iiu?istratex, deiuiiy I *'11 tenants, grand juries, mayors and bailiff*, us -veil as t ix-g .thereis, and other persons connected with the revenue, to be directly Uependent on the government j and suppose the Home Secretary and the President ol the Council Hending express orders to each ot them to exert all the influence he can command to carry their csudidates. This would all'o d but a taint notion of the course which MM. Ledru Itollui and Carnot have pursued, no doubt with the full onnction of their colleagues. The National, the organ of one section ol the government, slier stating that " the assembly must be the true expression of the country,*' announces the formation of un grand Comitf radi E NE NET cal rtpublicain it Parif>, to correspond with the provinces and ensure the triumph of republicnnisrn. "Let there be no misunderstanding regarding our intentions ; the only candidates we will accept are those who are nrttement frankly republicans. Let people consider themselves forewarned ; we will not accept another form of government; and our minds are made up to consider as an intrigue and as treason, and to be treated as such, every combination which should again put in question the republic proclaimed in the days of February " Ws always thought that the definitive settlement of the form of government was left to the National Assembly; hut this is a curious mode of collecting "the true expression of the country." r^rom the London Standard, Maroh 11.] The Paris papers of yesterday, brought by express, show great efforts to maintain the public credit. Thev abound with advice and assurances having that'end. Several important decrees appear in the Moniteur from the ministry of finance; the first relates to the mode of paying out the deposits of the Savings' Banks; the second alienates the crown diamonds, and converts to money all the gold and silver found in the nalacss of the king; the third alienates the rojfhl forests, and the fourth does the same by the state forests By the fifth decree the lot) millions remaining of the loan of August the 8th, 1847, are to be immediately emitted, the subscriptions to be open for a month. Marrast is named mayor of Paris A club, very ominous in the present state of affairs, has been founded. Its professed object is to control the elections, so that none but known republicans shall be returned to the National Assembly. This is supposed to be levelled at M. Thiers and OJilIon Barrot, the paper in whose interest loudly coudemns it. Multitudes of workmen are employed in reconstructing parts of the Palais National (late Palais Royal); also of the King's Palace at Monceaux. Five thousand men are employed at the Champ de Mara; and General Lamoriciere has demanded an increase in the army to the amount of 100,000 men?all these efforts being attempts to keep the mob employed. It is mere wtBte of time to employ it in speculating upon the proceedings of the fantastical provisional government that now acts the part of ruler of France. The people who Beem to act in the capacity of a government are mere puppets, moved by the popular humor of the moment, and sure to be thrown aside upon the first symptom of exercising an independent judgment, happy if they escape with a contemptuous dismissal. Even had we not before us proof that the crime of Louis Philippe (who had done more than any other man had ever done in any country in liberalising political institutions), was his aversion " ??? urn next fKia nlat n nvi/fanrin nf the motive for the late revolution before us, we could not look upon an arined and idle people with a distrusted army ot nearly 400,000 men to dispose of, without knowing how the aifdir must end. Still it is our part, and the part of every other European State, to leave the republicans without a pretext for aggression; justice and policy alike reeommend this part; juBtic, because independent States have a clear right to play the fool at home, as long as it Bhall please tlietn to do so at home, and only at home?policy, because the longer they indulge in their domestic folly, the less formidable will they be to strangers. We own that we are annoyed and disgusted at the compliments paid to the young republic in discussing its proceedings with the gravity with which we see them discussed; more annoyed and disgusted with hearing these proceedings applauded, as if all that is now going on were not a mere farce. The sous of Sisyphus, who, in our day, are reacting the blunders of Fox, Grey, Erskiue, Sheridan, and the other great men who were led astray by the revolution of 17S9, have not the excuse that may be pleaded for these great men, that they were without the instruc lion of example. Every one now kuows from the memoirs and histories of actors in the revolution 'heinselves, that the whigs were altogether wrong as to the motives and designs ol the revolutionists, and that Burke, by the force of u tr.mrcend.int sagacity, like Cromwell's, worth a thousand snies. was as well acquainted with every motive and design of the republicans ot 1789. us if he hud been taken into their councils. Frauce hus gone oack to 1792, and we, if we have common sense, will look for a sequel corresponding to that retrogradation. [From the London Hsrald, March 11 ] We have never concealed from ourselves that the provisional government of France had undertaken a work of gigantic difficulty, requiring the union of calmness, of courage, a knowledge of first principles, and of administrative details To suppose that in the excitement of a troubled tune, when credit is restricted, trade crippled, manufacturers languishing, the exchange tn dismay, foreigners leaving Paris, and hundreds of thousands of workmen unemployed, With arms in their hands?to suppose that, in ' such a moment, men without previous official or administrative experience, should have, in all cases, exhibited models of wisdom and discretion?should have disclosed the economic sagacity of a Sully?the knowledge and experience of a Colbert?or the philosophic acquaintance with principles and systems that distinguished Turgot?wus, indeed, to have expected far to much. Sullys, Colb'T s and Turgofs, are not at once improvised. Such plants ure of slow growth, and only come to m?turity in cycles of years, peradventure of centuries. They who expected such fruit of the first ministers of a violent revolution, changing not merely the pertonntl but the system, ehupe and frame of a neighboriug government, expected, we need hardly siy, far too much. Their hopes and expectations were much too rash?much too eager, and even up pear more unreasonable and irrational than any even the wildest tilings thai have occurred since the 22J or the 23J ol February. it u .u. ....r,... .., ?r ,i,? ll'JWCVCI IllUCil U16 |? nuiiuauvvo \ji tuv sioual giverument may astonish their friends and disappoint their enemies, they are sure at least to dissatisfy politicians who are so unreasonable us to expt ct impossibilities at their hands. The provisional government are not gifted with the power ol the philosopher iu " Ilasselas." They cannot ma&e the sun of July shine out warmly in cold and windy March, or give to Paris the dry salubrious air of Egypt, the truits ol the tropics, or the cloudless clime ot southern Spain Less than this, th y cannot in a moment restore public confidence, or place public credit or capital in the position in which both were a month ago Hut, though they cannot pcrfoim miracles?though they cannot cause the sun to stand still, or the south wind to hlow instead of blustering boreas?yet ttiey m iy, by th -ir conduct and their measures, allay unnecessary apprehensions, and by a judicious Course prevent vain fears, alarms and panics, from extending. It is impossible that such a convulsion as his taken place in France can happen without producing much suffering and many bankrupt- I cies. I i 18.10 there were hundreds and hundreds ol hi urea, tad we look also for in my in 1818 But we are satisfii.-d that in 18110, us now, many of these failures might h .ve t>. en prevented by a timely succor extended to commerce. No assistance con Id in 18110 have saved lor any uielii purpose the house of Latlitte, which had been long previously in u desperate state But many houses with abundant ass-ts were saved by the timely and judicious loan of 110,000,000.''then advanced to the com nerce of P?ris by th llmk o| France. Writing in London on a muter li iving reference to the internal economy of France, we arc, ot course, li-.ble to (all into some error ; hut j udgiinr from ihe events of Ootn ,er and No vernier amongst ourselves at til period of the commercial crisis, we should say that the provtsienal government committed a grievous error? always supposing their books were luirly kept, and their assets were sufficient when realised in a time of confidence and calm to pay all creditors?in not straining a point to uMord ussmt ance to the. house of (fouin M. (Jfouin, our readers should be made aware, succeeded in a great measure to ihe business ol LilHtte. The nead of the house had been deputy for Tours since 1831, had h*en named minister of finance in the cabinet ol the 1st of March, and thousands of tradesmen of Paris and the ban-lieue kept their accounts with hun. It would, luerclore, have spared all these individuals a great shock and a grievous c ilauuty, to have come to M Gouin's aid, even though au administrative principle were to he straiued in doing so Tins, indeed, the provisional government seems to have been aware of the day alter the failure?in other words, a day too late?for they then afforded that assistance to others (Lined to the deputy for the Indre and Loire. The provisional government are, however, but men, aud therefore fallible. To satisfy some of our contemporaries they must be more than angels. Without defending every one or even a majority of their acts, we hold them to have exhibited, from their first entrance into power, a good and a judicioua W YO N YORK, WEDNESDAY spirit. They have no doubt promised more in a week than they can perform in a twelvemonth. But that is a necessity of and incident to their very existence for a day?for an hour. All men succeeding to power, alter so radical and organic a change, must promise more than is possible, or more than would he desirable, if even possible. So it wns in 1783, 1700 and 1703?so it w?s in Frande in 183(1, aud in England in 1831, 1832, 1833 and 1834. Why should we expect human nature to lie different in 1848, after a revolution more awful, more unexpected, and more immense in its results, than any recorded in the page of history 1 Obstinacy, pride and blindness, the provisional government have not exhibited; but, succeeding to a governijient of obstinacy, blindness and pride, oased on the most soul debasing selfishness, fraud and corruption?they are forced into extremes the very opposite. They must yield too much and too often, and level themsdves down to the spirit that stalked abroad in the streets of Paris with a torch in one hand and a sword in the other. But whose fault is this 1 It is the fault?and the fault only?of those mad and silly men who resisted slight, but just und necessary changes six months ago, and who are now expiating their short sightedness, their perverse and pedantic imbecility, in exile und dis grace, ror me present, iei 11 ue unaerioou uy all statesmen and politicians, by all thinking men, that there is nothing to lean on but this provisional government. There is nothing to tall back upon hut anarchy if they be removed or set aside; and who will not say that the worst measures yet issued by the existing authorities, or that can emanate, from them, are not prei'ereble to civil war, confusion,plunder,or a recurrence to street-fighting and barricades! M. Guizot appears to have been for the last two years placed in the unfortunate position so aptly described by that famous Frondeur, the Coadjutor of Paris ; " It est des conjunctures (says the cardinal) dans Icsquelles !on ne peut plus faire que des faultsThat certainly was uie late of the still, soured, and arrogant pedant, made for his sins a minister, and it might be considered his misfortune too, did not a man who knew human nature better than any man of his time, or ol ours, tell us " La fortune ne met jamais Its homines en cet (tat qui est de tons de plus malheureuv." If this present revolution was, as the <Siicle says, ' inevitable et indomptableit was made so by the perverse and dynastic selfishness of the ex-Monarch, and the | unsynipithising, unsocial, and wholly Genevese, character of his first minister. Of the people or their opinions, the late French Minister for Foreign Affairs, though greatly his superior in every respect, kuew no more than our own Peel. Of the Doctrinaires, indeed, he knew the opiuion, as Peel does of the millowners, the Manchester cotton men, and the followers of the money muck; but Eugland is no more exclusively composed of millowners and Manchester men than France of stifl, squ ire-built pedants, or Swiss economists. One of our contemporaries, the organ of Peel, the economists, and the holders of heaps of unemployed money, has endeavored to raise a prejudice against the provisional government, by quoting, unfairly, isolated passages from former worltH of Louis Blanc; but if Peel were treated after this fashion, and Hansard called in evidence against him, where would be the wisdom of his solemn blagne set to the variations of forty years of perpetual change ? We seek not to defend every word or every writing of Louis Blanc. But, unlike Peel or any of his disciples, he is an admirable relator and painter. There is no Clumber heaviness?no Tatnworth prolixity ?no Gladstonian paltering in a double sense, about hint. At least you know what he means ?what he would be at, aud that is more than can be predicated of Uie most substantial, the most artful of human mystificrs. The thoughts of Louis Blanc are often robust; his reflections are nearly always original; he is too manifestly a true mau, and sincere. There is no dryness of heart?no "artful dodging"?no callous selfishness about hiin. Can as much be said of any ot the Peel-Liucoln politicians 1 LouisHlanc may be, and is, we believe, most mistaken on many points??tt some points his views are noxious and nonsensical; but on his public character there is no stain. What he is now, he lias been since 1832 and 1833, wnen, in his I9ih year, he caine up troin the College of lthodez to assist the National. To some we may appear to attach too much importance to this in inost respects clever, but in many respects most mistaken young man; but when we state that his character and his writings have been for the last fortnight the whole stocK in truile ot tlie writers ot two daily Hondou morning jouma.s, we may be pardoned tor telling our contemporaries something of a person auout whom they evidently know nothing whatever. [ Also from the Herald of M.\roh 11 ] When the future historian of the revolution ot 1848 shall sit calmly down to collect the many and extraordinary facts connected with his subject, he will not tail to advert to the remarkable readiness and unanimity of the episcopate in France, in adopting und proclaiming the republic. The Romish bishops are notouly not lukewarm in their adhesion to tne new order ol things, but they are in the very first ranks ol those who are cheering with their applause the destroyers ot the monarchy. They accept the revolution almost belore it is ottered, and that nothing may be wanted which the sanctity of their office may confer, they commend its perfect success to the prayers ot the faiihtul. Hasty as was the flight of^Louis Fnilippe, trie last print of (he tool of majesty hid not disappeared from the soil of France before the republican llag floated in the breeze from every cathedral tower, whilst the vaulted roots within re-ochoed to the souud of Domint salvum facjiopulum, substituted, at the shortest possible notice, lor the too quickly forgotten Domint salvum fac regtm Tins impetuosity of the priesthood, however, w i* even surpassed by their singular agreement. The recognition of the fall ot a dynasty came not Irom tie lips of this spiritual autocrat or of that, but from the lips and hearts of all. The prelates ol the French church, in their several dioceses, in a mom 'tit, as it were, took the same view, and adopted the same course, without taking counsel, without conferring upon the nature ol the crisis or the duty of their order in a terrible emergency, they received the news of the events only to welcome them with acclammation, and to circulate them for approval. It would he uncharitable to suppose that these . I ?L'...r_ I. ..I ...... I, . in Hiiuriuuiij UillOB ?JU amy naiiu nuan.*t? bringing . bout the c it isir.q>he, which they hail with such unequivocal delight, or lhat they themselves attempted to work out tne perlect immunity and autonomy of their church, for which they vainly contended ii^inst the rorueil d'etat of Lotiis I'mlip,?c, in the uucanonical veswneatol tne blo'ite llui may they not have had the sagacity to anticipate the down'ttil at hand ! I' d the confessional breathe no huit of th?* coming whirlwind, und whs there no agreement oelon hand on th-ir position, which it behooved the ehnrc.i to assume, for needlul protection from the storm ? It u, perhaps, as impossible to arrive ut a satis lactory solution of thea- questions, as it is to quell the suspicions that naturally sugg- si themselves to the distant and impartial observer; but ths data winch reach us are not to be mistaken We submit them to our readers Let them ni ike of them what they may ! To quote the various circulars or pastorals issued on the occasion of the revolution in different dioceses, is by no ineaus nee-ssary?the strain of them all is identical. They evuicu no Christian sympathy for the sun winch has declined?they welcome with hymnsol praise, the not wholly developed orb that is ascending. Two of the must import mt ot these documents, are, however, worth consideration. One is from ihepen of the CardiualArchbisliop of Lyons. Tins haughty prelate may be remembered by our readers. It was he who, some two or three years ago, set the now dethroned king and Ins council of State at defiance, when they ventured too question the archbishop's right to prouounce a judicial sentence of condemnation upon u woik on the ecclesiastical law of France, from tlio pen ot one of the first lawyers in the kingdom. This lofty usscrter ol the prerogative ot the church laconically observes, With reference to (lie fall ol the ex-king, that "It is the hand of Cod who overturns thrones, and dashes crowns to pieces in his righteousness," and directs Ins clergy to "set to tne failhtul the exnnple ol obedient ? and submission to the republic. You have often wished," he continues, "to enjoy the liberty which mikes our brethren of the United Stat s so happy; that liberty you shall have If (lie authorities wish to plant the national lligon the religious edifices, eagerly second the wishes of the magistrates. The iNg of the republic will always be a Mag of protection to religion." The pastoral then gives a few phrases complimentary to the lower orders, and concludes wun a direction to read tae missive from every pulpit. The second document, and that to which we deeire particularly to draw the render's attention, i D F T1 rt n xj MORNING, APRIL 12, IS is a far more lengthy performance than the production ot the Archbishop of Lyons. It is a manifesto of no fewer than five closely-printed pages, and has all the weight of authority that the pen of the Archbishop of Paris can communicate. The Parisian prelate starts with an explanation of the principles upon which the Romish hierarchy are tenderiug their more than passive obedience to the powers that be, and then come, in their nakedness, the staggering principles themselves. The Metropolitan, like his brother, is a bold interpreter of the mysterious purposes of H?aven. With the penetrating glance of the clairvoyant, both discern the visions hidden to the mortal eyes of meaner men. Will it ba believed, that whilst the king, who a month?a week?before received the hollow blessings and the adulation of hia arch-minister of truth, was still a fugitive in the land, the gifted archbishop had the modesty to declare, that he " at once recognized the mysterious designs of Him who delights in showing to kings that their majesty is borrowed," and that no christian could do otherwise than " adore, prostrate on the ground, an act of justice so prompt and so terrible " as the dethronement of the sovereign whom he had himself served, and the substitution of a republic, whose value, to say the least, was as yet not fully established or easy to ascertain. These declarations made, the guileless prelate proceeds to argue, by a train of reasoning certainly novel in a Romish hierarch, that the democratic principles now proclaimed and dominant in France are, and always have been, ilie fundamental principles of Christianity, and the " Catholic " churcu. Of ell the revelations which from time to time have proceeded from the " Catholic" church, this, perhaps, is the most barefaced and astounding. For fifteen centuries and more the Romish church has inculcated, as all men must know, principles the very opposite to republican, and yet, with the glaring lact Btaring us in the face, the .Archbishop of Paris is ready to " adore prostrate on the ground " republican institutions, because they represent the very policy of the church ol which he is so ingenuous a disciple. Put let the archbishop explain the seeming anomaly! It is astonishing how much contradiction is susceptible of explanation in an expanding church, or amongst squeezable divines. Gases of conscience are not to be tried in courts of common law. That which takes the garb of contradiction before the vulgar, becomes reconcileable and agreeing truth when explained by the initiated and the learned. The church, the archbishop (of Paris) tells us,if she has not proclaimed her vitally republican doctrines, has, nevertheless possessed them. Because a man does not display his sovereigns on the. teble, it does not follow that his purse is not laden with gold. " It was not the mission of the church," says the Archbishop of Paris, "to force upou the world a doctrine (the doctrine of democracy identical .with that of Christianity) which was to cause no other blood to be shed than that of Christ's apostles and disciples." But this is not all! The writer, daring to the last degree, DOiuiy asserts inai noi oniy nave ine clergy of France in all ages been the chief detenders of the national liberties, but th it if the clergy have stood aloof from constitutional governments established in France since the restoration, it is simply because such governments have not been liberal enough. " We had no favor for the political liberties which are proclaimed by the oppressors of the church and ot the country?those on which the foot of the conqueror trod?those which were never aught but the stalking-horses of ambition and covetousness. But we shall iavor those liberties which are about to triumph, because their object will be to protect the rights of all alike, and to insure to all the members of the great family, not a chimerical happiness, with which we have been so t^ften deluded, but all the happiness ol which u great nation is capable under laws and a perfectly just government." We have nothing more to say. We give the words of the archbishop as we itnd them. The moral to the humblest intellect is obvious. If we are not prepared here in England to see every principle.hi loyalty swept away, and Chartism rampant m wis ittuu, in u? oeware oi ropery, thai lulls prostrate before democracy, and hates royalty when most it seems to worship at its shrine. [From the London A theme urn, March 11 ] The revolution now 111 progress of accomplishment in France yields?as so entire a reconstruction of society must?its morals to every class, and, avowedly unpolitical as are the column ot the Athenaum, yet there can be few great political movements which do not ailard a tact or an inference to the especial iuterests of which we and such as we have charge. In the midst of a subversion so sudden and complete, and with so much for the revolutionary workers yet to do, the time for safe inference is not come: and we will confine ourselves to facts?recording from time to time such features of the great and complex action going on as affect the particular world in which we are laborers. The prominent fact, then, is, that the third French revolution has seemingly completed the work which the second had begun, in assigning to mind the supreme social p >si*ion, aud elevating the intellectual professors to b; form illy? as at the time of the first revolution they were virtually?the rulers of France. The new convulsion has been consummated?so far us there is consummation in the matter?and is iu progress of being consolidated by a band of poets, men of letters, artists, and scientific celebrities. Such names as Lamartine, Victor lingo, licranger, and Arago, are turning up iu the highest places. In the case of M. Hugo, some minor incidents have made the moraj of the change striking. He was one of those in whose person the influence of the second revolution had already made itselt visible. As a mere literary man, he had attained to one of the most eminent of social positions?being a Peer of France. We waive the witticism which, on liis being made a Mayor of Paris, played with the moral, after a French fashion, by asserting that he had been transformed from a pin into a mire. But it is worth recording as a direct expression of the substitution which lias taken place, that wiien a mob in the Palace Royal shouted, "Down with him: he is a retry me cry 01 -never mma? lie in a poet!" converted the denunciation into shouts of " Long live Victor Hugo !" The i?oet is to be the peer of thrice-revolutionized France. As journalism made the revolution, it is natural, too, that journalism should he one of the first orders in the State to benefit by it. The stamp duty on periodicals is abolished, and a reduction ol price to the reader has, oFcourae, followed in many instances?probably will in all. We may mention, as a fact worth pondering by the public of this country, where sound literature is so important to ttie well being of society, and yet on account of the fiscal burdens to which it is liable so de ir?that the present price of the Prttse, one of the best conducted journals in France, is three filths of a penny, English money?little more than half a penny per number' Tne descent of the spirit ol communism, too, from politics into the relations of commerce, is another fact well worth noting. It will be curious and instructive to wa'.cli the working of such a principle, should it spread?which seems philosophically impossible. 15orn of the long sense ot intolerable exclusions, it is seeking to push itself to consequences practically absurd. It would destroy, in t i lirld of enterprise and speculation, the great Fgo which has in all time been ilie moving and presiding spirit there. The \ rinetple ot association, Which is a mighty moral lever, carried the length of communism parts with its fulcrum. However perfect as a theory, the litter is the merest transcendentalism?unfitted for practical application, and adapted ouly to a condition ol limits I'erieci iikc iisriv, miu wiicic cmci|tnsc aad eflint nrc not needed.. Some of the commencing forms of its exhibition, however, we borrow, for tho instruction of our readers, trom a contemporary, the Daily New*. The Northern Railway Compiny has announced its purpose oi making all individu.ilsot every rank and class in its employment, from the president and the englneor-in-caief to the humblest station man, stoker, and plate layer, virtual partners in the enterprise, and participators in its profits. Private establishments are one by one following a like course. The case more immediately to our point is that of the journal, La Prt**e. at the head of whose leading column i.ppeartd the other day the following announcement of its new systematic entity :?"The proprietors of the l'rts't, called together by M. hmtle do Qirurdin (one of them,) agree unanimously to the principles here* alter stated, already adopted by the company of the Northern Railway Company; association ot lahor and capital?division of profits. Henceforward, in every industrial enterprise, all the salaries ol laborers, workmen, foremen. clerks, engineers, directors and managers, shall be made a common fund with the capitalists, with teierence to the labor ot one and the capital of the others. The profit* remaining, after the payment of labor and dividends on capital, [ERA] $48. and for providing a sinking fund to pay oft the capital, shall be divided hetwef-n all, according to the amount of salary or dividend of each. In consequence they decide that the division of the proceeds of the Prmst shall be made as follows:?1 Payment of Balance. 2. Interest of capital at 5 per cent, according to the average orofits of the Prt*?t, from the 1st of August, 183?, the dav of its purchase, comprising therein the sinking fund. 3 Division of the profits in the proportion of capital in money to capital in labor represented by the amount of salaries " This word "salaries" must have some more nobie import. The proprietors of the Pretse, therefore, extend it, without distinction, to editors, clerks, compositors, correctors, printers, distributors and folders. One of the earliest effects of the revolutionary change has been the resumption of the suspended courses in the different colleges?or, as they are in futHre to he called, lyceums?of Paris. Nor should we omit to chronicle the fact that while our neighbors are disposed to seek a rnoj?I i... ,i?. ; ? .u? i i UI.I-. uv.i iui men uciiiuuiaujr in iuc i mini utawn, they are prepared to take a hint as to their personnel of government front China. M. Caruot, the Provisional Minister for Public Instruction, has addressed a circular to the heads of academies announcing the adoption of the rule of advancing the most promising scholars of" the primary schools into the secondary educational institutions; from which and from the superior lyceums there will be a regular selection ot the ablest pupils for public offices of honor and emolument in the several departments of the admi- 1 nistration. This plan, opening up to industry and genius the great path to high employments, is communism of the right sort. It nroperly belongs to another part of our paper, but may be mentioned here as bringing the whole of the subject together, that the Minister of the Interior, in issuing his mandate to the director of the Louvre to open the exhibition within fifteen days from the 29th of February, has decreed that all works sent in this year are to be received without exception. Such is every where the order of the hour in Paris; there are to be no disappointments. Everybody is provisionally qualitied for every thing. It is of more permanent import to state that a meeting of artists of all classes wus held on the 5th i net., ut the National School of the Fine Arts, on the convocation of the Miuister?at which M. Ingres presided, and M. Dslaroche took the vice-chair. At this meeting a provisional bureau was charged with the task ot organizing the best meaus of meeting and voting, in order to name in the five divisions of painters, sculptors, Sic., architects, musicians and composers, dramatic authors, journalists, /?ummcn-des-U'ttres, &j., and dramatic perlormers, permanent committees to represent the different bodies, and communicate with the government and with each other. r .k*. ..?,,.1U1 k.luro.n 1U now many luiiuo uuto uic ('aianui uu,n? w** the Three Days'and the Two Days'Revplutions present itself ! What observer of opinion m\nifesting itself in literature can avoid speculating on the fruits of excitement among those who are " in," and of the sad* leisure awaiting those who are "out!", M. Gui/.ot, tor instance, has time to resume his old habits?under more favorable circumstances than were permitted to M. Peyronnet in 1830. Let us hope that no Baron d'Haussez redivivus is coming among us to patch up the deficit in his revenues by a levy on the circulating library of incorrect and vulgar gossip. But what of republican France 1 lias M. Hugo no dithyrambs to add to the series which began with the death of the Due de Berri and the baptiBm of the Duke of Bordeaux t Will the new ferment quicken into life auytliing so strange, so forcible, so fervid, as the genius of George Sand ? Will M. I!cranger, us an academician, have any more songs to write 1 The last change but one yielded to the Theatre Fran$ais its " Bertrand et Baton"?the antiquity of whose satire already is something marvellous. Will M. Scribe have anything to say respecting the new posture of affairs! His * Puff," we see, is in f ull representation ; but that was written during the past reign. " Lea Aristocraties," by M. litienne Arago, has, also, been represent ed at the Theatre de la Nation. Som^)f th? literary men who have made name and fame under former dynasties, are, we perceive, already on the alert. M. Alexandre Hamas bids fair to be the subject as well as the creator ot a century of inventions. Naturally enough, his egotism, fertility and ubiquity, olfer too tempting a subject to be neglected by the paragrnph-niongers; and, accordingly, he is made to figure in one of the earliest pages of the history ot the republic. But it must surely be a broad stretch of fancy to assert that the historiographer of the Monlpensier marriage, whose " 1 and the prince" looked so grand in print some two years since, has already vowed allegiance to those who have driven out his royal associate. It were to make the swagger too gross and the servility too mean. The world, of course, expects an indignant denial. What if it come not! But all tne old pictures seen in new lights produce a strange bewilderment ot ideas. M. Einile de G-irardin haranguing over the grave of Armand Cairel?and the friends of Carrel, caught by a phrase, clasping the hand that slew him?are among the strange effects shown by the wnirligig of time and change. A correspondent has called our attention to a prophecy by Lady Hester StCOlMpC, Uttered some twelve or fourteen years ago, iu reference to M. de Linmrtine, which recent events mike sufficiently remarkable to ainnse and iuterest even our most unsuperstitious readers. It is, at the least, u literary curiosity. In this case, as iu many others, says our correspondent, the prophecy may have, at least partly, occasioned its own accomplishment. The passage is extracted trotn U<i Latnarune's " \ oyage en urieni, una ia as follows " Croyez ce nue vous voudre/., me dit-elle, vous n'en ofs p is mains un de ces hommes que j'attendais, que la Providence m'envoye, et qui out une grande part a accomplir dans I'ccuvre qui ee prepare. Bientot vous retourucrez en Europe; 1'Europe eat finie ; la France seule a une grande iniaaion a accomplir encore. Vous y pariiciperez?je ne scis pais encore comment, maia je puia vous le dire ce soir si vous le desire/, quand j'aurais consulie noa etoiles.'?? You sec, adds our correspondent, madness is sometimes the telescope of trutli; only it sees through a glass darkly?apart, not the whole. [Krora the Manchester Ktaminer, March 11 ] Twenty days have scarcely elapsed since a revolutionary moli drove Eouis Philippe from his throne; yet, already, law and order reign ag iin supreme in France; and no where has any destructive convulsion or conllagration, anarchic or alarming, interfered to mar the etf'oct of the lesson which tne revolution of 1S48 is calculated to teach. The middle classes ot France have proclaimed by conduct, still more emphatically than by word, that civilization?that what is most valuable in civilization?does not depend on kings, ordynasties, or ministries; but th it as, in the course ot centuries, it has been slowly evolved without the help oi these, so can it continue to exist, in tranquil and fruitful order, when these, and what belongs to them, have vanished. The working classes of France?they, too, have more than once repeated that old proclamation of theirs, which cannot be repeated loo often;?"Kings, or dynasties ol kings, governments by whatsoever name you go, unless you look a little after us, the workers, assure us who are ready to toil, due worka-uid subsistence in exchange for it, you really cannot remain on this earth Hny longer'" 8uch ia the proclamation which the working classes of France have made in these very weeks once again, amid the sound of tailing thrones! Where French peers i .-i.. _ . 1 (i 11ru_ idieiy hvu, ttliu ucU'liru, ? uu biiuu i/c jiiiiiibter, there now ait Eouis Iflunc, the newspiper editor, and working men in blouses, passionately decreeing the "organization of labor." Such is the result that comes of pay ing no heed to the proclamations of working classes. For the rest, in reply to the question which all Europe is now putting to itaelt?" What will come of it? How can labor he organized in France?in Europe 1" what answer can we or any other man or men return? It is enough to know that the matter is being debated, will be debated (the men in bloutt* taking good care of that) until what is altogether impracticable and ius ine in the much talk and writing that late years huve produced, be separated from what they hold of practicable and sane?so that the | Utter only shall be permnm ntly embodied in the i daily ways of men. Enough tuat the question ot the ' organization of labor" has lAseii raised i by tins French revolution, into the altitude ol a t European one, to which all practical men, as well as all thinkers, must forthwith address I themselves. It is not a problem that one gene- t ration can solve?its solution will tax many generations. Let us be thunklul that it is to ue ut < least attempted, and rest secure, now as ever, ot t a good issus. t Apart, then, from this fathomless business of < " organizing labor." what has France to gain by j its revolution 1 May we not say that, already, t LD. rrtM two Cant*, by the very fact of its revolution, France hw made an immense gain?has assured itself that it really is alive, und not dead?that it haa force enough to make away with and abolish the palpably false, whether it may be able or tot to evolve and reconstruct the true. King Louis Philippe and company sate there, in high places, these eighteen years?doing what 1?lowing the wind, and they have reaped the whirlwind:? taxing, intriguing, diplomatising, bribing, with an elFrontery that grew everyday prouder of itself. Other countries have suffered the like, and borne it, if not quietly, yet unresistingly. And now the mob ot Paris rises, musket in hand, and sweeps awav all that. A great gain, surely: the necessary antecedent of all other national gains. And so France is once more a republic. The ppRceful burgher will no longer see the iniquity which his sire and his grandsire tought to abolish, rampant in court?on throne. The man of talent, he too, is enfranchised ; behold, at last, the republic invites, say, beseeches him into his tilting arena : la carriere est ouverte aux talents ; ?" The tools are to him who can handle them!" The peasant, the operative, what hashe I Hope, at least :?this new government was his making?it can hold together only it he support it ; whoever may go uncared for now, surely it will not be he ! On Monday, came out the decree for a national assembly, to be chosen by universal suffrage and vote by ballot, of the whole thirty millions ?not by some 170 thousand placemen, actual or exnectant thereof. It is to be choken in the early weeks of the forthcoming April, and to meet at Paris with the opening of May. The last national assembly, of universal suffrage and vote by ballot, that Prance remembers, was in the Autumn of 1792?fifty-six years ago. Like this new one, that old one met after France had hurled down its kin" and proclaimed itself a republic ;?so far ancfno farther the resemblance reaches. In all other respects, what a contrast! In 1792, France was divided against itself? royalists and clergy against republicans, department against department?La Vendee darning up in insurrection,?the Paris prison chokeful, Boon to be emptied by massacre?Prussia and Austria rushing over the frontier to extinguish the revolution?the Duke of Brunswick and :i(),000 bayonets acting as extinguisher. And now' From furthest north to lurthest south, not a murmur ol discord,?church and mammon, peerage and peasantry, Rothschild and the Archbishop of Paris, Marshal Hoult and Marshal Bugeaud, all with a real jpy (for Louis Philippe tiad no friend) acknowledge the republic. Prussia, Austria, Russia, look on in dismay, and far from attacking France, think only of what minimum of "constitution" their subjects are like to force from them. Mnt th?? Ipnet ai irn i (" en n f nnt fh?> Ip.lBf nrn mising token of the future of France is the temper of mind, which, according to all observiis, the French display under these new, unexpected circumstances. Nothing of the old fanfat otxadt, extreme of enthusiasm alternating with extreme of desperation ; silent satisfaction, rather, and, may we not say, tremulous hope in Heaven. "1 saw," says an observer, "the Paris population escorting its slain ones, in solemn procession, on Saturday last, to lay them beside their slain lathers, beueath the July column?mute patriotism of a new generation joining the last one, also mute. There was something very Btriklng in the silence with which, on the whole, the ceremony was transacted." It is a new quality in such t rench solemnities, this of silence ; and full of good augury ! Important from Yucatan,. f Kroai the N. O. Picayune, April 4.] The schooner Montane, Capt Stoddard, arrived last evening from i.aguna, whence abe sailed on the 'JOthult. The situation of affairs in the peninsula is deplorable. Tne Spanish moo and their descendants are threatened with extermination. The oltlsens of Valladolid and Izimalfora long time held out ugainet the assaults of the Indiana who surrouuded them, but early In March they began to despair of making good their defence, so hotly were they presa ed. They begun to deliberate upon falling back on Menda, and thus take up a new Una of defenoe, and this pur{ose, we presume, they executed, for the next we learn i that a host of Indiana had surrounded Merida Itself? report *eta their numbers down at titty or sixty thousands. These mar he exaggerated. but every new snoems mast swell their ranks, and there seems no hope for the Spanish race nnless the authorities of Havana Intervene lu the meet strenuous manner. The inhabitants of Ltguna have betome terribly affrighted for their persouul safety. Pnbllo meetings wero held and addresses sent t? Com. Perry praying that he would In uo event evaooato the island?not even should peace be made between Mtxloo and the United States. They set forth in the most moving terms their desperate situation and the probable success of the savages. We have not the commodore's reply, but we presume he promised his protsosion front the flattering manner in which the editors speak of him. The commodore left Carmen on the l<Uh, on an excursion to visit the ruins of Fulen<iue. On the 24th he ailed on the steam frigate Mlssiesippi lor Vera Cruz, accompanied by the Scorpion, Spitfire and one other vosstl. Copt. Stoddard informs ns that ths U. 3. steamer Iris was to sail from Carmen for Sisal, to take off the inhabitants of Sisal and transport them to Lsguna to prevent them from being massacred by the Indians or driven into the sea. The situation 01 ths peninsula Is Indeed pitiable, but wo have not room to onlarge upon the aubjeotor make farther use of the means so kindly placed at our disposal. FOR THE SCAT OF WAR. The United States schooner Major l.ear, Capt. Preble, and tbo sohooner Cadmus, Capt. Southard, left last evening for Brazos Santiago with government stores The United States steamship New Orleans, Capt. Anld, left on ths 2d Inst. for Vera Crus, with government stores. The following passengers went over on her: Gen. Kearny, ilou. Mr. Sevier and suite; James U Mix, Com'r.j U F. Pelrson, U.S. N ; Col. Fiesco, Capt. Hunter, 2d Illinois regiment; Capt. 1> C. Berry, Massachusetts regiment; Lieut. Gilmer, Kogineer Corps; Capt Badger, Lt. Wood, Lieut. G. Patten, Capt N. H. Nlles, 21 Ohio volunteers; Lieut. A.Jackson, Cupt. Blandiny. Capt. Osmur. one detachment of drasuous from Jefferson bar racks, Mo , and one detachment if mounted men from Tennessee. aud one detaohmeut of infantry recruits.? AT. O. Pxcaxjune, Jl/tril 1 ARMY INTIU.1GSNCS. The United States schooner Pioneer, Capt. Martin, aud the United Mates schooner Arispe, Capt. Jones, left thla evening for Port Lavaoa.Texas; also the United States schooner Col. Cross, Capt Rogers, for Brasee Santiago, and the United States schooner Gen. Patterson, Capt. Jackson, for Tampioo, with government stores.?S. O Picayune, Jiprxl lit, (>?n. Shields was at Pittsburg on the 7th, on his way to Mezioc. Col. Jason Rogers, of Louisville, died In that olty on the 31 Inst. Col. Rogers was for many years an effloer in the regular army of the United States. Hewas Lieut. Col of the Louisville Legion in Metioo, end had the honor of b?ln< appointed military and oivil governor of the oity of Monterey In the earn* oitf, on the lid lust., died Lieut. Stephen Johnston, United states Navy. FUNERAL OF LIEUT. HENDERSON. The remains oi this ga'lant young soldier were borns to the grave ou Sunday with all due honors?honors becoming the man and tha soldier.?Pxciyune, Jlpx,1 4. FROM 7HB PACIFIC. Among the paesengore arrived at New Orleans, on hoard the Avon,from ilaveua. was MiJahipman l.ee,bearer of despatches from Com. Jon**, whom he left atCalUo,on the Ohio on the Sd Kobruary Mr. Leeoame to Havana by tie British steamer from Chagres. He bric>;a late ?dvices from California, where every thing waa progressing favorably, and the eonntry perfectly tranq ill,? AT. O. Bui! fin, jd/>ri{ 3 NAVAL 1NTKLLI0KNCB. Tha If. 8 eloop of war Gercnantown. Com'r. Lowndes, dropped down under sail on Saturday irom the nsvy yard to the anchorage of the Naval Hospital Her dee tlnatlon is the Golf of Mezico. The U. 8. brig Bninbridge, Lieut. Corn's. Slaughter, bound to the Coa". of Afrioi, got under \. y on Saturday, and dropped down to H. Roads; w?'l sail first fair wind. Com Perry left Liguna f.ir Cum peachy, on the 1st March, with U. S. ateaiaeis SooTpion, Iris, Water Witch and Bonita. Th? bri; Vwutitn, aai tho sohoonrr K'>l--j, I.(tot Com. UImioo, were at I.igunv Maroh )^:u. Brio on, Jlpril 10. PuiLAuSLruiA, April 11, 1848. Pmtntaliim of n Flag, <V<'Our French citizens have hid a splendid American (lag made, at the establishment of the Messrs. Horstmann, designed to be presented to tlie French llent volent Society, as a companion for the trl-colored (lag presented to the same association a short time since. The French residents are making extensive preparations for a demonstration, to take place within a short time, witli a view of expresomg their sympathy with the cause of republicanism. The steamship Columbus has delayed her de pariure until Thursday, and tn the meantime th&. necessary repairs to her engines are going on. The break w.is caused, it is said, by the engineer backing her out of the dock without shuting oil the air-pump piston. '1 he jury in the rape case before alluded to, lave returned a verdict of not guilty, but ordered the detendant to pay the costs. The Legislature of the .State adjourned sins lie at noon to day. Two of the bills vetoed by he Governor have been passed by a constitulonal majority in both houses. One is that :hariering the Ocean, Delaware and Philadelphia telegraph Company, and the act ?xtending die charter of the Delaware County Bank.

Bu sayıdan diğer sayfalar: